UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
/
GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS
AND
FULASYNTAX
YEROSYLLA
1979
1

---

U1TIV3RSI'I"I OF C,\\LIFC'RIa~"'.
Los Angeles
Grammatical Relations
and
Fula Syntax
1
A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree Doctor of Philoso~hy
in Lineuistics
Yero Sylla
1979
--.-.

---

•
The dissertation of Yero 3y11a is ap~rovedJ and it is·
acceptable in ~uality and in form for uub1ication on
microfilm:
-l~Lll'1(l,t"S.~ ..
_
Stephen R. Ande~son
- C~tPl!.a
- -------r-..
tu
.-- .-.----.- - ..
Christopher Ehret
t'lm. E. i:Jelmers
-~~.- "
Russell G. Schuh, Committee Chair
University of California, Los ~n~eles
1979
. ff
ii

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6) r;on~Tri:h t ];::r
'-: 9ro q~.Tl1a
1979

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abbreviations ••••• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .'. • • • • • • c xiv
AcknOllledglllents •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• xvii
Vi ta •••...•..••....................................••••• .x.ix
Abs trac t • . . . . . . . • . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • .xx.
CHAPTER I:
General Introduction ••••••••••••••••••••••••• l
1.1
Grannnatical Relations in l!odern Linguistics ••• 1
1.2
Thesis outline •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 2
1.3
Linguistic classification and main dialect
are as • •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 4
Grammatical sketch •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 5
A note on orthography •••••••••••••••••• 5
Noun class and consonant gradation ••••• ?
Verbal system ••••••••••••••••••••••••• lO
Voices.~ ••••••••••••••••••••• 10
Case marking ••••••••••••••••• 13
1.4.3.3
Aspects and Tenses ••••••••••• 16
Pronominal system ••.....••••••.•.••••• 18
Functions of the Noun Phrase ••••••••••••••• 22
On subjects •••••••••••••••.•..••••••••••••••• 23
2.1.1
Coding properties ••••••••••••••••••••• 23
Preverbal position ••••••••••• 23
Subject-verb agreement ••••••• 25
iv

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2.1.1.2.1
Discussion of nom-
inalized verbs in
(ii) ••••••••••••••• 29
2.1.1.2.2
Infinitives •••••••• 32
2.1.2
Behavioral properties •••••••••••••••••• 35
2.2
On Indirect Objects ••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 39
2.2.1
Indirect Objects of DO type •••••••••••• 40
2.2.2
e-marked NP's as IO's of Oblique type •• 44
2.2.2.1
On the semantics of e-marked
I~P , s ••••••••••••••••••••••••• • 45
2.2.2.1.1
With directional
verbs •••••••••••••• 45
2.2.2.1.2
Hith handling
verbs •••••••••••••• 51
2.2.2.2
e-marked NP's and grammatical
1
relations ••••••••••••••••••••• 56
1
2.2.2.2.1
Subjecthood, Di-
rect Objecthood,
and e-marked NP's •• 56
2.2.2.2.2
e as a marginal
Marker for Goals ••• 58
2.2.2.2.3
10 status of e-
marked NP's •••••••• 61
2.3
On Locatives •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 64
2.3.1
InternaI Structure ••••••••••••••••••••• 66
v

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2.3.1.1
To ••• to ••••••••••••••••••••••• 66
2.3.1.2
Prepositiona1 nouns ••••••••••• 67
2.3.1.3
Locative extensions ••••••••••• 69
2.3.1.4
Beginning seria1ization ••••••• 73
2.3.2
Locative NP's and Grammatical Re1ations80
2.3.2.1
Subjectivization •••••••••••••• 81
2.3.2.2
Pronomina1ization ••••••••••••• 86
2.3.2.3
Ref1exivization ••••••••••••••• 89
2.3.2.4
Re1ativization •••••••••••••••• 91
2.4
Instrumenta1s, Causatives, and Benefactives ••• 93
2.4.1
Instrumenta1s •••••••••••••••••••••••••• 94
2.4.1.1
Instrumenta1s and Source
locatives ••••••••••••••••••••• 94
Instrumenta1s and Causatives.100
2.4.2
Benefactives ••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 104
2.4.2.1
Benef~et1ves and Goa1s •••••••• 106
2.4.2.2
Cooccurrence of Benefactives,
Recipients and Causees •••••••• 108
Foc tno te s •••••••••••••••••••••••••..•.••••••••••••• 112
CHAPTER III:
Syntactic Tests for Termhood ••••••••••••••• 116
3.1
Focus and Re1ativization •••••••••••••••••••••• 117
3.1.1
Strategies ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 117
3.1.1.1
Focus ••••••••••••••••••••••••• 117
3.1.1.2
Re1ativization •••••••••••••••• 119
3.1.2
Simi1arities ••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 122
vi

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3.1.2.1
Relative tense requirement •••• 122
3.1.2.2
Possessor and Pronominal NP's.143
3.2.3
Dissimilarities •••••••••••••••••••••••• 126
3.2
Reflexivization ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 133
3.2.1
Horphology of Reflexives ••••••••••••••• 133
3.2.2
Test for termhood •••••••••••••••••••••• l;6
3.2.3
Further properties ••••••••••••••••••••• 139
3.2.3.1
Focus ••••••••••••••••••••••••• l;9
3.2.3.2
Clause boundness •••••••••••••• 142
3.;
Pronominalization ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 144
3.4
Conjunctive Subject Deletion and Equi ••••••••• 147
Foo tnotes • . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . • • . . . . . . . • . . . . • . . . . . . • . • 150
CHAPTER IV:
A Syntactic Analysis of Anaphoric Pronouns
and Clitics •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 153
4.1
The pronoun-antecedent relation •••••••••••••• 153
·1
4·.1.1
Forms of anaphoric elements ••••••••••• 154
4.1.1.1.
Possessive anaphoras •••••••• 155
4.1.1.2
Copy-pro anaphoras ••••••••••• 156
4.1.1.3'Neutral-pro anaphoras •••••••• 164
4.1.1.4
0 - anaphoras
4.1.2
The inter~ctjon of pronominal and 0
anaphoras ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 168
4.1.3
Constraints on anaphoric pronominal-
ization ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 180
4.1.3.1
Restrictions on clause types.1Bl
vii

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4.1.3.2
Restrictions on anaphoras ••• lB5
4.1.3.3
Suggested explanation ••••••• 190
4.2
Cases of cliticization •••••••••••••••••••••• 195
4.2.1
Word order ••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 197
4.2.2
Comparing short form subjectpronouns
to other pronouns •••••••••••••••••••• 200
4.2.3
Subject clitics:
further evidence ••• 202
4.2.3.1
Cls postposing •••••••••••••• 202
4.2.3.2
Relative subject clitics
(Clrs) •••••••••••••••••••••• 205
4.2.3.3
Environment of Postposed
subjects •••••••••••••••••••• 206
4.2.4
Cbject clitics ••••••••••••••••••••••• 2l0
4.2.4.1
Word order •••••••••••••••••• 2l0
4.2.4.2
Third and second singular
CIOIS and other nominals •••• 2l3
4.2.4.2.1
Common properties213
4.2.4.2.2
The morpho-syn-
tax of the IIsg
Clo •••••••••••••• 220
.,
phological rules
recalled ••••••••• 22l
ther environment
viii

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of IIsgClo's
lengthening ••••••••• 222
4.2.5
~lhat is a clitic in Fula? ••••••••••• 227
4.3
Clitic pronouns and their linear represen-
1
i
tf.. tion
229
i
4.3.1
Grammatical constraints •••••••••••••• 230
4.3.1.1
Order of two objects •••••••• 230
4.3.1.2
Order of a postverbal Cls
and an object ••••••••••••••• 232
4.3.1.3
Order of a postverbal C~a
and two objects ••••••••••••• 233
4.3.2
Fula clitics and their linear
representation ••••••••••••••••••••••• 234
4.3.2.1
On the II-I order ••••••••••• 236
4.3.2.2
On the I-III order •••••••••• 237
4.3.2.3
On the II-III order ••••••••• 238
4.3.3
Representation of clitics •••••••••••• 240
4.3.3.1
Cross linguistic proposals •• 240
4.3.3.2
Surface sequence of Fula
pronominal
clitics ••••••••• 243
1
Footnotes •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 246
ClfAPTER V:
On Passives •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 251
5.1 ·Definition •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 252
5.2
Passivization involving term NP's ••••••••••• 257
5.2.1
Relational approach •••••••••••••••••• 263
ix

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5.2.1.1
Advancement analysis:
evidence for obligatory
rule of ro advancement •••••• 268
5.2.1.2
Zvidence for an optional
rule of ro advancement •••••• 271
5.2.2
Transformational analysis •••••••••••• 279
5.3
Passivizing Verb-coded UP l s ••••••••••••••••• 282
r
5.3.1
Benefactives ••••••••••••••••••••••••• 282
5.3.2
Instrumentals •••••••••••••••••••••••• 285
5.3.3
Locatives •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 289
. 5.4
Fttrther discussion •••••••••••••••••••••••••• 306
5.4.1
Unpa.ssivizable verbs ••••••••••••••••• 3G8
5.4.1.1
NP complements of Igol •••••• 308
5.4.1.2
Predicate nominals •••••••••• 310
"Demotion" and rule interaction •••••• 312
~:~ Conclusion•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 316
Footnotes ••• ; •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 319
CHAPTER VI:
On Causatives ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 322
6.1
A syntactic analysis •••••••••••••••••••••••• 324
6.1.1
Constraints on causative cons truc-
tions ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~324
6.1.1.1
Causativization and voice ••• 325
6.1.1.1.1
Causativization
and active voice.328
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6.1.1.1.2
Causativization
and non-active
voices •••••••••••• 329
6.1.1.1.2.1 Causa-
tivization and mid-
d1e voice ••••••••• 329
6.1.1.1.2.2 Causa-
tivization and
passive voice ••••• 332
6.1.1.1.3 Discussion •••••••• 333
pho1ogica1 irregu-
1arities •••••••••• 334
"
non-causativization
of Passive and ac-
tive sentences •••• 337
6.1.1.1.3.3
On the
non-causativization
of sorne active
sentenqes ••••••••• 337
Genera1ization•••• 341
6.1.1.2
Causativization ~f extnnded
ve rbs •••••••••••••••••••••••• 344
'xi

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.,.
6.1.1.2.1
Benefactive and
Instrumenta1 •••••• 345
6.1.1.2.2
3imu1ative •••••••• 350
6.1.1.3
Scope Interpretation of
Adverbs •••••••••••••••••••••• 352
6.1.2
Pula ca~satives and 1inguistictheorY.360
6.1.2.1
Predicate raising versus
Complement causatives •••••••• 361
6.1.2.1.1
Fu1a morpho1ogica1
causatives are
simp1ex ••••••••••• 363
6.1.2.1.2
Pula periphrastic
causatives are
comp1ex ••••••••••• 365
6.1.2.2
Object relations in Fu1a
causatives ••••••••••••••••••• 366
Causativization of
intransitive
sentences ••••••••• 363
Causativization of
transitive senteno
ces ••••••••••••••• 370
6.1.2.2.3Causativization
of ditransitive
sentences ••••••••• 372
xii

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6.1.2.3
An alternative to a PR
ana1ysis •••••••••••••••••••• 376
6.1.2.3.1
The generation
.of Pula causa-
tives •••••••••••• 379
6.1.2.3.1.1 The
base component ••• 380
6.1.2.3.1.2
The
1exicon •••••••••• 385
6.2
On the semantics of
causatives ••••••••••••• 388
6.2.1
Coercive, manipu1ative,
directive,
and indirect causation ••••••••••••••• 388
Conc1usion ••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 397
Footnotes •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 398
CHAPTER VII:
On the Nature of Grammatical Relations:
Conolnding Remarks ••••••••••••••••••••••• 403
BIBLIOGRAHPY •• ~ •••• '•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 4~04
xiii

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AEBREVIATlONS
-/"'" ~,
A
active
ACC
accusative
BAP
backward anaphoric pronominalization
Ben
benefactive
C
consonant
Caus
causative
CIo
object clitic
Clrs
relative subject clitic
CIs
subject clitic
Corn
comitative
Con
continuous
Cop
copula
CS
class suffix
CSD
conjunctive subject deletion
Dat
dative
Deic
deictic
Det
de terminer
Des
desiderative
DO
direct object
EDO
embedded direct object
ElO
ernbedded indirect object
EP
emphatic past
xiv

---

ES
embedded subject
EST
extended standard theory
FAP
--/... ,~. forward anaphoric pronominalization
.Foc
focus
Forth
forthcoming
GF
general future
GP
general past
GR
grammatical relations
Hort
hortative
Inf
infinitive
Inst
instrumental
ID
indirect object
IP
independent pronoun
Loc
locative
M
middle voice
M.S.
menuscript
HS
matrix subject
Mvt
movement
Meg
negative
NP
noun phrase
DBJ
object
P
passive voice
Pass
passive inflection
Pl
plural
Poss
possessive
Post
postposition
xv

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Pr
Preteri te
PR
predicate rnising
Pred
predicate
Prep
pr~position
Pro
pronoun
Q
question
R.AL
relational annihilation law
Rec
-,/-~' recipient
Reit
reiterative
REL
relative
RF
relative future
RG
relational grammar
RP
relative
past
S/Su
subject
Sg
singular
Sim
simulative
So
source loca ti ve
TG
transformational grammar
Tns
tense
V
verb
Vp'
verb phrase
xvi

---

ACKNO~'iLEDGHEN TS
First, l would like to thank aIl my committee members
for their support during the writing of this thesis.
Russ
Schuh has been a great influence in my graduate career,
guiding both my M.A. and PhD. theses.
l have greatly ben-
efited from his knowledge of African languages, in particu-
lar, Fula.
l would espec~ly like to thank him for his
patience and constant encouragement.
Dr. Uelmers has been
my graduate advisor for the past four years, and as such,
has helped me in Many academic decisions l have had to make.
l would like to thank him for his helpful comments on my
thesis.
Thanks are also due to Steve Anderson whose course
in grammatical relations inspired a great deal of this work.
l would like to also thank Christopher Ehret and Michael
Lofchie for serving'onmy committee and Joe Emonds for
helpful discussion and comments on my passive chapter •
. ~,would like to express my gratitude to my sponsors,
the Applied Linguistic Center of Dakar, for having given me
the opportunity to pursue my studies in the U.S., the Ford
Foundation for their generosity, and the International
Institute of Education for sponsoring my stay in the U.S.
To my friend and colleague, Lynell Marchese, l also
wish to express my thanksfor constant discussions and a
fine typing job.
l especially thank her for making my
xvii

---

stay in this foreign land full of joy and success.
l
cannot even begin to thank my family--Boubou Sall
and Haby Sylla--who raised me and have been a great influ-
ence on my life.
l must also recognize the impact of my
teacher, Yaya Konate, on my early years.
Finally, l would
like to
thanlc my uncle, Mamadou Hous tapha Hone ,who opened
my eyes to the Many opportunities before me.
xviii

---

1tl'
VITA
1942
Born, Dode1, Senega1
1964-1965
Pedagogica1 training,
Centre de Formation Pedagogique,
Dakar
1965-1967
Student Supervisor, Ecole
normale
Hi11iam Ponty, Thies
1967-1968
Ecole Normale Superieure, Dakar
1971
Licence-es-Lettres, Lettres
modernesj
University of Abidjan
1973
Maitre-es-Lettres, African
1inguisticsj
University of Abidjan
1973-1975
Head, Departrnent of National
Languages, D.R.P., Hinistry
of Education, Senega1
1977
H.A.
(Linguistics), University
of Ca1ifornia, Los Angeles
1978
C. Phil.
(Linguistics), Univer-
sity of Ca1ifornia, Los Angeles
PUBLICATIONS
Sylla, Yero.
1975. "Esquisse sur le générique de Njeddo
Dewal 1t in Dernb al<: Tey, Vol. No. 2, PP.33-36, Centre
. d'Etude des Civilisations, Dakar.
Sylla, Yero.
1976.
Recit initiatigue Peul du l1acina:
Etude
Etbno1inguistigue, CLAD, No.62, University of Dakar.
Ali, Saeed and Yero Sylla.
1977.
"Perceptua1 transparency
and relativization: . a case study in Pula", Studies
in African Linguistics, Supplement 7.
xix

---

11
)
!
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
Grammatical Relations
!
and
fula Syntax
1
by
Yero Sylla
Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics
University of California, Los Angeles, 1979
Professor Russell G. Schuh, Chair
The goal of this thesis is to describe sorne aspects
of ?~la syn~~ in light of the notions 'subject of','direct
object of~'indirect object of', and 'oblique'.
The dialect
studied is Pulaar, ·spoken in the Fuuta Tooro region of
Northern Senegal.
Chapter l provides background information on the dia-
lect under study, including its classification and main
grammatical features.
Chapters 2 and 3 discuss the major functions of the
Fula noun phrases (Chapter 2) and several syntactic processes
which refer to grammatical relations.
These include Reflex-
ivization, Relativization, Focus, Equi NP and Conjunctive
Subject Deletion (Chapter 3).
Chapter 2 contains an
xx

---

examination of the rule of subject-verb agreement, some
evidence for the existence of two types of indirect objects:
DO and Oblique.
It is also shown that Fula is at a begin-
ning stage of serialization.
Chapters 4, 5, and 6 are syntactic/semantic studies
of anaphoric pronouns and clitics (Chapter 4), passive
(Chapter 5), and causative constructions {Chapter 6).
In Chapter 4 we propose atypology of Fula anaphoras and
examine the constraints on anaphoric pronominalization with
regard to the notion of markedness.
Some universals of
clitics are discussed and a representational device of
Fula clitics based on grammatical relations is proposed.
In Chapter 5, it is suggested that the passive rule in Fula
is
bett3r cap.tured without reference to grammatical relations.
Subsequently, we show the limitations of Relational Grammar
and a~~~for a transformational approach to Fula passives.
Chapter 6 deals with the syntax and semantics of Causatives.
We first examine the syntactic constraints on causative
constructions, argue against a Predicate-Raising analysis
and propose a lexicalist approach.
We also provide semantic
support for the syntactic dichotomy between Fula productive
(periphrastic) and lexical (morphological) strategies of
causation.
Chapter 7 concludes this thesis by making some obser-
vations about the nature of grammatical relations.
Data

---

from Fula suggest' that, rather than distinguishing individual
grammatical relations from each other, syntactic processes
may rafer to more general distinctions such as 'terms' ver-
sus 'non-terms', 'subjects' versus 'non-subjects', etc.
Thus, this thesis attempts to make a major contribu-
tion to the study of Fula syntax as well as providing
additional information on the nature of grammatical relations
in general.
,.
xxii

---

"-"" .:;
/ '
CHAPTER l
General Introduction
1.1
Grammatical Relations in Modern Linguistics
The purpose of this thesis is to examine some aspects
of
Fula syntax in the light of modern linguistic theories,
and determine tci what extent
such grammatical notions as
'subject of••• ','direct object of ••• ', etc. are appropriate
for stating syntactic generalizations.'
These notions, which are referred to as 'grammatical
relations', have been the object of saveral controversies
in
modern linguistics.
Initially, Choms~y (1965) defined
'grammatical relations' in terms of 'category membership'.
For instance,' a subject is that NP which is dominated by
S;
and an object that NP which is dominated by VP.
So,
within the framework of 'Transformational Grammar', gram-
.
matical relations are defined in terms of 'dominance rela-
tions' l·lithout being considered as .primitive notions.
Syn-
tactic rules do not refer to them.
In recent years, however, linguists have begun to dis-
cover that, in some languages, syntactic rules exist which
are sensitive to the notions 'subject' and 'object'.
,

---

This is the case in Samoan, Tongan, and Breton, ·all verb-
initial languages (Anderson and Chung, 1977).
In Breton,
j'
t
for example, a verb cannot be topicalized with its subject
but it can be topicalized with its objects.
More generally,
1,
. ' , , " -~.
work on language universals has shown
an impressive num-
ber of properties associated with grammatical relations
(Keenan and Comrie, 1972;
Anderson, 1976;
Perlmutter
and Pos tal,· 1977).
Indeed, work of this sort provides
strong support for a theory like IRelational Grammar l in
which grammatical relations are taken as primitives.
It is important to stress, however, that we are not
working within the framework of IRelational Grammar l •
In fact, at times, we have shown the limitation~ of this
1iheory (c.f. Chapter 5).
The main goal of this thesis
~-;
la to define grammatical relations in Fula in li~ht of
i'
the findings in univers al grammar and show that there are
several rules in this language which need to refer to gram-
matical relations.
Without discussing the matter any
further let me now outline the body of this thesis.
1.2
Thesis outline
In the remainder of this generalintroduction, we will
provide background information on the Fula dialect under
study, including its classification and a grammatical
sketch.
2

---

Chapter 2 examines the different functions of the
Fula noun phrase.
We define the notions 'subject',
'direct object', 'indirect object' and 'oblique 1 using as
criteria the position in the sentence, and coding, and
behavioral properties of the different NP's.
Chapter '3 is concerned wi th wha t we. consider to be
important tests for terrnhood, i.e. we suggest that Fula
has several syntactic processes which. indeed. refer to
grammatical relations.
\\ie have tried to support our
discussion by both language-specifie and cross-linguistic
evidence.
Chapter 4 is divided into two parts.
The first
section deals with the syntactic analysis of anaphoric
"/
pronouns.
A typology of FuIa anaphoras is proposed.
It
is also argued that the interaction of 0 and pronominal
anaphoras is determined by both the semantic and the
grwmmatical functions of their antecedents.
The constrain~s
on anaphoric pronominalization are explained with regard
to the notion of markedness.
The second section examines
the notion of 'clitic' in Fula.A systematic survey of
several cases of cliticization is given. then. the linear
repré~erftation of Fula cli tics is discussed in light of
weIl known universal principles.
Chapter 5 examines the controversial issue of passives.
We suggest that it is not possible to describe the rule of

---

f
Passive in Fula by making reference to grammatical
relations.
Subsequently, we show the limitations of
Relational Grammar as proposed in Perlmutter and Postal
(1977).
\\le then argue for a transf~rmational approach
to Fula Passives.
Chapter 6 deals with the syntax and semantics of
~
",,-;
causatives.
We first examine the syntactic constraints
on causative constructions and propose a lexicalist
approach.
We then show that the dichotomy
productive/
non-productive causation (which is apparent in the syn-
tactic behavior of the two major strategies of causation
in Fula) is also supported by semantic evidence.
Chapter 7 concludes this thesis by examining the
nature of Grammatical relations in general.
1.3
Linguistic classification and main dialect areas
,
.
Pula is spoken by the Fulanis. The people call them-
selves FulLe (singular Pullo) and refer to their language
either as Pulaar (Senegal) or Fulfulde (Hali and east-
ward).
According to Person (1977), there were more than
6 million speakers of Fula in 1940-50.
Nowadays, the
population is difficult to estimate because of the Fulani
dispersion in most West African states.
However, Person
suggests the actual population to be more than 10 million.
Fula is spoken in a wide area extending eastward from
4
it

---

·
....-
,J"A'"I :,.'
Senegâi, the Gambia and Guinea, through Hauritania, Hali,
Upper Volta, liiger, and Northern Nigeria, and reaching
into Cameroon and Chad.
It is commonly agreed that Fula
belongs to the West Atlantic group of the Niger-Congo
family (Greenberg, lS70).
For practical purposes, one
might distinguish (following Arnott (1970) six main dialect
areas.
1.
Fuuta Tooro
(Senegal)
2.
Fuuta
Jaloo
(Guinea)
3.
Maasina
(Mali)
4.
Sokoto and wester Niger
5.
'Central' northern Nigeria (roughly Katsina,
Zaria, Plateau, Bauchi, and Bornu Provinces)
and eastern Niger
6.
Aadamawa (Cameroon)
The dialect under study in this thesis is Pulaar, the native
language of the author, spoken in the Fuuta Tooro region
of Northern Senegal.
~4
Grammatical sketch
~.l
A note on orthographl
The orthography adopted in this thesis conforms to
the one proposed by the gove~ent of Sene gal (Republique
du Senegal, 1972).
It is an adapted version of the
5

---

orthography proposed at the Bamako Conference organized
by mIESCO in 1966.
In short, Chart (1) and (2) give the
consonant and vowel system of the Fuuta Tooro dialecte
(1)
a.
bilabial
dental
palatal
velar uvular glottal
stop
b
d·
j
g
P
t
c
k
implosive
b
cf
Y
ft'
q
fricative
f
s
h
lateral
l
tfiU'
r
,..,
nasal
m
n
n
semivowel
w
y
In addition, sorne consonants have geminate counterparts
which are diatinctive~
These are written with diagraphs
as seen below.
(1)
b.
nnn
nn
bb
dd
j j
gg
pp
tt
cc
kk
.:"' ...
tb
dd
fi
Nasal consonants are written with diagraphs:
mb, nd, nj,
ng.
6

---

Fula has five vowels as seen in (2)
(2)
i
u
e
0
a
Vowel length is distinctive and is written:
ii, ee, aa, 00, uu
~4.2
Noun class and consonant gradation
Fula nouns are grouped into classes.
The number of
noun class markers varies from dialect to dialecte
In
the Fuuta Tooro dialect
there are 23 patterns of agree-
ment.
Agreement involves nouns, adjectives, various speci-
"
fiers (demonstratives, articles, etc) and pronominal
forms (including subject
and object pronominal elements,
independent and possessive pronouns).
Agreement is
illustrated in (3) with the nouns sonndu fbird f (belonging
to the non-human class ndu) and colel flittle bird l
(which
belongs to the diminutive
class ngel).
(3)
a.
adjectives
son-ndu
maw-ndu
-
'" . ,
,r'
bird-CS
big-CS
lIbig birdll
col-el
jood-ngel
bird-CS
pretty-~
-
"prétty little birdll
7

---

b.
definite'articles
son-ndu
ndu
bird
Det
"The bird"
col-el
ngel
bird
Det
"The li ttle bird"
c.
demonstratives
nduu
sonndu
this
bird
"This bird"
ngel
colel
this
bird
"This little bird'"
d.
deictics
nduun
"That one"
ngeel
"That little one"
e.
non-nersonal subject uronouns
ndu
diw-ii
it
fly-Tns
-
f
"It has flown"
ngel
diw-ii
it
fly-Tns
"It (diminutive) has flown"
8

---

f.
non-oersonal object pronouns
mi
fell-ii
ndu
~
l
shoot-Tns
it
"I have shot i t"
mi
fell-ii
ngel
l
shoot-Tns
it (diminutive)
-
"I have shot it"
Furthermo re , a root may be used in different classes.
This is illustrated below with the paradigm of the root
yit- 'eye'.
As sho~m bythe suffix, this root may be used
in the
nde clnss:
yitere ~
'the eye'
de class:
gite
de
'the eyes'
ngel class: gitel
ngel
'the small eye'
kon class:
ngiton kon
'the small eyes'
ngal class: gital
ngal
'the big eye'
Note in the above examples that, depending on the suffix,
the initial consonant of the stem for 'eye' undergoes a
change in quality.
-Ttie change of quality in stem initial consonants has
been described in the literatul"e under different names:
Eermutation (Labouret, 1952), alternation (Skousen, 1972),
and gradation (Anderson, 1976).
In aIl these studies, it
is shown that Fula noun stems may appear in three different
grades (continuant, stop, and nasal) observable in both stem
9

---

and suffix initial consonants.
The grade in which a stem
initial consonant occurs is determined by the noun class;
and the grade of the suffix inital consonant is conditioned
by the stem it is suffixed to.
For example, the stem for
'eye'!1!-
shows a continuant grade in yitere 'eye', a
«,
st~p grade in,gite 'eyes', and a nasal grade ngiton
'small
eyes'.
The stem for 'head' h2Q= may only occur in two
grades:
a continuant grade in hoore 'head' and a stop
grade in koye 'small head', i.e. when it 'occurs in any
class different from
the nde class.
A class suffix may occur with different grades.
For
exwmple, the class suffix nde appears in a nasal grade in
loo-nde
nde [storage pot-CS Det) 'the storage pot', a
stop grade in tumu-de nde (calabash-CS Det) 'the calabash',
a continuant grade in wude-re
nde (cloth-CS Det) 'the
cloth' •
Verb stems also show similar alternations.
This will
be discussed in the next section.
1.4.3
Verbal system
W.3.l
Voices
There are three different voices in Fula:
Active (A),
10

---

•
Passive (P), and Middle (11).
Active and Passive voices
ï
are self-explanatory.
The Middle voice, on the other
i
hand, is less common in languages of the world.
Specifie
meaningsof the Middle voice will be discussed in Chapter
3.
Not every verb has three voices, however.
The fol-
lowing infinitives are examples of verbs having .three,
two, or just one voice.
Example of a verb with three voices:
suud- , hi de '
(4)
a.
suud- ~ - de
hide-A- Inf
"to hide"
(transitive)
b.
suud-aa-de
hide-H-Inf
"to hide" (intransitive)
c.
suud-ee-de
/
hide-P-Inf
"to be hidden"
Example of a verb wi th two voices:
yiJ:
'like'
(5)
a.
Yid:~-de
like-A-Inf
"to like"
(transitive)
b.
Yicf-~-de
like-P-Inf
"to be liked"
11

---

e.
*yid-.!!-de
1ike-H-Inf'
"to 1ike Ir
( in trans i ti ve )
Example of' verbs with only one. voiee
12

---

The variation in the initial consonant of verb stems
is determined by the number of the subject, and/or the
position of subject pronouns.
Thus, corresponding to the
Fuuta Toorodialect mi yeh-ii (I go-Tns) III am gone ll , l-le
have the plural form min n.j eh-ii (we go-Tns) 1I\\1e are gone ll ,
and n.jah-mi (go-I) "I went ll where the first personsubject
.
is postposed.
Note that the two latter cases require a
nasal grade.
Many verb stems show a continuant and.a
nasal grade.
Some, however, show a stop grade in the
singular against a nasal grade in the plural, also depend-
ing on the position of the subject pronoun, e.g.
mi jagg-
~ -S.I ..catch-Tns) III am caughtll , min n.jagB-e.ama (we
oatoh-Tns) IlHe are cal.".ght ll and n.ia.gg-aa-mi (catch-Tns-I)
"1 got caught ll •
For more detail on this issue, see
Anderson (1976b and Skousen (1972).
1.4.3.2
Case marking
Fula is an SVO language.
This order i5 very strict
in basic, unemphatic clauses. For example, the arguments
in the sentences in (9) can only appear in this order.
(9)
a.
Aali
~tt-ii
cukalel
ngel
A.
take-Tns
child
Det
"Ali took the child"
13

---

b.
mi
""
.
naam-iJ.
teew
ngu
l
ea't-Tns
meat
Det
"I ate the meat ll
Basic subject and objects are unmarked for case.
Fula has
a productive derivational system, however, l-lhich consists
in coding oblique NP's on the verb stem by verbal extensions.
These will be discussed in more detail in chapter 2.
For
now, the~ain verbal extensions of the Fuuta Tooro dialect
appee.::''' below:
-~-
(Benefactive):
addu-de
'to bring'
add-an-de 'to bring for'
~.
(also used as a goal-locative marker;
o..f. chapter 2)
-~-
(Instrumental):
jaggu-de
'to catch'
jagg-ir-de 'to catch with'
(also used as source-locative and causa-
tive markers; c.f. chapter 2)
-21l.-
(H6tion) :
war-de
' to kill'
lolar-2I- de
' to go killing'
-de-
(Comitative):
yah-de
' to go'
yah-d-u-de 'to go with'
... t-
(Repetition) :
ar-de
'to come'
ar-t-u-de
'to come back'
-n-
(Causative):
l'1ad-de
'to do'
wad-u.-u-de 'to make some-
one do'
14

---

-ondir-
(Reciprocal):
yah-de
'to go'
yah-ondir-de 'to exchange
visits'
-kin-
(Simulative):
daan-aa-de
'to sleep'
daan-~-aa-de 'to pre-
tend to sleep'
The above forms may undergo some variations.
The reader
May refer ~o Arnott (1970), Ka (1977) and Labouret (1952)
for a more exhaustive inventory of Fula extensions.
Aside from their meaning, Fula extensions have severa~
syntactic f'unctions two of which will be discussed in th~a"
thesis.Extensions can be transitivizing, or voice-changing
devices; i.e., they may add an extra argument to a verb as
in (10),
(10)a. mi
add- ii
ndiyam
l
bring-Tns water
" l brought water"
b. mi add- an - ii
ma
ndiyam
-'(
-
l
bring-fum-Tns
you
water
"1 brought you water"
or change the type and the number of voices that a verb May
have in its basic forme
For example suud- 'hide' is basical-
ly a three-voice verb (cf. (14) ).
\\ihen the simulative
extension is added, however, the derived verb can only'
occur in the Middle as seen in (11).
15
\\

---

.
,
,-./'''' .)
~--
(11)a. suud- kin - aa - de
hide- Sim-. M- lnf
-
"To pretend to hide" (intransitive)
b.* suud- kin - 0 - de
hide-Sim - 04.- lnf
-
"To pretend to hide" (transitive)
. c.* suud- kin - ee - de
hide- Sim - P - lnf
. "To pretend to be hidden"
Besides being marked by verbal extensions, Fula NP's
May be marked.by adpositions and/or by verbs with preposi-
tional meaning.
This latter occurs in what we later des-
cribe as beginning serialization (cf. Chapter 2).
1.4.3.3
Aspects and Tenses
In Fula, there are three aspects ( Perfect, lmperfect
and Subjunctive ) and several tenses which have been fairly
weIl described in previous literature (cf. Arnott (1970),
ka (1977), Gaden (1931) and Sylla (1977a)
). Fula tenses
include:. the Emphatic Past (EP), the Relative Past(RP),
and the General Past (GP) for the Perfectj the Continuous
(Con ), the General Future' (GF), and the Relative Future
(RF) for the lmperfect; and the Desirative(Des) for ·the·
Subjunctive. The forms of the tenses vary according to voice
as seen in the following chart.
16

---

:r
.~, .' .....
r.~.1/1
'#;t.-~ #'
(12)
Personal Pronouns
,~;,,~#
~.,{,
~.ctive
middle
passive
, ..~;
1lemphatiC past (EP)
~
i
·a
perfect
relative past (RP)
i
ii
aa
general past (GP)
ii
iima
aama
oontinuous (Con)
a
00
ee
imperfect
general future (GF)
at
oto
ete
- .
--.r" ,.;
/
relative future (RF)
ata
otoo
etee
subjunctive
desiderative (Des)
o
e
The above chart is adapted from Arnott (1970).
The names
are labels also borrowed from Arnott.
For specifie uses
of these tenses in the Fuuta Tooro dialect, however, the
reader May refer to Sylla (1977a).
But, sinee almost
aIl the examples discussed in this thesis involve
perfect sentences, 'a brief summary of the different uses
of perfect tenses is in arder.
The Emphat1e Past is mainly used in answers ta
questions where actions are emphasized as seen in (13).
17

---

(13)a. Question
ko
mbad- cfaa 7
what
do- you
"what did you do 7"
b. Answer
°d"/
m1
un-
~
mo
l push- EP
him
" l pushed him"
The Relative Past is used in all types of focus cons-
tructions (including clefts, pseudo-clefts, relative clauses
and question formation).
jhese are discussed in chapter 3.
The Relative Pastis also used in narratives; hence, it is
often referred to in the literature
as the 'narrative Past'.
The G~neral Past is the only perfect tense which can
be used in neutral independent clauses.
1.4.4
Pronominal system
Fula has a complex pronominal system which is shown
in the-,,,f"o-llowing chart (le: 1st exclusive j Ii: 1st inclusi-
ve ).
18

---

,
.l''~ ~ ~ ....
It is important tonote that long form subjects and inde-,
pendent pronouns are very marked.
For instance, long forro
subjects have aspectual meaning, in the sense that they
carry progressive meaning (e.g. mido
~aam - a (I eat-Tns)
"I am eating").
Independent
pronouns, on the other hand,
always carry sorne focus reading (e.g
miin
-
" i t 1 S me If )
•
Also, pronouns that show variants in chart (14) will be
fully discussed in chapter 4.
l assume, however, that ,the
first variants are unmarked.
For example, for the IIsg
19

---

short form subject, the first variant is ~ in
chart (14).
,/
The factors that determine the forms of the pronouns can
be syntactic, morphological, phonetic, or purely stylistic.
In this thesis, however, we will focus on the rnorpho-syntactic
factors which condition sorne of the variantsabove.
Non-oersonal oronouns
Non-personal pronouns consist essentially of class
pronouns which are not human.
Non-personal pronouns too
have-~lei~ own paradigme
This will be illustrated in (15)
,('
with four class pronouns.
( 15)
short form
long form
objects
independent
subjects
subjects
pronouns
ngel
(diminutive)
ngel
angel
ngel
kanngel
ngal
ngal
angal
ngal
kanngal
(augmentative)
ndu
ndu
andu
ndu
kayru
(mixed class;
non-human)
ngol
ngol
·angol
ngol
kanngol
(mixed class;
non-human, .
includes long
objects)
20
..

---

Note in the above chart that there is no difference in shape
between short form subject and object pronouns.
For an
exhaustive inventory of these, the reader May consult
Arnott (1970) and Ka (1977).
In this introductory chapter we have summarized the
history of grammatical relations in modern linguistic
theories.
We then out1ined this thesis and gave information
about Fula and the areas where it is spoken •. We ended this
general introduction witha sketch of important grammatical
features of the dialect under study.
21

---

CHAPTER II
Functions of the Noun Phrase
In this chapter we will discuss the semantic/syntactic
functions of the noun phrase in Fula.
We will investigate
term and non-term NP's in an attempt to determine their in-
ternal structures and behavioral properties with respect to
the major syntactic processes in Fula.
The chapter will be
divided into four parts.
First, we describe the rule of
subject-verb agreement stated in previous literature (cf.
Arnott (1972), Anderson (1976), Ka (1977)·and provide
additional support and explanation.
Second, in light of
~ univ~;à~l definition proposed by Faltz (1979), we argue
for the existence of t~o types of indirect objects in Fula.
Third, we will define the five coding strategies for the
locative phrase and propose an analytical typology based on
the internaI structure of locative NP's and their behavior
wi th respec.t to several syntactic processes..
In the fourth
. and last part, we will discuss the propertiesof other
verb-coded obliques such as instrumental, causative, and
benefactive NP's and show the syntactic constrairttsinvolved
when they co-occur with other term NP's.
22

---

2.1
On subjects
The notion of subject has been the object of several
controversies in linguistic theory.
In has been viewed
as a multidimensionnJ entity
(i.e, one which does not
represent a single dimension of linguistic reality (Keenan,
1975).
Sometimes the existence of
this notion as a uni-
versaI category has been questioned,on a language-specifie
basis (Schachter, 1977), or taken for granted as primitive,
together with relations like 'direct object of', 'indirect
object of' (Perlmutter and Postal, 1977).
In this section
we will first describe the characteristics of Fula subject
NP's which are specifie to the language.
We will then
examine some properties which are often been referred to as
universals
of subjects ta test their relevance to Fula.
1
2.1.1
Coding properties
2.1.1.1
Preverbal position
As we saw in chapter one, Fula has a rather rigid
word order, at least in unemphatic declarative sentences
containing full NP's.
In these sentences, it is always
po~s~bJ~Yo recognize subjects by their preverbal position
as in (1').
23

---

A1though the position of subject pronouns is flexible (as
opposed to full NP 1 s ) we May a1so... find sentences where
preverba1 pronomina1s a1ways correspond to subjects.
These
are the so-ca11ed long form subject pronouns (cf. chapter 1,
section 1.4.4 ) as seen in (2).
(2) a. mido
ni
ar-
a
l
Loc.
come-Tns
" l
am coming"
b. omo
~
naam
- a
he
eat- Tns
" He is eating"
c. eden
pij- a
janngo
we
fun- tns
to-morrow
"\\ve are having fun to-morrow"
Note that the pronouns in (2) carry a progressive or future
meaning ( Sylla, 1977a)
Un1ike other persona1 pronouns
(e.g. short form pronouns), long form pronouns never appear
24
.r,

---

in postverbal position.
For example, 3a and 3b are both
possible sent'ences in Fula
but -l:-4b , in which a long form
subject pronoun
is in postverbal position,is ungrammatical.
(3)a.
mi 'ar-
ii
l
come- Tns
- --,,,,'"
li
l have come"
b.
ngar
-mi
come - l
"I came"
(4) a.
mido
-
ar-
a
l
come- Tns
" l am coming II
b.'!:-
ar-
a
micro
Notice the change of grade( from glottal to prenasalized
velar) in the stem initial consonant of the verb in 3a & 3b.
This is actually due to the postposing of the subject
pronoun !!!! ' l ' i n 3b •. This phenomenon will be discussed
below in connection with the subject-verb agreement.
~
~2~._1~.~1~.2~~S_u~b~ject-verb agreement
The existence of a rule of subject-verb agreement
in Fula has been fairly weIl described in the literature.
AlI linguists agree that this rule is expressed through
the consonant gradation system and is conditioned by two
factors which we will illustrate as follows:
:r
25

---

(5) a.
suka
0
yeh-
ii
child
Det.
go-
Tns
"The child has gone"
b.
sukaabe
be njeh- ii
children
Det. go - Tns
"The children have gone"
(6) a. mi
yeh-
ii
l
go-Tns
" l am gone "
b.
njah-
mi
go
- l
"I loi en t"
yah- 'go' is a stem which allows a continuant and a nasal
grade (a stop grade shows up in nominalized forms only ,
see discussion below).
The examples in (5) contain full
subject HP's; 5a has a singular subject, and 5b a plural
subject.
As we notice, a change in number of the subject
'f
causes a change in the initial consonant grade ( y-~nj ).
In (6) we also have a similar change but with a different
conditioning factor,i.e. the change of grade is due to the
postposing of the subject pronoun.
Accordingly, previous
studies have made the generalization that subject-verb
agreement is dependent upon the number of the subject (which
holds for full or pronominal NP's), or the nosition of the
subject (in case i t is pronoun) Hi th respect to the verbe
_
f
.•'
In this section, we will discuss this generalization, show
26

---

the few problems it raises, and propose some solutions to
these problems.
_Ae ...!~!7 said in chapter 1, it is not the case that all
.t'
Fula consonants show the gradation phenomenon.
Thus, any
generalization on lubject-verb agreement which refers to
consonant gradation is limited.
Futhermore, Fula verb-derived nominals allow postposed
subjects but the grade change is not predicted by the
agreement rule. These nominalized verbs are co~posed of
(i)-infinitives, and (ii)- other types of nominalized verbs.
(i) infinitives
(7) a. mi
dar-
iima
l
stop-
Tns
"1 have stopped"
b. ndar-
ii.· - mi
stop-
Tos-
l
" l
s topp ed"
(8)a. dar- aa - de
mi •.••••
stop- M-
Inf
l
"For me
to stop •••••• "
aa.- de
mi
stop -
1-1 -In!'
l
" as above"
(ii) Other nominalized verbs
27

---

(9) a. 0
yeh-
ii
he
go-
Tns
"he's gone"
b. be njeh-
ii
'"
.,-
J '
"
they
go- Tns
"They' re gone"
c.* njeh-
be
go· - they
" They wen t"
(10)a. yah -
be
go- REL
"Ones
who are gone"
b .~!O n j ah -
b e
"as above "
As can be seen in (i) above, Fula infinitives take post-
posed subjects(cf. 8a).
However, even though the subject
is postposed, we do not get an expected grade ( i.e the
nasal grade seen in 7b). Rather, in 8a, we find a grade
which usually appear
with preverbal subject pronouns (cf.
7b).
The same phenomenon ls also found in (i1) which
involves othe~ nominalized verbs.
Note that third person
pronouns cannot be postposed in normal declarative senten-
ces (cf. *9c ).They appea~ in this pos1tion only in sorne
nominal~zed forms like those in (10).
Therefore, if
the
agreement rule should apply whenever there is a postposed
subject, it should be expected to apply in (10); but
.,
28

---

~(10b indicates that we do not get the expected grade.
This,
however .could be explained by the very nature of nominalized
verbs.
Because these have more nominal characteristics, we
expect that they follow the gradation rule which affect
nouns rather than the one which affects verbs.
This will
now be discussed in the next section where the two nominals
are examined individually.
2.1.1.2.1
Discussion of the nominalized verbs in (ii)
If we show that that the nominalized verbs in (ii)
behav'e like real nouns wi th regard to the consonant grada-
tion rule, wewould have explained why the rule of subject-
verb agreement cannot apply to them.
·To do so, we will first
1
recall the gradation rule which holds for nouns discussed in
chapter 1.
There we showed that the type of grade which
s~ows up with noun ~tems is dependent on the suffix of this
noun stem, and vice versa.
For example the stem!!! 'eye'
may have a continuant (11a) , a stop (11b), or a nasal (llc)
depending on the class suffixe
(11)a. ~itere
nde
eye
Det
/ " -.'
Il The
eye ll
b. Bitel ngel
eye Det
Il the
small eye ll
29

---

c. ngiton
N
kan
eyes
Det.
"The small eyes"
Like the above nominal stem yit- 'eye' the verbal stem
yah~ -, go"i-'may also show
a continuant grade Z • Therefore,
if nominalized
yah- 'go' should behave like a real noun
with regard to the gradation rule, we expect that it shows
the sarne grades as yit- 'eye' (seen in
(11)
) when it is
followed by the." Sar.le determiners. ExBlnple (12) shows that
this is indeed the case.
(12)a.
laa-ngel ngel
go-REL
Det
"The small one who's gone ll
b.
!liaa- kon
kon
go- REL
Det
"The small ones who're gone"
Clearly then, nominalized verbs (ii) ,though they retain
verbal characteristics1 follow the gradation mIe which
affects nouns and not the one affecting verbs.
This could
be futher illustrated with different stems: faam- 'understand'
and ..!:!l.:.' field' which are respecti vely a verbal and a nomi-
nal stem
with a continuant grade.
Consider the following
examples.
1
30

---

( 13) a. falo
.r
ngo
field
Det
"The fi eld"
b. Eale
de
fields
Det.
"The fields"
c. E,alal
ngal
big field
Det
."." ./
/ '
"The big field"
( 14) a. faam-
de 2
-
-Inf
"To understand"
b. E,aam
- Je
understand-REL
Det
"The ones who've understood"
··c. Eaam
-ngal
ngal
understand-REL
Det.
"The (big) one who's understood"
The examples in (13) contain the nominal stem
with dif-
ferent suffixes, and those in (14) contain the nominalized
ve!b with the same suffixes (compare 13b-13c to 14b-14c ).
In_.all these examples, the stems follow the gradation rule
which affect noun stems.
This explains the facts seen in
(10). Even though
the examples in (10) have postposed
pronouns.that act as subjects, these should not be treated
as .. personal pronounsbut as relative pronouns used in
31

---

in subject relatives.
This strategy of relativization .
will be dealt with in chapt,er 3.
For now, let us accept
as proven above that the nominalized
verb in 10a behaves
in fact like a real noun with regard to the rule of consonant
gradation.
2.1.1.2.2
Infinitives
Infinitivization is also.a way in which verbs may be
nominalized.
But, unlike the nominalization seen in the
preceùi.ng-· section, infini ti ves have less nominal characte-
ristics.
For example, infinitives do not appear in specifie
independently occurring nominal classes, nor can they be
possessed as regular NP's.
As for their verbal characteris-
tics, infinitives take personal pronoun. subjects, and are
inflected for the preterit (e.g. naam-
noo- de (eat- Pr-Inf)
IIto have eatenll
)
~tc •• Yet, we saw that infinitives do
not follow the subject-verb agreement rule. That is, although
they
may
have postposed subjects, we do not get the
expected grades.
Futhermore, postverbal pronouns which are
subjects of infinitives always appear in accusative form;
i.e. infinitives always take accusative subjects 3 as seen
in the following examples.
(15)a. mi dog-
ii
l
run- Tns
III have run ll
32

---

b. a
dog-
ii
you
run- Tns
"You have run"
c. 0
dog-
ii
he
run- Tns
-
"He
has runtl
d. en
ndog-
ii
we
run- Tns
"We
have run"
e.
on
ndog-
ii
-
you
run- Tns
"You have run"
(16)a. dog-
de
mi
-
l'lU1-
Inf
r l-
"For me to run ••• "
b. dog-
de
ma
run- Inf
. you
"For you to rune • "
c. dog-
de
!!!2
run-
Inf
him
"For him to run •••• "
.-
d.'dog-
de
men
.." '"
l'lU1-
Inf
~
"For us to run "
etc.
33

---

Example (15) contains a paradigm of pronominal subjects
(in the nominative case) occurring in preverbal position
with finite verbs, and (16) a paradigm of postverbal prono-
minal subjects which occur with infinitives.
Note that
the subjects of infinitives are in the accusative case.
That is, they have the same form as the pronominal objects
found.wiJh finite verbs as seen in (17) below.
/ '
-.
( 17) a. Aali
bett- ii
surprise-Tns
"Aali has surprised JY~U 1
.
lh~m
This shows that infinitives are different from finite
verbs. The fact that subject pronouns
which follow infini-
tives do not trigger the application of the agreement rule
can be explained
if we assume that infinitives are nouns
in a certain class, wi th the class determining the grade of..
the verb root. Thus, we cannot obtain the nasal grade in 8b
because it is the infinitive Marker
~ (from the nde-class)
which determines the variation of the verb root.
That the
infinitive Marker is a reflex of the ~ class is supported
by comparative evidence.
First, there are four attested
infinitive markers in Fula dialects as seen in (17').
34

---

(17')
dialect of ••
infinitive
corresponding
marker
noun class
Fuuta Tooro, etc.
-de
nde
Aadarnawa, etc..
-go
ngo
Upper Volta, etc..
-gol
ngol
Gombe (Nigeria)etc.
-ki
ki
As can be seen above, all four infinitive.markers each
reflects a certain class in the dialect considered.
Note
that in the Gombe dialect, the infinitive Marker is the
sarne as the corresponding class ki.
Second, more generally,
the similarity between infinitive markers and class markers
is common 1n West Atlantic languages.
In Diola-Fogny ,~,
is a mass noun and a one-syllable theme infinitive Marker
(cf. Sap-!l~, 1965).
In Badiaranke, the infini ti ve Marker .!!.:.
is also a noun class Marker (Ducos, 1962).
To summarize, we wanted to prevent the Fula subject-
verb agreement rule,from applying to nominals with verbal
characteristics.
We have done so by showing
that nomina-
lized verbs follow the gradation rule which affects nouns
rather than the one which affects verbs.
2.1.2
Behavioral properties.
In Fula, there are some syntactic pro cesses which are
only associated with subjects.
Sorne of them are universal
properties (e.g. Reflexivization), others are language-
specifie (e.g. Conjunctive Subject Deletion, Equi ••• etc •• ).
35

---

These are illustrated below.
Reflexivization
(18)a. Demmba. yi'-ii
hoore-mum.
e daarorgnl
~
~
see-Tns
self-3sg.Poss on
mirror
"Demmba.saw
himself
in the mirror"
~
i
moor-
ii
hoore- mumi
altine
braid- Tns
self- 3sg. Poss
Thursday
"Takko.braided herself. on Thursdayll
~
~
c. o.
war-
ii
hoore- makko.
~
~
he
kill-Tns
self- 3sg.Poss
"He.
killed himself"
~
d. ngal
yand- in - ii
hoore- maggal
i
. (
he
fall- Caus.-Tns
self- 3sg.Poss
Il
Fieimade himselfifall down:r
Exemple (18) shows that the agreement of the reflexive NP
1a always with the pominal subject. This is more trans-
parent when the subject is 0 pronoun ~s in 18c-d. We will
show in later sections that, even in cases where there is
more than one possible antecedent, only subjects control
reflexivization (cf. chapter 3, section 3.2 ).
Conjuhétlve Subject Deletion
In Fula, the way to conjoin sentences' is by deleting
.
all but the fi~st occurrence of identical full noun subjects4
a process which is very common in narratives as seen in (19).
36

---

(19)a. Aali.
yeh-
ii
wuro, ~.
jagg-i
gujjo
~
~
go-Tns
town
catch-Tns
thief
0
naw- i
galle
laamtooro,
0.
ar- t-i
i
~
take-Tns house
chief
come-Reit-Tns
"Aali went to the .town
, caught a thief,
took him to the chief's house and came back"
b. sUkaabe.
njeh- i wuro , 0. njagg- i gujjo
~
~
children
go-Tns town
catch-Tns thief
0. naw-i galle laamtooro, 0. ngar- t -i
~
~
take-Tns house
thief
come-Reit-Tns
"The children went to town, caught a thief
(and) took him to the chief's house (and)
came back il
In (19) above, the ~ signs represent places where NP's which
are identical to the subjects Aali (19a) and sukaabe (19b)
have been deleted. Notice the application of the subject-
verb agreeement rule in 19b.
Egui-lfP
Deletion
Certain verbs like yid- 'like, want' ; jab 'consent',
et- 'try' require that their complement subjects be deleted
under iaentity with their matrix subjects as seen in (20).
,.,
(20)a. Takko
ins
Yid-
i
naam- de
i
she
want-Tns
eat-Inf.
"Takko wants to eat"
37

---

"
b. miijab - ii
0. haal- de
l.
l
nccept-Tns
speak- Inf.
"I D.ccept to tell a lie ll
c. o. et- i - noo - ma
0.
diw- ao.-
de
l.
'l.
he t~J- (fns-Pr- Tns
jump- !·i -Inf •
•1
He he.d tri ed to jurnp Il
In (20) also, the 0
signs represent places where identical
sub j €lC ~s ha.ve been deI eted.
-
.,.
,."
~ ..
Reflexivization
In Fula, subjects have their ovm strategy of relativi-
zation as can be seen in (21).
(21)~. neddo. pii- noo- do. cukalel ngel yalt-ii
l.
-l.
person
beat-Pr- REL
child
Det go out-Tns
"~he person vTho had beaten the child l'lent out"
b. gertogall.' joggu- noo-n~al.
ngal
majj- ii
- l .
rooster
crow- Pr-
~~EL
Det
lose- Tns
llThe rooster vThich had crowed got lost"
Hotice in the above examples
the agreement in class
of
the relative pronouns 1-lith their antecedents. iTo other
grronmatical c~tego~J uses this strategy as will be discussed
in chapter 3.
In surnmary, we have cited sorne characteristics of Pula
subject ifP' s ~-J'ith emphasis on the subject-verb agreement
rule, anè the behavioral properties associated with subjects
in general.
We have shovm why the subject-verb agreement
rule d~es not apply to nominalized verbs, and we ~so
38

---

cla~ed that such syntactic processes like Subjectivization,
Conjunctive Subject :geletion and Equi-HP Dele~ion apply
only to subjects.
Puthermore, ?ula subjects have their Olin
strategy of relativization lihich is not shared by any other
term or non-term NP. The above processes will be discussed
in more detail in chapter 3.
2.2
On Indirect Objects
In his paper liOn Indirect Objects in Universal Syntax"
Faltz (1979 ) hasargued
that the only solid definition
of the notion of Indirect abject is one which semantically
be.sed; i. e. Intiirect abjects are those HP' s l-Ihich bear the
semàntic function Recipient to the predicate.
Along with
other evidence, this was oüpported by the fact that typolo-
gically languages of the world have three strategies
for
marking Indirect Objects, which he referred to as tbe
DO type, the Obliaue tyPe,'
and the Dative tY]e of Indirect
abject marking.ln this section we will discuss some stra-
tegies for marking la' s in Fula and provide evidepce for.
the existence in this language of a DO type and an Oblique
type of Indirect Object.
\\le will show that Fula ro's of
DO type are mainly found in constructions containing verbs
that rB:),.uire a fixed word order; these will be discussed in..
the first part of this section.
IO's of oblique type, on
the ~tPéF hand, correspond to those NP's which in Fula,
39

---

are introduced by the preposition ~ •
2.2.1
Indirect Objects of DO tyne
7uIa basic Direct Objects are characterized by the
following features:
(i)- They are unmarked.
(ii)~ They occupy immmediate postverbal position.
"(iii)- SyntacticaIIy they can be oassivized, refl~xivized,
pronominalïzed by the use of a regular class pronoun •• etc ••
The following example contains
basic DO's.
~
(22)a. Aali
toon-
ii
cuknle1
ngel
offend-'fns
child
De~
":\\a1i has offended the child"
b. Demmba
war-
ii
soondu
ndu
kill- Tns
bird
Det
Il
Demmba
has killed the bird"
c. mi
faam - ii
konngol
ngol
l
understend-Tns
~
Det.
" l have understood the word ll
The under1ined NP's in the above examp1es are putative
Direct Objects.
They occupy postverbal position and they
are unmarked.
Uoreover, they can be passi'vized as in (23)
(cf. chapter 5 fDr detai1s in'Fula Passives).
40

---

(23)a. cukalel
ngel toon - :lama
child
Det
offend-P
/ " ,-'
Il The
child has been offended"
b. sonndu
ndu
WB.r-
aama
bird
Det
lIThe bird has been killed"
c. !{onngol
ngol
fa Etm-
a llJTl a
word
Det
understand-P
"The Hord has been understood::
They can be reflexivized as in (24) (cf. chapter 3 for
detail on Reflexivization).
~
(24) a. Anli
toon- ii
hoore- muro
offend-Tns
self- 3sg.Poss
".\\ali offended himself"
b. Demmba
war- ii
hoore-
muro
kill-Tns
self-3sg.Poss
"Demmba killed himselfll
c.
mi
faanl
-ii
hoor-
am
.
l
understand-Tns
self- 1 sg.Poss
BI understood myself"
They can be pronominalized as in (25) (see also chapter 3).
(25) a. Aali
" .
toon-
ii
ngel
offend-Tps
Det
Il Aali
has offended him!l
41

---

b. Demmba
Har-
ii
ndu
kill-Tns
Det
Il Demmba
hAS killed it"
c. mi fB.am
- ii
ngol
l
understBnd -Tns
it
"I have understood it;r
There is evidence that some verbs in Fula require IO's
(i.e resl recipient NP's ) which have the DO characteristics
seen above. Irhese are
verbs which require a strict order
as seen in (26), (27), and (28).
(26)a. mi rokk- il
hobbe
maaro
1
give- Tns
guests
rice
:1
1 have given rice to the guests"
b. * mi
rokk-ii
maaro
hobbe
1
give-Tns
rice
guests
lias above"
N
• •
(27) a. mi
tott':'
ii
n~)Wf.'l
ba
hudo
l
hand- Tns
elephant Det
grass
:, 1 have handed grass to the elephant':
b. ~:. mi
tott-
ii
hudo
Îiiiwa
ba
1
hand- Tns
grass
elephant
Det
tl as
above;'
(28)a. mi
holl-
ii
Aali natal
ngal
1
show-Tns
picture Det.
/ ; .
II
1
have shown the picture /1
42

---

b. * mi holl- ii
A~li
natal
nn;al
l shou-Tns
picture Det
" as above"
The underlined tiPIs in the above sentences a~e aIl Recipient
NP's which are unmarked (DO feature (i) ). They occuPY
immméd.t-â"te postverbRI position (DO feature (ii) ). Futher-
more, as is the case with bastc DO's, the above IO's
can be passivized (29), reflexivized (30), and pronomina-
lized with a regular cless pronoun (31).
(29)a. hobbe
be
ndokk-
aema
maaro
guests
Det
give-
P
rice
Il
The guests have been given rice;l
b. niiwa
ba
tott-
arona
hudo
elephant 'Det
hand-
P
grass
li
The elephant has been handed grass:t
c. Aali
holl- aarna
natal ngal
show- P
picture Det
:1 Aali has been shown the
picture';
(30)a. mi rokk-
ii
hoor-
am
maaro
l
give-
~ns self- 1sg.Poss
rice
':1 have gi ven myseff rice"
b. mi
tott-
ii
hoor-.
am
huero
l
hand-
Tns
self-1sg.Poss grass
Il
l
have given myself grass"
r
43

---

c. mi holl-
ii
hoor-
am
natal ngal
l
ShOll- Tns
seIf- 1sg.Poss picture Det
"1 have shown
myself the picture 'l
( 31) a. mi
rokk-
ii
be
maaro
l give- Tns
them
rice
" l have given them rice"
b. mi
tott':'
ii
bQ
hudo
l
hand-Tns
it
grass
"1 have handed grass to i t:1
c. mi holl-
ii
mo
n~tal
ngal
l
show- Tns him
picture Det.
!I
l
have shown him the pic ture!1
Clearly the above
sentences satisfy DO feature (iii).
This, together with the discussion which preceded, provides
evide:r~e..for the existence in Fula of la' s of DO type.
2.2.2
e-marked NP's as IO's of Oblique type
..
The. particle ~ is used as a preposition which is
transIatabIe 'on' , , in' , 'towards ' , Iwith ' etc.
depending on the context as illustra.ted in (32) •
( 32) a. Aali
jood-
iima
e
taabe.1 ngal
sit-
Tns
on
table Det
"Aali
sat on the table"
44

---

b. .fl.ali
naat-
ii
e
suudu ndu
enter-
Tns
in
house Det
Il
.\\8.1i
entered in the house:!
c. kurka
0
hucc-
ii
e
mawn-
um
child
Det
go
-~rns
tOl-lards big- his
!I
The child Hent to\\vards his big brotherfr
d. Sira
yah-d "" ii
e
ma~m - um
jeere
go-Com-Tns
with
big- her market
:rSira went t-li th her big sister to the market"
In this section we will investigatethe behavior of e-marked
liP's in an attempt to
(i)-, determine the internaI semantics
of these NP's, and (ii)- provide syntactic evidence
showing
that they May be viewed.as marginal goal locatives, and as
such may be considered as
oblique IO's.
2.2.2.1
On the semantics of e-marked HP's
2.2.2.1.1
T;iith direction!?l verbs
Consider the following examples involving directional
verbs.
(33) a.
huccit
( e)
funnaange
face
( Prep)
~vest
1."Face the :'ies t" (wi thout the e
)
2."Face towards the I;Jest ll (\\vi th the e )
45

---

b. fay
( e)
wuro
r.~o
(Prep)
tOiffi
1 • !I Go to tot·m il (lii thou t the ~ )
2. li 1,10 towards a town ll (wi th the ~)
c. huccu
(e )
cehe
go
(Prep)
cemetery
1. li Go
to the cemetery:r (Hi thout the e
)
2. li Go townrds the cemetery·r (lii th the ~ )
( 34) a. ( i)
hucci't
e
)mbarOOdij
LDooro
face
Prep
lion J
[ Dooro
" ~7ac e
towards
5a liOn]
lDooro
n. ( i i ) ~:. hu cci t
{~barOOdil
vooro
J
'face
$
l
lion
[nooro
:1
Face
to r liOn]
Dooro
b.(i)
fay
e
taroOdiJ
Dooro
1]0
?rep
ilion
',/
Dooro 1
Il
ùO towards
rlion1
Dooro
i1,
i
46
f

---

b. (ii) ~~ fay
!mba.roOdij
lDooro
go
~
J
lion
l Dooro
'r
llGo to
a
Jlion
};:
(Dooro
c.(i)
huccu
~ r.1barOOdi]
inooro
go
Prep
lion
5
]
l Dooro
" Go towards la lion J"
l Dooro
( ii) .::. huccu
Imbaroodil
Dooro
J
go
Ilion (
Dooro]
:1
Go to
~ a liOn]
lDooro
The above examples aIl involve imperative constructions
containing directional verbs follo\\fed by semantically dif-
ferent NP 1 s.
For example, the sentences in (33) contain"
true locations (town,
:~est, cemetery).
Depending on the
presence or the absence of the preposition ~ we May have
different readings.
The prepositional· 9hrases have the
reading
towards NP (this will be called reading A ).
47

---

~~hen the preposition is absent
we get reading B: to NP.
The exa.mplesin (34) contain animate !TP's ( Dooro, a humen
liP and
mbsroodi'lion' , an animal).
i'Tote that lie cannot
get these NP's
in context (34) without the preposition,
hence the ungrammaticali ty of ·::-34( ii). The comparison
between (33) and (34) suggests that
the reason for the
ungrammaticality of ~34(ii) is :~e presence of the feature
ranime.t~.• Uowever, examples (35) below Hhich contain
inani.t'nate l;P's shOl-l that this is not the case.
( 35) a. ( i)
fay
e
~taabal 1
1tulde
go
Prep
Jtable}
l hill
Il Go
tOlo1ardsa .j t&:'.JI e]"
1 hill
( .. ) .,
a. 11 ':..
fay
rabo1
tulde J
go
rab1e
hill J
;;Go to a
r a b 1 l
hill
b.(i)
huccu
e
ftaaba~J
tulde
go
Prep
l tablel
l hill J
48
" ..

---

:1
JI
Go
tO\\vards a
rbIehill}
b("")"
•
l~
....
huccu
!
{taabol
tulde
go
tbIe
hill ]
:IGo
to a t'mIe J :1
hill
The above eX3.lnplescontaining
inanimate complements
show
that the requirement for the preposition e
is independent
of the feature tanimate] as suggested by example (34).
Now,
let us discuss examples (33), (34), and (35) futher.
Re-
m8.Mber that the optionality of ~
gave two readings in (33).
~~the~ore~ ~
is reQuireJ in examples (34) and (35).
The
following exmmples show that the optionality of ~ ( which
existed in (33) above)
disappears when the complement
NF's in (33) are d~finite
or pronominalized.
(36)a.(i) huccit
e funnaanGe
nge
race
Prep
~Jes t
Det
" l·'ace towards the ~:Jes t
a. (ii)~~
hucci t
funnaange
nge
face
'.lest
Det
.,
Fece the ~-jes t·
b. (i) fay
e
\\-tUro
ngo
go
Prep
to"tri.
Det
"
"
'1
Go towards the tO\\YI1
49

---

"
b.(ii)~:· fay
\\vuro
ngo
go
tOl'Tn
Det
"' Go to the tOHn"
c.(i)huccu
e cehe
cfe
go
Prep cemetbry Det
:, Go towards the cemetery·l
c. (ii)~:" huccu
cehe
de
go
cemetery Det
llGo to the cemetery:l
(37)a.(i)
huccit
e
mayre
face Prep
i t
:'Face towards i t:1
a.(ii)~:· huccit
nge
face
it
l'Face
i t'f
b.(i) fay
e
mageo
go'
Prep
i t
"Go towards i t:'
b.(ii) ~~
fay
ngo
go
it
:'Go to it;'
c.(i) huccu
e·
majje
go
Prep
them
!l
Go
tO~-lards
them~l
50

---

c.(ii)*
huccu
de
go
them
.1 Go
to them:
.;
'
Note that the e-requirement in the above examples is similar
to the one seen in (34) and (35) which contained concrete
nouns.
He may, therefore, summarize the setnantic rule of
e-requirement as· follows:
(38)
After directional verbs, the pr.eposi tion ~
is required when
the introduced nominal is
concrete(i.e.non-locational), definite or
pronominal. _.
From the semanticpoint of view, the generalization in (38)
sugges~,.s"·that a nominal which is high in referentitÜi ty has
to be introduced by ~ (but the converse is not true). The
definiteness and concreteness can also be used to describe
the constraints in constructions involving the so-called
handling verbs (Van Leyseele, 1978).
2.2.2.1.2
~'1ith handling verbs
In fuIs. there i5 a particular category of verbs whicll
could be def~ned semantically as handling verbs.
They
include
fa~- 'put', takk- 'stick', ~- 'throw' aIl of
which are transitive verbs.
'.ïhenever a complement of a
handling verb is introduced bye, the construction may
und~rgo a rule much like the dative shiftin English.
It
is interesting to note that this rula is sensitive to
semantic feature as lIconcretenessll, "definiteness lf and
51

---

:I animacy".
rl'his ia ahOt-lIl in the follovring examplea. which
contain each three aynonymoua aèntancea.
(39)a. mi
faw- ii
tO.abal
e Dooro
l
put-Tns
table
Prep Dooro
"I put a table on Dooro;i
b. mi
farr-
ii
e
Dooro
taabl:l.l
l
put-Tns
Frep
Dooro
table
"I put a table on Dooro:r (as above)
c. Ni
faw- ii
Dooro
taabal
l
put-Tns
Dooro
tabl.e
In bo.th (39) and (40)
the e-introduced objecta are Flnimate •
HOt-l, compore theae constructions
res~ectively to (41) and
.(42)
in which the e-introduced objecta are inanimate.
fali- ii
Dooro
e taabal
put- 1m3
Prep
table
:: T put Dooro on a tnble il
52

---

b. ~:- r.1i
fa:t~T- ii
e t8 ~,b '11
Doo'ro
l
pu t-,f '?ns Prep
t~.ble Dooro
:1 P.~
p..bove "
..
c. .. mi fau -ii
taab:'Ü
Dooro
l
pa t-'i'ns
t~ble
Dooro
lias nbove"
(42) n. ni
f&H-
ii mbaroodi,
e
lekki
l
put-fus
lion
Pre::>
tree'
-
:1
l
put a lion on a tree"
b.~· mi
faH- ii
e
lekki
mbaroodi
l
nu t-'I'ns
?rep
tree
lion
"1 put a lion on Ft tree' (~.s f-l.bove)
C.ol:- ni
fall- ii
lekki
nbr-.roodi
l
put-'Cns
tree
lion
::as l?bove:l
Ho te tha t (41 ) and (42) above each con taL1 one gr arr.m a ticc.l
sentence, \\-lhereas (39) and (40) cor.. taineach three gram-
matical sentences.
Yet the only diff~rence between these
sets is that the e-introduced lIF's in (39) and (40) a.re
anima.te while those in (41) and (42) are inanima.te.
This
shows' that the (Dntive)
shift rule in ~ul~ is indeed sen-
sitive to the feature '~nimacy'.
More specifically the ru-
le is bloclced when the e-in troduced HP' sare inanimA te and
• indefini te.
;',ben these HP' sare inllnim~.te but defini te
hOl-Tev-er, the rule May apply as in (43) and (44).
53

---

(43)s.• mi
fa\\i-
ii
e tn.r:.b9.1
ngal
Dooro
l
put-Tns Frep t8ble
Det
Dooro
')1 put Dooro on the tRble'
b .~. mi frH-
ii
ta::;.brl
ngnl
Dooro
l
put-'.L'IlS
tHble
Det
Dooro
.' ~s above
(44) a. mi
fa\\l- ii
e
l elcki
~ci
mbaroodi
l
put-fus
Prep
tree Det
lion
" l put a lion 0:1 the tree:'
fSl.,r-
ii
lekki
mb~roodi
l
tree
lion
;1 ['l.S
above"
The above sentences
4313. and 2;.40. l·rere ungrDI:'lI!1atica,l
in.
cases where they containe~
indefinite
e-introduced NP's
( cf. ~:-41 b and ~~42b).
So far,
the t'tiO complement llP's folloHing
the handling
f
ve~bs consist of one animate NP .'J.nd one in::mimate HP.
',~ben
both nouns are inanimate we also get restrictions similar
to those in ( 43) :md (44) as s een belol'1.
(45) a.
mi faw- ii
mburu
e
taabal
l
put-Tns
bread
?rep
table
n--
put a bread on a table: r
...
b.
mi
fS.l·l-ii
e
taabal
mburu
~
l
put-Tns -Prep
tah le
bread-
...
.r'
::1 put bread on a table ll ( as above)
54

---

c.~· mi fa\\..r- ii
taabal
mburu
,
. ."
:';~."'
.' ',.
.
l
put-Tns
table
bread
..
.' .
~~ as above:;
(46)a. mi sar
-ii
e
ngesa
l
s c n. t t e r- 'rn s
millet l'rep
field
III scattered millet on a field:~
b.
mi
sar
-ii
e ngssD.
ga.wri
l
scatter-Tns Prep field
millet
:'I scs.ttered millet on a field:
c. ~:. mi
sa.r
-ii
nges~.
l
scatter-Tns
field
millet
.,
"
".'
··~s above'
In the nbove examples it i8 possible to npply the (dative)
shift rule but it is not possible to leave out the preposi-
tion .!! (cf. ~l-45c (,= ~:·46c).
Therefo~e, i t becones cle~.r ~:J.at
the behEl.vior of e-marked EP' s is' dependent on the internaI
semantics of the noun,phrases.
This behavior may be sum-
marized in the follo"Jing schema \\·rhere in) 2 repre sents the
e-mnrked ob j ec ts, lI? 1 ' Direc t Ob j ec ts, 8~d V a hs.ndling
verb ~ ',,/. ,;
( i) - ',',lhen
is animate [+aIiimate] ~nd N? 1 inanimate
Eanim~teJ wec~nnot obt~in three surface orders as in
(47).
(47) El..
v
EanimateJ
e
i:rF 2
Eanim~te]
b.
( e)
::-rp", r+animate]
lTP
E:?nima.te]
c: L
1
55

---

•
::ote . the optionnli t'Y of e in 47b Hhich allo\\-!s to obtair..
three sentences.
(ii)-~ihen :17
is inanimate and I!P
uninate, the (Dt;ltive)
2
1
shift rule can apply only if HP2 i5 also defini te f"defini te].
In nny case we only get tuo surface orders. as $een in (48).
(48) a. V
T;:>
, . 1
+animate
e
HP2 tanimate, +dcrj
b. V
e HP?
fnnimnte, +def .]
:-TP
+animate
1
c. ~:. V
°To
t a.nimate, +der·.J l'TP +animate
l . 2
1
lTote the un~rammaticality of ~:'48c
".Jhich dqes not involve e.
(iii) - ":.'hen both :UP 2 G.L'1c1 iTP 1 are inanimate we also get
tl-lO 6rs.T1r.'1a-cical sentences as the resul t of the shifting
prooess.
(49) a.
V
UP1
GnnimateJ
e
HP
EanimateJ
2
b.
V
0
.... NP
[-t:nimateJ
HP1
EaniMate]
2
c. ~:. V
PD
.~J"
_
tanime.te]
~rn
... 1
éanimate]
Co
note the ungraI"JTHlticali ty of LL9c uhere 6 does not occur.
1
.;,.;;2,.;,.•.;;;2,.;,.•.;;;2.:.,•.;:.:,2_--=-6-.....;m~:.A.;..:.;r::...;k:.=.e=-d=--..:!:;,:IP 's 8nd !1.'rFlIllm a tic ~Ü r e111. t ion s
In this section, l ~-/ould like to argue thût, from El
grf.l.r.'lr.'1s.tic,:ll point of vie".!, e-mE'.rlced ~TP' s have fi s'Pli t
status betwesb Obliques and Indirect Objects.
2.~.2.2.1
Subjecthood, Direct Objecthood, and e-murked NP's
e-marked NP's can never stand in subject position as
~
. ,.;- ~ ..,'
seen in 50c and 51c.
56

---

(50) 9.. mi
na.a.t- ii
e
galle
o
l
enter-~ns
Prep
house
Det
:\\ l
have entered into the house: '
b~ galle
0
nast-
Daca
house Det onter- P
:1
The house hns been entered IJ
c.* e
galle
nsat- a~mR
Prep
house enter-P
':Into the house has been entered ll
(51) a.
Aali
jood-
iima
e
leeso
ngo
sit-?
Prep
bed
Det
sat on the bed"
b. leeso
ngo njood- o.nma
,
bed
Det
sit-P
~:The bed has been sa t on;1
c.* e
leeso
ngo
joocf- anma
Prepbed
Det
sit-P
"The bed has·been
An HP introduced by e cannot be anelysed as a Direct
Object since it cannot be the complement of El verb which
brings about El. chnnge
in stnte, sUJstnnce, or condition
). This i3 s"" own in the
follüwing exa~ples.
'tI
( 52) a.
mi
no.nm- ii
teevr
l
eat-~ns
Meat
" l 'bave eaten meat"
57

---

,.,
. ... ;
b. ~:. mi
naam- ii
e
teew"j
.. ','ftf
,/Y...
l
eat - Tns
Prep
me'a1tt"~ .J"
.t
• ~ ~~ "".:r ....
'.
:1
as nbove l !
( 53) El. A,').li
'i-Iedd- iima
hnnyre
throw-Tns
stone
" Aali has thro\\'m a 3 tone"
b.*Aali wedd- iima
e
h~nyre
tllrotl-Tns
Prep
stone
Il
El S
abo ~7e
(54)a. jeeyoowo
U3t-
ii
coggu
jnwo
ngo
eeller
decrease-Tns price bracelet
Det
Il'I11e seller has decreased the price of the
bracelet"
b.* jeeyoowo
ust
-i1
e
coggu j a\\-1O neo
seller
decrease-Tns ?rep
price bracelet
Cet.
!I
es' above"
Iri (52), ~he object'is totally affected by the action of the
verbe
In (53) it is a question of a change in condition or
position of the objecte
~nd in (54) the object is partially
e.ffecteà,
In aIl th~se cases He cflnnot get
an e-mElrked HP
ns the ~tarred b-sentences indicate.
1
2.2.2.2.2
e
as a marŒinal marker for GOBls
In th1s section we will provide some evidence for the
IO s ta tus of e-marked 11:' c.
Prom the exmnpl es we S9\\-1 in
58

---

(33), (34), etc •• , we can infer tnat, from the semantic
,
_.
•
.~A,.,
~"~S...~~~··
point 0: view, e-marked HP' s may carry a BonI meaning.
;i{
,
'HoHever, syntactically, they have to be distinguisued from
Hhat we may cp..ll 'Orimary 9:00.1 locpti ves.
l,Je are claiming
that the'primnry marker for goal loca~ives is the disconti-
nuous marker to ••• to as examplii'i ed in ( 55) and (56) •
(55)a.(i) mi
yeh-
ii
to
wuro
to
,r
l
go-fus
Prep
town
Post.
:11
am going to town"
..
•• (ii) .,~ mi
yeh- ii
to
wuro
l
go-Tns
Prep
town
or
as above"
b.(i) Aali
tiind-
iima
to
maayo
to
head- Tns
Prep
river Post.
BAali is heading to the river"
b. (ii) .;:. Aali
tiind- iima
to maayo
head-
Tns
Prep
river
Il as
abovê lf
(56)a.
mi
yeh-
ii
to
Dooro
( to)
l
go - Tns
Prep
D.
(Post.)
~ !
l
am going to ( see)
Dooro ;1
b.
mi tiind-
iima
to
Dooro
( to )
l
head-Tns
Prep
D.
(Post)
:'1 am heading at
Dooro"
The examples in ( 55) show that
the double coding to ••• to
i5 required uhen the goal locative
is l?, place, whereas
59

---

in (56) the second element to ( Post.) is optional because
the goal is human.
HOl·r, l'le have three arguments Hh1ch show
f
•
·that the ~~ to ••• to is used more extensively than~ as
· .if
a gOâl ·marker.~ First, we cannot substitute ~ for to ••• to
in any of the p~eceding examples ~mere a se~antic Boal
is conveyed. For example, the stem yah- 'go' cannot be fol-
lo~·red by an e-mpr1:ed :rF vlhen this one is locatio~nl: a,S seen
in (51).
(51)'il- mi
yeh- ii
e
Huro
l
go-Tns Prep tO\\'ln
r
l am. goinJs
to town Il
Second, in cases where there is no re~l goal expressed (as
in sorne of the examples with hendling
verbs) we cannot use
to ••• to as examplified below.
(58) a. ;~ mi
f3w-ii
to
taabal
to
mburu
T
put-l'ns Prep
table
Post. bread
" l put bre2.d on a tableil
b.
..~, mi sar- ii
to ngesa
ba
to
gawr1
l scatter-Tns
?rep field Det Post. millet
" l scattered
millet on the field: r
c.-::- mi
Hedd-
iima
to mb~roodi
to
h::l.ayre
?r::p
lion
Post. stone
l
thretv a stone to the lion Il
1!ote th~.t the sarne ~bove sentences were grammatical t-ri th
e-marked :TP' s (cf. L~5b, 46b, •• ).
Third, in ques tion for-
mation where the emphasis is put on the place-location itself
60

---

the only question marker allowed is
to ~s seen in ( 59)
and ( 60) below.
.
,~ "If
.. -(59) a. Sammba
hucc- ii
to
suudu ,ndu
t'<;>
go
-Tns
Prep
house Det
Post
" Sammba is going to the house'
b.
Sarrunba
hucc- ii
e
suu du
ndu
l-.
go - Tns Prep house
Det
.. SammbEl. is heading towards the house'
(60) a. ( hol)
to
Sammba
hucc- i
?
( o.)
....
Ba - Tns
\\Jhere is -::anmba going ?
b.-::- (hol)
e
Sammba
hucc-
i ~
( rJ
go -Tns
"as above'
(59)contains two affirmative sentences where to ••• to (59a)
end e
($9b) are used ta mark a semantic goal location (i.e
the sentences invol ve a, movement ta 8 place).
However, when
we are questioning about
such lOCAtion, the only Marker
which CDn be used is
f
ta (' Il refl ex of ta ••• ta ).
Thus 60a
questions'about the go~l lo~~tion of 59a, and *60b shows
that e cannat be used as'a cuestion Marker in this context.
-
.
Theretore, this proves that, as a Marker tor goal NP's
e
-
is rather marginal.
je
shall now provide'
evidence for the
ra status of e-marked UP's.
rD status of e-marked ~P's
61

---

..' .
In the preceding sections we have shown that e-marked
UP"S
(i)- cannot sta~d in subject position.
(ii)- marginally mark goal locatives.
(iii)- cennot beinterpreted as Direct Objects.
~ ... ..
, (
~ .....;
In the followin~ discussion we will provide evidence for the
indirect objecthood of these tiPIS.
This would suffice to
support the existence of IO's of oblique type in Fula.
Indeed the goal locatives discussed so far can in fact be
interpreted
as Recipients in a. wider sense.
First, let
us look at sorne of the examples discussed previously (repro-
duced in (61) for the reader's convenience).
( 61) a. mi
sar
- ii
gl1wri
e
ngesa bR.
.;i;".
l
scntter - Tns
millet
Prep
field Det
l
have scattered millet on the field"
b.
mi
wedd-
iima
haayre
e
woyndu
l
throw-Tns
stone
Prep
weIl
;r
l
ha.ve thrown a stone
in 0 l-lell :
.~
c. mi
l-lad
-ii
nelpado
e
A. am p..du·
l
make
-Tns
messenger
Prep
A
t • •
'!
l
illl.ve sent
to Aamadu '!
e messenger
Clearly, the above sentences are ser.u:mtically ambiguous
between n soal pnd a recipient reading.
,The goal reading
of these ~P's has already been discussed previously.
As for
....
'.' l ~. ,
'.
the recipient reading, it is clear
that
the nominals trans~'>'.
"
lated as 'field' (61a),'t-lell' (61b), and 'Anmadu' (61c)
,r
62

---

.
~an be interpreted as receiving the nctions of their respec-
f~
ti ve pre,d.:i:ca tes.
~:ie al so find some clearer cas es of e-ma7:'-
·l,(e.d HP ,'s
Nhich are interpreted
as recipients,.
These are
found in seriaI construc~ions (which we will discuss in
detail in the next section) as in (62).
'.,
(62)a. l'li
winnd-
ii
leeter
fna- de
e AamRdu
l
write-Tns
letter
go- Inf Prep ,~\\.
Il
l
he.ve \\·œi tten aletter to Allmadu
b. ni nel- ii
cukr.lel
faa- de e
1 Aflmdo 0
l
send-'rns
child
go-Inf
?rep chief Det
Il
l
have sent a child to the chief;1
c. mi
neld- ii
kaalis
fa a- de
bat".l nlnl,
l
send-'rns
money
go-Inf
assembly Det
,l"
t-'" ,. :;
l
have seni; money to the ': sser'ltly:f
In the above exar.mles the underlined e-marked IT?'s are clear-
ly Recipients of the actions expressed by their predicates.
Therefore, ?ula , like severgl other (unrelated ) l~n-
guages of the worlfl., uses the sarne mn.rl{ing for different
semsntic CEl.se relAtions.
For e::ample, English, French :md
Hebrew use the same marker for both loc~tives an~ indirect
objects as seen in
(62), (6~') and (63).
(62)a.
l
am !Zoinr:-
to the market
-
.;>
b. l
gave the book to
Bill
,
( 62' ) a. je m'en
vtÜS
n
?Hris
:, l
.[lm Going to faris"
6;

---

1
b. j'ai donne
1
1 ·
\\
e
~ vre ~.
PAul
..
:'1
.~~ve
t'he
book to
Paul
( 63) 8. ani
nosea
1
rrel
}.viv
fi
\\
l
drive
to
Tel ':\\viv"
..
,"9
• ~ ..
t"
,
':.
..
' .
.~"
,
""',' '1"
l;i~
na. t[l ti
et
ha- sefer
1
Dan
'.
G9.ve-I
DO
the -bool<:
to
Dan..,,'-
.... ~ """
III .~ave the book to Da.n"
.
( Keenan, N. S.
)
To summarize, we wnnted to define the notion of Indirect
. Obj ect in. ?ula.
~re have shown tha t .this language has· two
types of indirect objects.
The first· type is similar to
basic DOIs ( in pcsltion, co ding and syntactic properties).
The second type is essentially limited to e-marked Npls
which we have sholm to b~ mnbiguous between a goal .lociltiva
and a recipient reading.
2.3
On LocAtives
In this section we present four di~ferent types of
constructions involving noun phrases which bear a locative
relation to their verbs.
~~e describe the behavior of thesa
n~Un phrases with respect to various syntactic processas
and we show that their behavior depends on the locative
marking on the NP, together with the type of verb selected
in specifie sentences.
Sentences (64) ••• (67) are examples
.~ Of all. types of locatives found in Pula.
'10
64

---

''''s/
(64) a. mi tiind- iima
to
hiirde
nde
to
l
head- Tns
Prep
night
Det
Post
show
III am heading to the night showll
b. mi
tiind-
iima
to
lluttar
1
1,
head -Tns
Prep
11.
"1 am heading
towards Huttar"
1.
'(65)a. Sali
d06-
ii
fay- i
Huro
run-Tns
go-Oms
town
Il
Sali is running to town"
b. SR.li
nel- ii
Basa
fao.- de
e Udey
send-Tns
go- 1nf
Prep Nd.
~; Sc1li
sent Basa to lidey"
( 66) a. mi
ynbb-
an - ii
juma
l
~Tnlk-
Go.- Tns
mosque
"1 am \\'1alking to the mosque il .
b. mi
hT-
r-
ii
bannge
l'Torgo
l
leave-So- Tns
side
south
:11 mn corning from the Southll
(67) a. mi
naat-
ii
nder
suudu
ndu
T
enter-Tns
in
house
Det.
"I
::lm entering the house ll
b. r.li
lel-
iir:m
do\\-!
leeso
ngo
l
lie- Tns
on
bed
Det
,1
l an lying in the bed"
The firs~ type of construction involves the ~dposition to
.
,
"'( discussed ?reviously in connection ~-ri th e-marked lTP' s ).
65

---

This ndposition c~n surface in prepositional and postposi-
tional position as in 64a, or just as a preposition as in
'64b.
The zecond type consists of seriaI constructions
where the'verbs have tte seme subject
(cf. o5a) or differ
in subjeet (cf. 65b).
'The third involves verbal inflections
such as the Go~l extension
~ (cf. 66a ) or the Source
e~tension (cf. 66b ).
'l'he four th cons truction'consis ts of
loce.ti'tTe !~:::'s markeà by n prepositional l10un (cf. 67).
:ii'irst, we Hill discuss the internaI structure of each
type of locoti ve :?hre.se t-Ji th erflphasis on the m'R.rkers 5 them-
selves; we will then show how the different locative phrases
:~
behave with re3pect to v~rious Gyntactic processes such as
.~. ] .
,.1,
Subjectivizntion, ~eflexivization, Pronominalization, and
nelativiz8i;ion.
2.3.1
InternaI Structure
?•3. 1 • 1
To ••• to
In previous discussion:; vie sho~>!ed that, compared to
. ,.'
,
to-marked ::r' s e-m?rked HP' 3 :;re marsin~.l gonls.
,:.8 part
'.
'
,,~.} .
J""" ...,r"
· .
'
'! ,~,.
of th~ evidence in fnvor of this nnnlysis we noted ~hat
to
was the only ~a~~er used in nuestion formations where the
ç,uestioned 1:1:'S nre locatives.
This section Hill provide
futher ch~.rf;lcteristics of the ad'Ç>osi tion
to.
It iSHe11 ~:nOlm tha t oblique r,1:).rlters
are usually
more trans!,D.rent thr:.n
te~ ~TP
l":'ln.rl(:ers, becouse i t Jeems
66
}~

---

alwâys possible to tell what the semantic role of an oblique
is'by what adposition accompanies it.
This is the case for
'to-marked NP' s.
To 1s a mean1ngful element which can appear by itself
in adverbial expressions of place (68) and also in deictios
(69) as seen in the examples below.
;"
(68) a. (hol)
to
paa-
daa ?
,~
.
(Q )
Q
go- you
" r/here are you going ? "
.;
"
b. t0 6
" There"
c. toya
"There" (in,'a more remote sense)
d. toon
"Right there" (near you)
(69)a. ooto
"That one" (there)
b. ootoya " That one there" (remo,te)
Therefore, !2 appear~ to have sorne inherent locative meaning
which
the preposition,! does not have. Note fUI,-themore, that
~ is the only case of postposition 'attested in'this dialect?
2.3.1.2
Preuositional nouns
Fula has several sets of prepositions of the type seen
l'
in (67) to which the following noun bears a genitive rela-
tionship.
These prepositions are: ~ "in, inside", ~
'fl on ,
above", cS,ggal "back" etc •••• Like to, prepositional
nouns also have an inherent semantic value whioh is explicit
in 'the1r translation.
This type of relationship between a
",
,
. ,
67

---

prepositional noun and the noun they modify is common in
, ,
Many African languages (cf.
Givon (1969) for Bantu,
., :Marchese (1979) for Kru, Abraham (1959) for Hausa).
In these languages and Fula, the modified no~ ~ppears
~
.J!I".
~
#
as a possessor NP.
Givon (1969) suggests that the internaI
structure of these complex locatives is of the type A of B,
where A is the possessed and B the possessor. In' Fula, pre-
positional nouns can also stand by themselves without a
nominal support as seen in (70).
(70) a. naat
nder
-
enter inside
"go inside"
1'.
b. ~abbu
dow
climb
above
'ff Climb
above"
c. rew':'
r - u
caggal
pass-So -
behind
"Pass behindll
d. suuJ-
o
les
hide-Tns
underneath
If
Hide underneath"
Prepositiona1 nouns should, however, be distinguished
.t'rom the adposition 12 although they aIl haye an inherent
semantic value which is locative.
For example, only prepo-
•
[.si..tional no~s ,cm be preceded by an optional e- Marker
as seen in (71) and (72).
68
.' ,

---

(71) a.
mi
naat-
ii
(e )
nder
suudu'ndu
l
enter-Tns
(Prep)
Prep
house Det
"1 have entered in the house"
b.
mi
yan-
ii
(e )
dow
joowre
pataas
1
fall-Tns
j'
(Prep)
Prep
pile potato
"1 have fallen on a pile of potatoes"
c. mi
fergit- iima
(e)
caggal
hubeere
1
trip - Tns
(Prep)
Prep
,building
"1 have tripped
behind a building"
(72)a.* mi
rew- ii - no
e
to
galle
maa to
1
pass-Tns-Pr
Prep
Prep home your Post
"1 had passed by your home"
b.-;} mi
naam- 01" -ii
e
to
dental
to
1
eat - Mvt-Tns
Prep
Prep
assembly Post'
"1 am going to eat at the assembly"
c .-::- mi
yeh- ii
e
to
wuro
to
1
go-Tns
Prep
Prep
town
Post
"1 am going to town"
l presume that the optionality of ~ in (71) is due to the
fact that the NP's nder suudu "in the housel!, dow joowre
,
' i
"on a pile" ••• etc, have the internaI structure A of B
and
as such, are 'a'cting as uni ts.
This is not the case for the
complement NP' sin (72).
2.3.1.3
Locative extensions
..,
i ,
69

---

We have recorded two locative extensions in the dialect
under study: the Goal (73) and the Source locative (74).
(73)a •. mi
umm- an -
iima
wuro
l
get up- Go.-Tns
town
./
"1 am going to town"
b. mi
dog-
an -
ii
wuro
l
run- Go.- Tns
town
"1 am running to town "
c. mi
yabb- an- ii
wuro
l
step- Go- Tns
·town
"1 am walking to town"
(74) a. mi wnm- ir -iima
wuro
l
get up-So- Tns
town
"1 am coming from town"
b. mi dog- ir - ii
wuro
l
run- So - Tns
town
" l have run from town"
c. mi
yan- ir- ii
bannge
naamo
l
fall-So-Tns
side
right", "'.
.",
nI have fallen from the right sidel!
The Goal extension -nn- is also a Benefactive marker
and the Source extension
ir an Instrumental and Causative
Marker.
These homophonies will be discussed in the last
part of this chapter.
For now, we will first rocus on the
"
locative menning of these extensions.•
70

---

.
l'~
Source and C~al locative extensions have, a
connnon syntactic role of trensitivizing.
For.,example, some
;'of the verbs in (73) and (74) above are basica11y intransi-
tive verbs which cannot al10w a complement NP without the
presence of an extension.
Thus, the following sentences
are ungrammatical.
(75)a. * mi dog- ii
wuro
(cf. 73b)
l
run- Tns
town
. We don't know of any other morphologica1 device used
to express Source locatives in Fula.
The concept.of Source
May be.part of the lexical meaning of few verbs, however,
as seen in the following express~ons.
( 76) a.
umm-
0
toon
get up-Tns
there
"
" Get off there!1
b. iw
Joon
leave
there
:it:'.
-;
!lGet off there"
.
~
.~
71

---

, ~_.
The above lexical device is also used to express Goals
't.<'
...
,.;, through directional verbs like hucc- "head to lI, faa- "go to"
'.\\
'. ~
'.' ",~"
~~
, , ,.': .. ·ètc •••
But, unlike Source locatives, Goals
expressed by prepositional phrases. And the adposition which
is, semantically related to the Goal extension is to •• to
(discussed in section 2.3.1.1), as seen in the following
.' pairs .of synonymous sentences.
( 77) a. mi
y eh- ii
to
wuro
to
'"
r
go-Tns
Prep
town
Post
"r am going to townll
b. mi
yah-
an
- ii
wuro
t'
l
go- Go. - Tns
town
lias above"
( 78) a. mi
tiind- iima
to wuro
to
r
head-Tns
Prep town
Post
"r am'heading towards townll
1'~
b. mi
tiind-
an - iima
wuro
l
head-
Go.-. Tns
town
"as above ll
Not every directional verb allows a !2- marked prepositional
phrase, however. For example the stems dog- "runll and yabb-
II s tep"
allow only a goal extension as seen in (79) and (80),
and some periphra.stic serial-like construction( 81) •
..
(79) a. -..- ~ali
dog- ii
to
wuro
to
,
.'
run-Tns
Prep
town
Post
1" 7·'"
;
·-t .~.
" A.ali is running to town "
72

---

b. Aali
dog-
an - ii
wuro
run-
Go.- Tns
to~n
AI
flAali is running to town"
(80) a. .~ Aali
yabb- ii
to
wuro
to
step-Tns
Prep
town
Post
\\ ,
't'.
'.
" Aali is 'w~l.1king to town "
b. Aali
yabb- an - ii
wuro
step... Go.- Tns
town
-
.
"".J
" Aali is walking to town "(as above)
(81) s. Aali
dog- ii
fay-i
wuro
run-Tns
go-Tns town
fi Aali
is running to town" ( as in 79b)
b. Aali
yabb-
ii
fay- i
wuro
(
i,'
t'j"
t
step-Tns
go-Tns
town
.
lIAali is walking to town" (as in 80b)
,
'
-,The sentences in (81) are cases of serialization
which seems'
,~.,
to be at an earlier stage.
2.3.1.~. Besinning Serialization
The preceding example (81) is evidence that a seriaI
.'
construction which has the function ofexpressing locative
, '
andrecipient case relations is beginning to emerge in Fula.
The two attested constructions which we have found so far
are similar to those in (82) and (83) •
.,
73

---

(82) Aali
dog- ii
fay-i
wuro
run-Tns
go-Tns town
;.
"Aali is running to town"
(83) Aali
winnd- ii
leeter
faa- de e Takko
write-Tns'
letter
go-Inf Prep
"Aali has written a letter to Takko"
This section is intended ·to argue for a serial interpretation
~
of sentences (82) and (83).
There are claims that the meaning of ~ verb in a serial
construction
"can be identified in terms of case relationship
and can be translated with a preposition in
English" ( Lord, 1973: 269 ).
Clearly, the second verb in both (82) and (83) has the func-
tion of expressing case relationship as we showed earlier,
and is translatable by an English preposition •
. We have already shown tàat the construction in (82)
involves a locative case (cf. discussion in sectiôi!'·'2'-3.1.3).
We a180 showed that the sentence final NP in (83) is ambi-
guous between a Recipient and a Goal reading (cf. diseussion
of e-marked NP's in section 2.2.2.2 ). The two constructions
have different internal structures, however:
(1)- (82) consists of two consecutive finite verbs ( V & V )
1
2
which are different types of motion verbs.
Moreover, the
two verbs have the seme subject (HP ).
Using these categories,
i
.,." .
co~struction (82) May be schemat~zed as in (84) below.
'"
'il
.{ ):...
".~.'I',.;:
M;;:, ..
~(.
74

---

(84)
NP
v
V
NP
, f
i
1
2
Any verb of Set l below May be.used in the V1 slot, and
. any verb of Set II in V2 slot.
These sets are'listed in '
(8S) below (the list is not exhaustive).
(85)
Set l
dog-
" run"
mooyt-
"wa.l1c slowly"
daag-
"waddle"
yah-
Il go"
, ..,.
~.
moyl-
"hurryll
yabb-
"step"
etc ••
Set II
" go to "
tiind-
" he ad to"
hucc-
"go
to"
" go "
As can be seen from the translation in (85), verbs that be-
'long to Set II
involve more directionality than those of
Set I.
For a speaker of Fula, to produce a seriaI construc-
tion of the tyoe seen in (84), he must combine a'verb of
-
"
,
Set l wi th ant,;verb of Set I I .
Thus, any sentence in (86)
\\1
, below is a possible serial construction type.
~ "'...
75

---

~-'" ~.
( 86)
Aali
dog-
ii
fay-
i
wuro
mooyt-ii t tiind-ii
daag- ii
hucc- i
(* yeh-ii)
(::- yeh_i8>
moyl- ii
yabb- ii
run- Tns
go-Tns
..
walk-Tns
head-Tns
(
waddle-Tns
.'
J
go- Tns
~:. gO-Tns)
~} gO-Tns)
hurry-Tns
step- Tns
"Aali
m
to
town
rwalked
waddled
went
hurried
walked
(ii)- The construction
in (83) consista of a finite verb
(V ) and an infinitival verb (V ).
But, unlike in (82),
1
2
V and V in (83) have
different
subjects ( NP
and
NP
1
2
).
i
j
The structure of (83) can therefore be schematized as in
.t" "
(87)
N'P.
V
e
NP
J
2
76

---

The V slot
in (87) above ban usually
be filled by
1
few transmission.verbs like
winnd-. "write" ,
~ "send"
. etc...
On the other hand, V
slot can be r'illed by any of
2
of the verbs in Set II
seen in
(85).
Therefore, apart
from their different internaI structure, the two seriaI
constructions
schematized in (84) and (87)
.have in common
thè fact that their V
slot can be filled by any of the
2
directional verbs seen in
Set II.
However, more discussion
. ~
.about the serializing status of structures (84) and (87) is
now in order.
In this discussion, we will make reference to
various claims made about seriaI constructions in the lite-
rature.
The first one is semantic in nature
and ha.s to do wi th
the assumption that
"in seriaI constructions the verb phrases nec.essa-
rily refer to subpar~s or aspects of a single overall event"
.. ~
( Lord,1973:269)
:
That structures (84) and (87) each expresses a single overall
.l
event is clear in the tr~nslation of the smaple sentences
·:·':·~·'(.82) and (83). The translation of these sentences shpw that
'tl" . .,.
semantic prominence is always given to the verb occupying
. V
slot while V only has a directional reading.
Moreover,
1
2
sentences of seriaI types are always paraphrases of simpler
sentences involving
locative extensions, or invclyi~~case
relationshipB marked by a fixed word order.
Hecall that Buch
sentences like 88a and 88b are synonymoUSj 80' are 89a and 89b.
77
.\\

---

(88)a. Aali
dog- ii
fay- i wuro
run-Tns
go-Tns
town
" Aal i ran to town"
b. Aali dog- an - ii
wuro·
run- Go.-Tns
town
"as above"
(89)a. mi winnd- ii
leeter
faa-
de
e
Aminata
l
.write-Tns
letter
go- Inf Prep
" l wrote a letter to Aaminata"
b. mi winnd- ii
Aaminata leeter
l
write-Tns
letter
"As above"
..
This leads us to the second assumption which is of a histQ-
rical order.
There is evidenee that serial verbs have givenrise to
-
>'
-
prepositions ( Lord, 1973) or case markers as in Chinese
( Li & Thompson, 1974).
l presume that this is happening
in Fula synchronically since Fula seems to be only at a be-
ginning stage of serialization.
Note however that
all the
verbs in the V
slot have a prepositionsl value; that none
2
of them retains its original specifie meaning.
Rather,
t~ey aIl seem to be neutralized into the concept of Goai.
Third, the similarity between consecutive constructions
"
and serial verb constructions has been
described in Hyman
(1977). Objecting to Hyman in her paper on Anyi, an Akan
•
language spoken in Ivory
Coas t, Va.n Leyseele (1978) mues
78
• JI

---

the claim that serialization should be distinguished trom
consecutive constructions.
One of the tests used for dis-
• •
"
l
' .
;.
·tinguishing the two is negation.
Van Leyseele notes that ';-'!', .'
.
.
.
in Anyi, either or both verbs in consecutive constructions,
May be negated while in serial eonstructions, both verbs
have to agree in·polarity.
The negRtion test seems also
relevant for Fula.
There is no overt Marker for consecutive constructions
(91) Aali
dog- ean- i
fay- i wuro
run-Ueg-Tns
go- Tns town
"ARli did not run to town"
On. th6~.,.0ther hand, in order tOI have the negative coordinate
reading of (90) it is necessary to negate both verbe as seen
in (92).
(92) Aali
dog- aan
- i
yah- aan- i . wuro
run- Neg- Tns
go- Neg-Tns town
"Aali did not run and did not go to town"
To conclude this first section, we have discussed four
types of locative constructions with the emphasis put on the
79

---

'. '
"'.
internal structure of each type.
One of the interesting
thing found is that Fula,
thoùgh it has productive
adpositional devices, resorts to serialization in some cases.
Although serialization is only limited to the specific cases
discussed, we must admit that the two marking strategies
,
'
coexist synchronically in the language. This, indeed, is a
counterevidence to Givon's claim~D language universal
and.~Fu1a in particulati that:
liA language may add prepositions through its
nominal system, in which case it need not develop
serialization.
This seemsto have happenedin
Fula. "( Givon, 1975: fn. 27 )
Clearly our discussion in this section has shown that, though
Fula does have prepositions, it has begun'to d~velop serial
constructions.
2.3.2
Loèative tIPis and GrammaticRl Relations
In several languages locative NP's are moved by rules
which also affect non-locatives.
This is generallytrue
in many 'Bantu languages as:r has been discussed by Dalgish
{1976).",·>.tt'rithnrt (1977), and Stucky (1976).
These authors
have shown that a locative NP may bear grwnmatical relations
other than oblique with respect to its predioate.
This
section will investigate several syntactic tests
such as
Subjectivization, Pronominalization, Reflexivization, and
Relativization in an attempt to show that Fula locative
}7P's must be distinguished from each other. Hore specifically,
'" ~ ..;
..,-
80

---

it will be shown that extension -marked locatives behave
more like tenn NP.' s than locatives marked otherwise.
We
shall now look at these processes individually.
2.3. 2.-1/"Subj ectivization
\\tIe hàve se.en in the first part of this chapter that
only subject NP's could trigger verbal agreement in Fula.
Recall that agreement is ex?ressed through a change in the
initial consonant of verb stems.
The following sentences contain locative NP's which
have been promoted to subject position via passivization.
'( 93) a •.r,-wuro
ngo
yah- aama
to
to
town
Det
go- Tns
Prep
Post
"The town
has been gone toit
b.i:-to
wuro
ngo
yah- aama to
Prep town Det
go -Tns
Post
"as above"
c.-;:·wuro
ngo yah- aama
town
Det
go- Tns
"as above"
(-94) a. wuro
ngo
yah- an- aama
town
Det
go- Go.- Tns
Il The
town has been gone to"
b. maayo
ngo
dog- sn - aama
river Det
run- Go.-
Tns
"The river has been run to"
81

---

~ •••
>~
•
c. wuro
ngo iw- r - aarna
, .
town
Det come from-So-Tns
, .
. .
"The town has been come from"
(95)a.(i) * suudu
ndu
.,
naat- aarna
nder
house Det
enter-Tns
in
"The house has been entered"
0..(1i) nder
suudu
ndu
naat- aarna
in
house Det
enter-Tns
"The house has been entered"
b.(i) .::. tiba
ba
9abb-
aarna
dow
roof
Det
climb-Tns
on
lIThe roof has been cl1mbed on"
b.(ii) dow
tiba
ba nabb-
aama
on
roof Det climb-Tns
"The roof has been climbed
onIl
( 96) a. .:~ Arnina t a
winnd-
aarna
leeter faa-de
e
write-Tns
letter
go-Inf Prep
Il Aminata has
been written a letter"
b. Aminata
winnd-
aarna leeter
write-
Tns
letter
IIAminata has been written a letter"
( 97) a. i:-wuro
dog- aarna
(fay- 1i )
town
run- Tns
( go-Tns)
"The town has been run to"
82

---

b. wuro ngo
dog- an
"-aarna
town
Det
run- Go.- Tns
"The town has been run to" "
As can be seen fram the above examples, it is not the
case that all locntive HP t S can bear the relation r'Subject #~'
The examples in (93) show thatthere is no way to
obtain a to-marked locative NP in subject position, neither
by the stranding of the adpositions (cf. 93a & 93b) nor by
nere deletion of these (cf. 93c).
The examples in (94) show that"a locative NP marked
by a verbal extension may be subjectivized.
Sentences 94a
and 94b contain a goal locative and 94c a source locative.
The grammaticality of (94),is evidence that, with respect to
Subjectivization, locatives marked by extensions behave more
like term NP's than locatives marked by to • That the loca-
tive NP's in (94) are real subjects in these sentences is
evidenced by the fact that they trigger verbal agre~ment.
Thus, a pluralization of the Npts in (94) causes a grade
change in the initial consonant of the verb stems as seen
in (98).
",
". (98) a. sure cfe !biah- an - aarna
",." -0/' ~ .,(
towns r:et go - Go. - Tns
"The towns have been gone toIt
b. maaje
de nè.og-- -an - aarna
rivers
Det
run-Go. - Tns
" The ri vers have been run to Il
83

---

c. gure
ngiw- r - aRma
towns
come from-So- Tns
"The towns have been come from"
The examples in (95) show that the only way to obtain
a locative NP markedby a preposition in subject position
is by subjectivizing the whole locative phrase 11s seen in"
95a(ii) and 95b(ii).
Note that it is not possible to
strand prepositional nouns as was the
cas for to. However,
'locative NP's marked by a prepositional noun are different
from to-aarked locatives.
Because only the former
bear
the relation IISubject of ll (cf. the ungrammatical sentencas
(93) );
The fact that prepositional nouns can only be moved
together with the NP's following them is predictable from
the internal st~cture of this type of locative phrase as
discussed in section 2.3.1.2.
There, we showed that there
was a relation A of B within these complex locatives. There-
fore, given this relation,'. weexpect the phrese to behave
like a unit9 •
The Aof B unit also explains
the fact that
in constructions like 95a(ii) and 95b(ii) agreement is not
triggered by the B element but ia triggered by the A element
as seen in.( 99).
"
,.
(99)a. dow
suudu
ndu
firt- aarna
on
house
Det take'Rpart-Tns
"On the house has been taken apart"
.'"
84

---

b. dow
cuudi
di
. firt-
aama
on
houses
Det
take apart-Tns
" On the houses
has been taken .Qpart ll
c. -la- dow
cuuch
di
Eirt-
aema
" ...',
,.'
on
houses Det take apart-Tns
"as above"
If agreement were triggered by B, we would have expected
the chan,~e in the grade ( f -> P ) of the verb stem ini tial
consonant following the plur~lization of the noun
suudu
'lhO\\.lse".
This is not the case , however, as the starred
sentence *99c shows.
In (96) and (97) the loc::ltive Npt s objects of V2
(in the two seriaI constructions )are subjectivized.
This
is only possible by getting rid of the complex V2 + e
in
(96) which is expected since prepositions are never stran-
ded in Fula.
We assume o~ course an
analysis of V2 + e
as a complex preposition.
In (97), the subjectivization
process results in two side effects: V
is eliminated
2
(which ls expected by the stranding rule); and the gORl
extension ~ is suffixed onto the verb.
'rhis behavior of locatives is common in languages of
the world.'
In general i t has been noticed ( Keenan ,H.S.
that in l~nguages which mark obliques by adpositions Rnd
verbal extensions, a rule l.rhich moves en oblique hlgher
in the hierarchy of grammatical relations may have the
effect of eliminnting the adpositions from the oblique NP
'r
85

---

and m~rking the verb in d1fferent ways ~ccording to which
oblique is ~dvanced.
~lthough this appenr to be the oase
in the example (97), we will show the limitations of s~ch
an analysis for ?ula locatives in later chapters.
Inany
cp..se subjectivization ShOliS that A. locative NP
marked by
an extension2nd a locative NP marked by a prepositional
noun behave more like term NP' s
than do to- !1lB.rked HP r ~.
And ~TP-r s complements of a seriaI verbe
. l
?ronominplization
Pronominalization is aIse a test which helpsto dis-
tinguish the Pula locatives from each other.
Ex amp l es
(100) ••• (105) represent sentences involving the pronominal-
ization of
different loca ti ves.
(100) a. Aali
.
yeh- ii
to
Huro
to
go-Tns
Prep
to\\m
Post
:1
Aali
has gone to town"
b• .'\\ali
y eh.. i1
to
to
.;
.'
reggo
J,}
ngo J
,1
go .. Tns Prep
[.,~:1 Fost "
" 1'.. oli
hns gone to i t"
(101)~.
mi
doe;-
an
- ii dental ngal
l
run-Go.- Tns
flssembly
Det
fil have nm to the meetinga
86

---

b.
mi
dog-
an -
li
~ nga1 J'
{.r,. magga1
l
run-Go. - Tns
i t J
t* it
"1
have run to it"
(102) 9..
Dooro
nt='at-
ii
nder
suudu
ndu
enter-Tns
in
house
Det
" Dooro
has entered the housa"
b.
Dooro
naat- ii
nder
~mayruJ
t~:'ndu'
enter-Tns
in
~
"~ooro has entared
in
i t "
( 10 3) a. mi
winnd-
ii
leeter
fr.fI-de a Ami
l
wri t.e-'ms
letter
go-1nf Prap A.
" l
hEl.va wrltten n letter
to Ami"
b. mi
\\-1innd- ii
leetar
faa- de
t::~J
e
l
lvri te-Tns
latter
go-1nf Prep!her J
1
l'::'her
;1
;11
hnve written her ri latter"
(104 la. A:üi
dog- ii
fa.y- i
i·.ruro
run-T!ls
go-Tns tOlffi
'1
:\\:1.1i rl1n to to\\\\rn"
87

---

'·1
.
,
b.
Anli
dog-ii
f:::..y- i
Imaggo} .
{l-ngo
•
run-Tns
go-Tns
Prep J it} .'
l{i-it
IIAali ran to it"
The a-sentences in (100) through (104) reoresent
bRSic
.sentences containing lOCEl.ti ve sentences.
,In the b-sentences
the sam&'loc~tive phrRses are pronominalized.
~'.
Notice that, aIl examples (except for (101) ) use
a possessive pronoun.
The use of possessive pronouns'in
this context needs some comments.
It is not surprising to find possessive pronouns in
constructionn involving prepositional nouns
like (102)
since we have already se~n that objects of these prepositions
...
are in fact possessive N~'s.
On the other hAnd, the use of
possessive pronouns in examples (100), (103), and (104)
cannot be explained on the synchronic.level.
It is possible
however, to nssume that the locative UPls in these sentences
,~
were historically possessor Npls.
Similar suggestions
have been made for English.
In his an~lysis of the oblique
t",
NP in the.sentence "John balanced the glass on tOry of the
ball"(my underlining), Keenan (If.S.) notes that
on top .of
has an internaI structure which is semantic~111y equivalent
to on the top of, since
IIbe.lls don' t have tops".
He then
concludes that what is now an oblique NP in the 2nglish
sentence above(i.e. the bAIl) is historically a possessor NP.
88

---

".
Again if we compare the strategies used for the prono-
minalization of Fula locative NP's, we note that locatives
i .
marked by an extension behave more like
tcrm NP' s than
the others do.
2.3.2.3
Reflexivization
\\1e have
seen in Cha~ter 3 that only term NP '.s can
govern or be the target
of Reflexivization. We note that
tl'10 of the Fula locati ves1can be the target 11 of reflexi vi-
zation; namely locative NP's marked by prepositional nouns
!cf. (101)), add locatives introduced by the infinitival
form of V
in seriaI constructions like (108).
The follo-
2
wing examples illustrate the phenomenon.
( 105) a •.::. Aali
yeh-
ii
to
hoore
mum
to
go- Tns
Prep
self-3sgPoss Post
"AEl.li has ~one to himselfl!
'"
b. ·::"!~ali
hucc- ii
to
hoore
mum
to
.-
. "
go- Tns
Prep
self-3sg
Post
"Aali
has gone to hL'7ls elfl!
(106) a.{:·Anli
dog- an - ii
hoore
rnurn.
,:1_'"
run- GO.• -Tns
s elf- 3sg. Pos s
"Aali has run to hims elf"
b.~:·Aali
yah- lID - ii
hoore
murn.
run- Go.-Tns
self-3sgPoss
" 1>.nli
hs s
~one to hims elf"
89

---

•
"
nder hor-
am
I·enter-Tns
in
self-1sg.Poss
" l have entered into myself"
( 108)
mi
Hinnd- ii leeter
faa- de
e hor- am
l
l'tri te-Tns
letter
go-Inf Prep self-
1sg. Poss
" l have uritten fi letter to myself"
(109) a.~~ Aali
dog- ii
fs.y-i
e hoore
mum.
run-Tns
co-Tns Brep s elf- 35g. Poss
Il Aali
has run to himself "
The above beh~vior with respect to Reflexivization seems to
not be an inherent property of the locatives UP's themselves
but
rnther of the verbs selected. 'Obviously it is not
~ossible for individuals to physically move to themselves.
Thus, (105), (106) and (109) ";rhere the verbs require a
physical motion of the subject are ungrammatical.
The
verbs in (107) and (108) do not necessarily require a physi-
cal motion. People may get into themselves spiritually, hen-
ce the grammaticality of (107); also people send letters to
themselves, hence the F;r~:uninaticality of (108) •• etc •••••••
Furthermore, recall that
(108) is ambiguous between a goal
and a recipient reading.
This property could explain the
fRct that the object of the i~initive V
may also be the
2
target of Reflexivization.
90
.'

---

2.3.2.4
Relativization
In chapter 3 we will show that
Relativization is,
a process which is sensitive to grammatical relations.
For
example, NP's which are objects of a preposition are rela-
ctivized by the OBJ
strategy (i.e
they leave a resumptive
2
pronoun) as opposed to non-objects of a preposition
- "
which use the OBJ
strategy (i.e which does not involve a
1
resumptive pronoun).
The following examples show that
ooly extension-marked NP' s use
OBJ1 •
"
(110)a. ? liUro
ngo njah-noo-mi to
mwn
to
town
Det·
go-Pr- l
Prep
it
Post
"1 tawn
l
had
been to"
b. ? dental
ng~ü
jp.h-nao-mi to
murn
ta
meeting
REL
ga- Fr - l Prep
it
Post
" The meeting l had been to "
..
(111)a. wuro ngo Aali
dag-
an- i
ngo
town REL
run- Go.-Tns
it
" The tawn
Al'li ra.n ta"
b. hiirde
nde Demmba
yah- an -i
nde
night
RRrJ
ga- Ga.-'rns Det
ceremany
"T:le night ceremany Demmbn \\olen t ta "
( 112)
?
Amina ta ma mbinndu-mi
REL
l-J'ri te- l
12
leeter
faa- de
e
mum
.
letter
go-lnf ?rep
her
" .Amin~.tfl. l wrate
a letter ta!!
91

---

(113) ? wuro
ngo Aali dog-i
fay- i
e
mwn ngo
town
REL
run-'rns
go-Tns Prep it Det
UThe tOl.JIl Aali ran toll
(114)
suudu
ndu Takko
naat-i
nder mum
ndu
house REL
enter-Tns in ~
Det
Il
The house Takko entered into:l
In the above examples,only those in (111) where the. locatives
are marked by an extension use OBJ
strntegy as expected.
1
Locatives which ~re marked by a preposition use OBJ
without
2
exception(cf. 114).
The sentences in 112a and 111a-b ~re
not so bad inspite of the question marks; they are a little
cUllipersome for a native speaker, ho~.;ever.
';/hen possible
speakers of ?ula avoid resumptive pronouns in normal speech
~nd prefer to use synonymous sentences containing OBJ •
For
1
ex~ple, to the sentences in 110a, 110b, and 112a
sentences
11.5a, 11.5'6, and 11.5c ~re usually substi tu ted.
~
(11.5)a. l'lUrO
ngo
nj2h- pn- noo- mi
n30
tOl'In
HEL
.130- Go.- Pr- l
Det
IIThe tOtm l h8.d been to"
b. dent~.l
ngal
njah- an- noo- mi
ngal
meetin~
REL
";0-
Go.- :r- l
Det
"~he
meeting l hp..d been to "
c.
A minatD.
mo mbinndu- .r.li
leeter
nEL
write- l
letter
Il
~'.minp.ta l "Hrote ~ letter to"
92

---

To summ~rize this section, Pula locative N?'s behnve
differently wi th respect to' the syntactic processes . of
Subjectivization, Pronominalization, Reflexivization and
Relativization.
In any case, the discussion h?s shovm that
locative Npr s which are marked by verbal extensions and
prepositional nouns hA,ve more term pro,erties than locative
NP's marked in other ways.
2,4 Instrumentals, Causatives, Rnd Benefactives
So far in what has preceded we have discussed
noun
phrAses which bep-r the synt~ctic/sem~ntic functions of
'subjeot., 'direct object;r, 'indirect object', ,and 'locative'.
The ~~re oommon strategies used for coding these noun phrases
have been adpositions, fixed word order and serial verbs.
Only locatives were shovm to use verbal extensions as a
coding s tra tegy.
\\1 e al so sholtled th:} t there li as
sorne cor-
relation betlJeen the Hay an lTF is coded Anà its gr,anunatical
status.
For example, locatives morked by an extension showed
more term properties thanlocatives
marked in other ways.
I&e i'ourth nnd lns t sec tion of this chtlpter \\-lill be
devoted tosome other Hprs essentially ms.rked by a verba.l'
extension; na~ely Instrumental, Causative, ~nd Benefactive NP's.
Because markersof these HP's are olso used to mark other
~rp r S ( for example the extension -an-
may be used to mark
both goal and benefactive lIprs ), He \\Vill discuss some
syntactic met"ns o'f distinguisb.ing the different readings.
93

---

.-'
·
,..
..'
::ie will' also eX2mina the cons train ts on sentences tha t
contain
'.. ~,
moretnan one verb-coded argument.
The organization of this chanter is as follows: first,
we will discuss the difference between predicates ~hose
complements are source locatives and those whose complements
are instrumental NP' s and
l'Jill provide evidence for a causa-
tiv'e in terpreta tion of sorne ir-r:mrked NP' s.
In the second
part_~e;~ill provide a way to distinguish the
an-coded
goal NP' s from an- coded benefsctives.
~Uso, because bene-
t'actives, recipients, and causee liP', sare competing for
immediate postverbel position, we will show how the cooccur-
rence of more than one of theseis 'tl::ndle9- in Pula.
2.u~1
Instrumer.tRIs
2.LI_.1.1
Instrument:Üs & Jource locatives
There is evidence thpt Pula uses the same marker
(r/ir) for both inst~~ental and source locative NP's.
This
t
is examplified in the following se~tences.
(116)a. mi tay- :r - ii
teew
paakn
l
cu t-Ins t-':'ns
ment
kn:'fe
" l :la.ve cut mea t wi th a lcnife i'
b. mi
dog-
ir-
ii
!,nde
l
run-Ins t-'I'ns
shoes
if
l have run wi th shoes"
94

---

c. mi
jagg- ir- ii
mo
boggol
l
catch-1nst-Tns
him
rope
:11 hEl.ve caught him with a rope"
(117)a. mi
dog- n - ir - ii
..'..ali
pale
ï
run- Caus-So
-1ns
fields
t:1 hnd .~.ali run fron the field"
b. mi
iw-
ir-
':'i
l
leave- 80 -Tns
above
"I have come from l\\bove"
c. mi
urnrn.-
ir - iima
les
l
underneath
" l have left from underneath"
Exemple (116) contain instrumental iTP's and (117) souroe irP's.
~ote that
both behave alike positionally.
Th~t is, with
basically intransitive stems, instrumental anè source NP's
occupyimmedinte postverbal position (cf. 116b & 117b-c'l);
but with transitive verbs they nre moved to final position
(cf. 116a-c & 117~).
However, there are sorne basic syn-
tacticd~fferences between them.
These are connected to the
",_. ~"J
" ..'
transitivity of the ir- extended verbs (as opposed to its
basic stem), ~nd the selectional restrictions of the noun
phrase which May trigger
ir- agreement 13 •
(i)- .\\-..hereas ~n ir- Inst
al\\iays increases by one the
number of argument NP's for n predicate14, an ir-So
need
not
as seen in the e~ples below.
95

---

- .",.- - ..>
/"
(118)a. mi
~
na am- ii
l
eat- Tns
" l have eaten"
,.,/
b. mi
naam- ii
teew
•
l
eat- Tns ment
!I
l
have eaten meat"
N
c. mi
naPlTl-
ir- ii
kuddu
l
eat-
Inst-;,rns
spoon
"I have enten with a s"Ooonll
..
~
d. mi
naam- ir- ii.
teew
kudd:....
l
ea t-Ins t-rins
mes.t
spo.on
"I have eaten meat t'li th a spoon"
(119)e.. Aali
Ï\\v-
ii
dOl-/
leave-Tns
abO'Te
"llali has left above ll
b.
Aali
i\\'1- r-
ii
dow
lellve-So-Tns
nbove
1= Aali left from
above!'
c. Sira
umm-
iiM.a
les
get up ·-Tns
underneath
" Sira
has left underneathl!
d. Sira
les
get up-So-Tns
underneath
lISira hl?s left from undernenth=l
96
......'
.,.'

---

./,
If we first compare 118a & 118c on the one hand, and 118b
& 118d on theother h~nàl we note that the presence of
. an instrumentEl.l r.'larker increases the number of arguments in
the sentence.
For exa~ple' 118~ is intransitive; when
we extend' the verb
as in 118c, we obligatorily get an extra
NP in the sentence.
In (119) on the other hand, we do not
get an extra HP; that is, inspite of its extended verb, 119b
ht'.s the Sf.l!''le number of e.rgu.-nents RS 119a.
:iTO\\-I, suppose vie ~vanted to have an instrumental reading
in (119). In order to have this reaàing we must add ~n ext~a
- "- .
]F
as exomplified in (120) belol'l.
( 1 20 ) a. AnI i
iu- ir- ii
dow
seel
le~ve-Inst-'fns above ladder
I!
Aa.li ha9 lef't ~bOV3 wi th a ladderll
b.
Sirs.
~~-
il' - iima
les doole
leave-Inst- 'ms underneatn force
lISirA. has l eft undernea th ~-ri th ~o:rce"
Anothe:r syntactic difference bet\\-leen ir-So 'and ir;Inst
t
NF's i9 that ir-30 NP's must Alw~ys be in immediate pC9t-
verbal posi tian an~. do not alloil an intervening l!? 'mless
this one i9 ~lso coded.
For example, when So iTP's
and
Inst Hl" s cooccur the So if? ~.l'H?ys precedes the Inst H?
as seen in (121) o.nd (122)
•
(121)a. mi
hl- r-
il'
ii
do \\-1
boggol
l
leave-So-Inst-~s
above
rope
Il
l have left from above wi th a rope"
97

---

b.* mi iw- r - ir - ii
dow
l leave-So-Inst-Tns
rope
above
lias above"
(12?')a. mi
iw
-r - ir - in - ii
Aali
dow boggol
l
leave-So-Inst-Caus-Tns
aboya rope
"I ha.d Aali lea.ve above Hi th a rope!l
b.* mi iw- r -ir- in - ii
~oggol dow
Il as
above!l
In ex~ple (121) we have a cooccurrence o~ a source and an
instrumental NP.
Notice th?t the source NP precec1es~ha
".-
instrumental ~l~ (cf. ~:·121b).
In e:{ample (122) we have a
cl?usee NP, a source and an instrumental rIP.
Rere also the
source li1US~ precede the instrt=.lente.1 :!!1.
(ii)- The semnntic interpretation of (121) and (122)
~bove (as to how to a~sign n function to the different NPrs
in the sentence) may seer.1 to be op?que becnuse no overt
t
.
norphological ma.rker is affixed to the nouns.
The extensions
'!
in (121) ~d (12~) only indicate thnt there is an NP in the
sentence whichbears a source or an instrumental NP to the
predicate.
Hovrever, the inherent seme.ntics of the Bprs
themselY~9 3i ves indication
of hOlO[ the lI? is to be interpre-
ted.
Ifhe nouns associa ted Hi th a. source reeding al\\-lays re-
fer to loca tio~s.
:?or exar'r~:>le the two sentences in (123)
h~ve exacxly the sarne intern~1 structures and the SArne pre-
dicates, and only the selection of the nouns r.1RY indicate
which reading to choose as seen below.
98

---

(123)a. Mi
dog-' ir -
ii
pP..le
de
.1
run- So - Tns
fields Det
"I have run from the fields"
(!!.Q.E:
• • • t'li th the fields)
b. mi
dog- ir - ii
"Jade
l
run-Inst-':i:'ns
shoes
"7
have run \\.;ith 3hoes ll
. i'.
(not: •••• from shoes )
One might indeed wonder how to say in Fula the English
. "
sentence "Ta.kko hllS run from the shoes::, which is in fact a
,possible sentence since one csn run from the shoes to, say,
the building for instRnce.
It is not possible to say this'
sentence in Pula using the ir-So extension as seen in (124').
( 124') ~:- Takko
dog- i~-
ii
pade
de
run- So-Tns
shoes
Det
" Takko
has run from the shoesl'
The above sentence cannot have a source reading (it does
have an instrumental reading, however, Il T. has run with
the shoes"), becnuse as lofe said earlier an ir-So requires
the selection of a noun which is inherently locational.
That 1s, the word shoes
is not as inherently n loc~tion
~ as the t-J'Ords ~, river, or pInce for inst~,nce.
In fuI!)"
the only llflY to produce the string "TA.kKO
has run from the
'shoes" is by putting it in a more ·complete sentence like
. "i.';;~'124) which inv~lves preposit~onal ,hrases•
.~
.... .
.
, ..
~
; .
99

---

.
'~
.' \\.,.
( 124) a. Talcko
dog- ii
gila
. pale
de
'-
m
....
run-Tns
from
shoes Det
"
haa· hubeere
nde
to
building
Det
" Takko hlls run from the shoes to the
building"
I~•.
Note in the above sentence that the source is not expressed
:.
4
by an extension but by a preposition.
" .
'2.4.1.2
Instrumentals &: Causl?,tives.
r
The correl~tion between the instrumental m&rkér'and
"the causa ti ve narker has not been TT! en tioned previously in the
literature as far as l know.
Therefore, it would be interes-
ting to show
ir (which we have just sho~m tb be a Marker
for source locctives l?nd instrumentals) does in fact RppeRr
in sontences whose ~eaning appear to be closer to causative
than instrumental •.
The put~tive Marker for causatives in FulR is n/in
-.
as seen in the eXP.m'Oles belOl-l.
}','
0"·"
( 125) a. ~\\~l.li
haal- ii
fenap,nde
speak-fus
lie
".".2.1i
se.id a lie:'
b. Denrnba h~8l- n - ii Aali fenacnde
soeak-Cs.us-Tns
. lie
::Demmba made i.e.li say a. lie"
100

---

( 125') Il. 'colli
di
ndill-
ii
';
birds
Det
ilThe birds have moved!l
b.
De~nba dill-
in - ii
colli di
bitds Det
":Jer:unba made the birds move ll
The nbove b-sentences cont~in A causative extension (under-
lined ). This one is found in unmarked constructions.
On
'the other hand, the r/ir
form of the cnusRtive extension
ia m~in11 round in constructions involvin~ some kind of focus
,
'
aa in the following exa~ples.
( 126) a. ko
Demmb~,
han.l- ir - i
cf~ ?
Q
spenk-Caus-Tns
th~.t
"~;;by did DernmbA say th a. t ? rI
:1
...bat
made Vemmba slJ:r thst ? '1
(.::. Hhat did Demmbp. S81 th8t with ? )
b. ko
haal- n -i
dum
Dem.'71b a. ?
,..
'"1,
speak-Caus-Tns thnt
D.
'I~'.hy did Demr.1bn S8.y that ? n
":~!hat mn.de Demmba
say that ?"
( 1 27) a. ko
fuujaare
Demmba
h~,n.l-ir-i ckm
Foc'
nis take
D
spep.k-Caus-Tns that
"~emmba said that by mistake"
11
\\
mistR.ke made vernrnbfl. say that"
101
jJ

---

b. ko
fuujaare
haal- n- i Jurn
Demmba
Foc.
mis take speR.k-Cnus-Tns tha t
D.
"Deï.'UTlba said tha t by mis take"
! ~,' ~,
"e mistake made Dernrnba say thflt"
, .
• ' ,
~'hen we l-tant to ask about the motives of Rn action, the
two sentences in 126a and 126b are easily interchangeable
il
.' in normal sneech. ~,Tote tha.t, al though ~'Te have the extension
!!in sentence 126~, this sentence cannot involve an instru-
~mental reading as seen in the starred third translation of
this ssntence.
The sentences in (127) contain possible answers to the
!
questions in (126)'.
Here too we can find the ir- causative
Marker.
HOlvever, i t is important to mention that;,.tp~ ,causa-
tive reading of the extenRion ir is only poesible when the
• focused N? is abstract as seen in (127).
~~en the auestioned
UP is a human
we cannot get the ir-causative as seen in
'-'
.
( 128) •
( 128 )e.. * mo
Demmba
haal- ir- i
dum
?
Q
speak-Caus-Tns
that
I!
','jho made Demmba say th~,t ? "
b. mo
hRal- n- i
durn Demmba
1',
Q
spep~-Caus-Tns that D.
"
1',110 made Demmba say that ?
"
The auestioned NP in (128) is hurnan. Note that we cannot get
e. causative reading in this context (cf. ~:·128a·).
This is
onlY'possible with the 'n- cAusative e~tension as in 128b.
102

---

This selectional restriction may be further supported in
the examples below.
(129)a. saal1aaw, yii- n- u maa dum tan ko 1SOklai
Aali
~~lone
indeed
see-Caus
you tha t only FOC) ne~d)
.
AalJ. ~
·:~glssses
)
, '
"Indeed, only
AR,li
made you see that Il
"
*::::sesj
b. saall~aw, njiy- ir- daa
JUIn
tan ko
SOkla!
lone
:;- ..
•
;;f'
1":(.f~ali
inçeed,see- C~us -you that only Focneed
)
Inst
l
glasses
J
<'hAli
made you
see thpt"
"Indeed, OnlYJ~~ed:J
l-'l't..all.
ltlndeed, you saw it with glasses ll
Ex~ple 1~9p shows th~t
the causative reRding with
with n
is possible when the foc1.tsed NF is a hum2.n "ABli"
or an abstre.ct noun "needll •
",ie cannot Bet (instrumental) concrete no~nr ~IBla.ss~sl!
in the same context ( cf. ~he st~rred item in 129a) •
..... .'
10:;

---

•
1
.... •
.'
,
"~
.
"
' , ' I n 129b i t is possible to obtain tlolO possible readings
.
.
'.'
depending .on the' type. of ~'TP thnt Ne ~i.ck. If lie pick the
.
l't·
•
'.'
abstract noun we May get ~ causative re~din8 (cf. the
'.
. '.first., trnnslat10n of 129b). But if we pick ;he concrete
,'. : noun we only obta.in 8n instrumental reading (cf. the second
translation of 129b).
Kote furthermore that à ''!Jroper noun
"
~ ... ~,r
:eannot be used in this environment (cf. the stl1rred -1 tern
in 129b}.
The explanation of these selectional restrictions
.. ..
. can be found in the inherent nature of cau~er and instru-
mental HP's.
Usually, in languages' CRuser HP's tend to be
,animrte and instrumental HP' s inanima.te.
This explainswhy
wè' cannot get the inanimate :HP
lone" glasses" as a causer
tbeme in 129a.
On the other hand
we cennot get the ani-
mate NP "Aoli" with the ir-ca.usative
in 129b.
The remaining
j'
two notins in 129b (i. e "need" & Il glasses" ) gi ve two dif-
.ferent readin~s; the instrumental reading is predictable
"
"
.from the nature of the concrete noun itsel.f (i.e glasses
are instruments by nature), abstract noun's on the other hand
may be causer thernes of several individual,actions.
There-
:.
fore, an abstract noun which is MRrked by the instrumental
extension h::s to be interpreted 115 a causer l'ather than
an ins trumen ttÜ NP.
Ik ' .
'"
" ,,' '2.H..2
Benefactives
Following are sentences containing bene.factive liP's.
"'"
104

---

..
l'.
(130) a. Aa.li
am- ii
dance-Tns
"Aali has danced"
b. Asli
am- an - ii
laamdo
0
da.nce-Ben -Tns
chief Det
.,
TI.~.a.li has danced for the chief"
(131)3.• mi
add-
ii
ndiyam
''', .
l
bring-Tns
water
"I have brouhgt
water"
b. mi add-
an - ii ·nagge n~e
ndiya.M
l
bring-Ben-Tns
cow
Det
Hater
"I have brought water for the cow"
As may be seen in the above eXAmples, the benefactive ex-
tension also has a transitivizing function.
Compared to
130a & 131a, exemples 130b &131b each has an extra argument
which correspond to th~ beneficinry of the Action performed
'~.
. by the subjects.
rfhis transitivizing function has been
sho~m to be a feature shnred by iùstrumental markers a.s weIl.
Also, just like the instrumenta.l marker Has found elsewhere
as marker of source 10c,1.tives and cR.llsative UP's, the
~
benefactive
marlter -~n-
is also
i
ri.
marker for goal ,loos.ti ves
"
....
(cf. section 2.3 ).
T'L'lerefore VIe Hill s tart by 'a "':di scus sion
pn this correl&tion.
105
t
l'
"{;

---

.'
.2.4.2.1
Benefactives & Go~ls
The fundrumental difference between a sentence contai-
:\\
ning ~ benefactive and one which contains a go~l locative
,'l
~TP 1s thnt the 1ntter can aIvl:lYs be ps.raphrt'1.sed by a prepo-
sitional phrAse or n seriaI construction.
This has been
discussed in section 2.3 . . Eowever, we il1ustrate it be10w
for the reaàer's convenience.
( 132) a.
Anli
yah- ,qn - ii
wuro
go- . Go-Tns
tO~'m
li .-:"a1i
has gone to "tOlm"
b.
Aa1i
yeh- ii
to
\\1UrO
to
30- Tns
?rep
tOlm
Post
" ~,s abo~lel!
(133)a. .:'.a1i dog- ~m - ii Huro
r
l'" '" JI!' "
run- Go- rrns
tOl,rrl
;r Aa1i
h::lS run to tOvm "
b. A?li
dog- ii
fay- i 1t1Uro
run-Tns
30-Tns town
"as above"
In both (132) and (133) above the b-sentences are par~:phra-
-,
,ses of the a-sentences which invo1 ve verbs extended by
the goal extension ~ •
I~
Benefactives on the other hand, cannot be paraphrased ,
.....
i. e. there i5 no beneff.lcti ve marked by an adposi tion in Fula •
106

---

The other syntactic difference i~ thnt the goal exten-
sion c~n never cooccur with ~nother extension (unlike
, .'
.,
, .
,the'benefactive e~tension).
?or example, 133a ~bove'cannot
"involveon instrumental HI'.
If nn instrumental is to be
included, however, R seriel construction similar to 134b
:.\\ .,~
below is used.
( 134) n. -::. An.li
dog- ir - an- ii.
\\ruro
pate
run-Inst-Go-?ns
tOvm
shoes·
;:·\\~.li has run to tOl·m with shoes rt
b. Aali
dOB- ir - ii
pade
fay-i
Huro
,
, "'"o "
run-Inst-Tns
shoes
go-Tns tOlffi
" Aali has run to tOHn with shoes"
On the other h.::md the benefactive extension mp..y cooccur
wi th sever~ü t~es of extensions [,l.S seen in (135).
(135)a. ~akko def- an- ir- ii sukaabe be maaro
Te.kko
cook-Ben-Inst-Tns children Det rice
b~rme
1')13.n
.'
" Tnkko has cooked rice fo~ the children
" ' ;
Hi th a '!')R.n "
b. ::f'lmmadu
wnnnd- oy
- an - iima
Demmba
"
f'ish-i ~vt- Ben- r~ns
:'![!:'.r:unadu has gone fishin5 for Demr.tball
The only requirement
for the cooccurrence of the benefactive
l-Tith other extension-marked H?'s (or even
unmarked HP's)
is thp.t it ~lwnys rem~insin imme~iAte postverbalposition
• •
107

---

.' ,
as seen in the precedin6 exa~les 131b (containing a patient
and a benefactive NP) and 135a (containing an instrumental
"
• ,~.
,1
,,' ~nd a benei'active HP).
The next section \\-lill discuss the
position of benefactive NP's with respect to pther NP's
.
, such as recipients ;:md causees •
.
2.u.2.2
Cooccurrence of Benefflctives,' Recinients & Causees
The interRction of benefactive, recipient, and causee
liP's is interesting because of the f?ct that each one of
these mus t occu~y immediate pos tverbal pos i tion.
:'Je ha.ve
just shown that benefactives mu~t be in ~mmèdiate postverbal
position.
The following sentences show that recipients
. and causees also must be
in irnctediate postverba.l position.
(136)a.
mi
holl- :\\.i
Aamadu
natal
ngal'
l
ShOl-T-TnS
picture
Det
" l
Have shown the picture to AamaduIl
b. {z, mi
holl- ii
natal
Aamadu
"as above lf
(137)a. mi
haal-
n - ii
Aamadu' fenaa.nde
....
l
speak-Caus-Tns
lie
" l ma.de A.1.madu tell a lie"
b.*mi
haal-
n- ii
fenaande
Ammadu
Il as
a.bove"
usually in simple transitive declarative sentences patients
alwB,Ys ?'C'cupy pos tverbal posi tion (cf. 2.2.1 ). However,
IDa

---

when they cooccur wi th 3. recipient or a ca.usee NP as,. is the
cas e in the above exampl es , they are al \\o1ays moved . in second
position.
They cannot oe~ur in first position as the un-
grammaticp.lity of 136b and 137b shows.
Now, suppose wewant to translate the English sentence
in (138) in Fula.
(138) l wrote a letter for Demmba to Takko
This sentence
cont~ins two ~P's '(i.e
~ benefRctive and ~
'recipient) competing for immediate 90stverb~1 position.
i:
Since it is not possible to get two 'NP's simultElneously
in this position, Fula resorts to seriaI constructions like
( 139) •
(139) mi t-Tinnd-an-iL Demrnb'3 leeter
faa- de e
Takko
1
write-Ben-Tns
D. letter
go-Inf
Prep
T.
:'1
wrote a let ter for Derunba to 'fakko"
In this sentence both the benef~ctive and therecipiettt
NP's are s~tisf1ed in i~~ediate po~tverb~l position.
, ".
A simil ars tra t egy' i s p.lso us ed when the th":'ee HP' 's
(benefpctive, recipient and CQU3ee ) cooccur, two of which
are mRrked by a verb~l extension.
~o evoid convergence of
these lI?' s
Fula combines
seri~l constructions Pond peri-
phrpstic caus8.tives as seen in (140).
( 140) mi w::I.d-ii
/,!ll1'1p..du to1innd-nn- de
!)enunba
1
l1'1pke-Tns
write-Ben-Inf
D.
leeterf~a- de e
Takko
letter
go- Inf Prep
T.
" 1 had .t.1.lm8du wri te a 1 et ter to Tnkko for Demmba"
109

---

The Above sentence' is used to avoid the ungrA.mml3.ticali ty
1 .•: '
of (141) below.
( 141 ).::..::. mi winnd- '3.n - in - ii
.\\ Demmba, AemaduJ
l write-Ben- Caus-Tns
D.
n..
,
leeter
fRa-
ùe
e
Tekko
letter
go- Inf
Prep
Takko
11
l h::tdt\\amAdu write a letter to TRkko
for Demnbp:l
. .....
The causRtive extension -in-
Rnd the benefactive -on-
•
.
'V'
in the above sentence both require that the causee and
the beneficiarJ NF's be immediately after the ext~~~
verb l-linnd-
"~.j'rite", which is impossible.
These constraints
will r,ive
important insights on the grammatical functions
of these NP's
as will be discussed in later chapters.
They
\\-lill reveal that immediate postverbal
NP' s have more term
properties than N~'s in other positions.
To summarize this chapter, we hp.ve assumed the rule
of subject-verb agreement RS st~ted in previous literature
Pond have vl0ndered \\-Ihy i t did not I~appy to
n )minp..lized verbs
as '.-Iell.
The 3nS'tler wt:\\S thr t, al though they <ma in tr..in s eve-
raI verbal ch~rncteristic~, no~in~lized verbs fol:ow the
grad~tion rule which R?PY to noun ste~s.
In our discussion
...
of Indirect Objects He found that Ful:l hl"ls Indirect Cbjects
o~ both 00 and Oblique type.
The former w~s found ih
,
di tra.nsi ,t.ive sentences invol ving FI fixed. word order and
the lRttér involves ess~ntially what we have called
f .
110
-

---

.'
-,:'
e-merked HP' s.
T:rOolo~ic.9.11y, Ful ~ locs. ti ve i'!P' s ha.ve been
. shown' to hnve three types of codings.
They mAY be mEl.rked
"
- '.' by a verbal extension, an adposi tion, or by sorne type of
,
conàecutive constructions which l..re h~,ve nrgued to be the
"
.1'
'. .~ begil'Uling of seri~üizp,tion.
In the four th part of this
. ,chapter, the emphasis has been on the sbtilari ti,es betl-1een
• ,/>"
theextensions'used to mark Instrumentals,-Cau~ctives, Rnd
',;
....
Benef'actives.
'~'!A first discussed the differen èe between
-,/':::~ .. ir-So J ir- Ins t , and ir- Cnus
extensions
on ·the' basis
:' ;,: of syntactic tests and selectional restrictions on extended
verbs.,
:1e then showed tha t ~-Iher.ever the benef~cti ve NP
cooccu~ ~-li th sorne other HP, ital wa:rs occupies immedia te
..r~~
.
postverbal ~osition.
This indeed puts benefact~veshigher
in an'Y hierarchy. based on the semantic f'unctions
of the
'.- .
f,<
"
(,
'?\\ll Po. noun phras e •
. . '.
'
,
.:: ..,:.
. .~.'
r
I I I

---

FOOTHOTES- Chnpter 2
1- ~mong these is the fRet that nominalized verba
can inflect for tense ~s sean in (142).
(142)a. J~an~ ii - do
aleep-Tns-Clrs
"One vrho sI eep s ~l
b. dap.n- a tao - cfa
•
sleep-Tns- Clrs
"One vrho is sI eeping"
c. cfaan- i - noo -
cfo
s1eep-Tns-Pr- Clrs
"One who had slept"
2- 'Th.e infinitive forrn in (14) is only meant to
,-
show that the verb can appear with a continuant grade just
like the nominal in(13) also shows a similar.grade (cf. 13a).
3-Excent for the 1sg. mi'I, me' which can appear
in the sarne form either as subject or as an abject.
This is
examplified in (143) below•
•
(142)a. mi
yeh-
ii J~
l
go- Tns
" l
am
gone"
b. a
haal- an - i
o
yalt-
i
he speak-Ben-Tns
he go out-Tns
"He told
me and l-J'en tout"
note in the above eXroTt'91e the existence of an accusative fom
kam 'me' which ~?pears only O~ object (cf. 1~2b); also
discussed in ch~pter 1, section 1.4.4 ) •
. 4- This ia not true when the first subject occur~
.",. rance is a. pronoun, hOl-lever, in which cese the subject ha.s
to be repeated all the way through (cf. chapter 3, section
:3.4 )'.
112

---

"
." .
"
. :."
5- l-Tote that sorne of the markers may be optionally
deleted ~nd we still May get the snne reading.
~or example
•... ':.... we get the SArne readin~ in 64a whether or net the adposi tion
.... ~'f :'12 is present.
Thus (144) is perfectly e. gr3;.'1Maticlll
o!.
sentence.
..'. ~
( 1~.) mi tiind-
iima
hiirde
l
he~d- Tns
night ceremony.
" l
ar.t heading to't-l['.rds
the night ceremony"
Also, in (67) the preposi tional nouns nè.er 'in, înside' ,
and dON ' on, rrbove' are optiona.l.
-.ihen they' Rre not used
however, an ~-mRrker is neéded.
Thus, sentences'145n and
. 145b are respecti.vely sYn0nymous to 67R and 67b •
( 145) a.• mi naa t- ii
e
suudu
ndu
l
enter-;rsns Prep .'house
Det
"1 hp.ve entered the ~louse"
b. :.1i
leel-
iime. e
leeso ngo
l
la71-
Tns
Prep
bed
Det
li
l have layed in the bed'!
Here however, He ~.re only concerneà Hi th CRses \\-1here the
•.
urenosi tionRl nouns' do surfrl.ce •
.:.
...
6- Fula uses do to indicat proximRte locations
as seen in (146).
'"
( 146) a. [0
lIhere:!
b. Joon
Hright there" (ne2.r you)
do is ~lso used cs p~ ~dposition. but only with ~ specific type
of veros sinil~r to those in (147)
(1LL7)3.. r:icfo
ni
yett- 00
(fo
jeere
do
l
Loc
rep.ch-ms Frep
"iR.rket
Post
TI T
[,I.n. going to rep.ch the :12.rket:1
(i.e'1 ~m ~oinG to the ~arket' )
b. nido
ni
J~.rm -
do
gall e
,':.8.Jn9du cfo
,f"
l
Loc
drop- Tns
rrep
hon.e
Post
:r
ï
d
b..-r .
b
•
d '
... a:a
roprang
y _".t'm!'!. u s
"'1 •
.. -
113
•

---

~
AlthouGh do
:n~.y t1~r!~ loco.tive phrRses, th~ verbs involved
.
'';~
,
... ;. .- cannot b'e directionel. They must be lexically punctual.
, ,',"
7- Al though !2 and .42 (see the Rbove foonote)
.
-,.
,,'.~.:' ~ are not synchronically parts of the Fula noun class system
"';~ they might be rernn8nts of proto Niger Congo which \\lR.S
!:'
su?posed1y bath ,refixing And suffixing as argued by sorne
.
.
/
scho~ars
c .
(cf. Welmers, 1973; ~nderson, 1976).
BG~
"
,
i '
; : '
see also Greenberg (1977) L'or 8. recent nroposal.
'~
8- ?he device <::. yeh-) means ths.t lve cannot obtain
'. e, sentence' like
'"
( 148) .::. Aali
yeh- ii
yeh- i
l·n.lrO
go- 'ms
go-Tns
tmm
":\\ali hD.S gone to, tOl·m:-
~. . '"
'\\-There V1 c; V2
a:.... e ,the 3tme.
!Tote thn t the mos t unmarked
form of the verb, 'go' in ?ula is the stem J.:j:'lh-, 'tvhich seems
- to be the least directional of the verbs in Set II •
", ~li
9-TI1e inse~nr~bility of pos~esseà-possessornouns.
la no t,; a1ways . so' rigid, especialiy t-Ihen :the "Çlossessor is è.
,regul~r possessive pronoun.
For exnnnle, we h~ve e7idence
,that, in this'case, it is possible to ~et constructions of
the yossessor ascension t~e (~ ln ?erlmutter)' as seen iIi
(149)s. 0
hel-
ii
hoor- ~
he break-;1ns
hep.d-1s~.Poss
-"
"e:
... e hEl s broken my hend"
1
(or in French 'Il ~ casse
~ tête' )
b. 0
hel- i1.
kPTn
hoore'
. ,
he
brep.k-Tns
ne
hep.d
'1
He h~s broken my head"
1
(or i~ Yrench' Il n' R cosse
c. Bi hel- a~ma
hoore
~
bre~k-P
hend
"':'hey broke my he~.d !l
.' \\
..,
(or in ?rench t On m' a cassé
lat~te')
114

---

·' .
.-.t
~xample 149a.is n regul~r sentence with a possessive comple-
t
).
ment.
In 1L~9b the possessor i8 advanced to objecthood.
And
"
". in 149c it hRS been subjectivized.
:',Ie, hr.va inc.;J.uded the
,\\'
, : ",French eguive.lent sentences l.,hich seem to be c10ser to
the Pula ones.
".~.r_ .
10- T:le hr-'lve not seen yet the reason why '-le get the
e- marker in this contexte This phenomenon is interesting
however, bec~use it shows that ·nt some level of st~cture
},', ,·the case rel~.tion (in the attested serial con.structions) rilay
'.:', be marked by the sa.."e complex V2 + e .
Hote that wi thout the
' !
the sentence is unr;rarlUTultical a.s seen in (150) belo,ol.
( 150) ~:- Ap.l i
dog- i i
fay- i
maggo
run-Tns
,go-Tns
it
;'Ao,li
has run to i,t"
11- Locative TIPIs in 'subject position May obviously
govern Reflexivization when the ~ppropriate verbs are chosen
~.s seen in (151.).
(151) dow hubeere nde
yand- in- ii
hoore mum
On
building Det
fall- Caus-Tns self-3sg.Poss
"The top of the building fell down by itself"
12- cf. foonote 10.
13- Agreement is used here in a larger sense as
Bcoding process on the verb which indicctes that there is
.\\·1i.nNP in the sentence which bears sorne kind of syntactic/
.:'" ,semantic relRtion to the verbe
The term 'regtstrntion'
.:', May be a better word.
14- Except in sorne idiomatic ,constructions·like
: the folloldng.
(152)
mi
ioo-
ir - ii
A8.r.1ndu
l
na~e- Inst- Tns
~.
" l na."':1e. (myson)
.~.mnndu:t
15- Causee ~P's will be discussed in the next
section. It see'!s hOlVever, that only .the CI3.usn.tive exten-
sion May be used simult~neously with the source and ~he
instrumentsl extensions.
115

---

CHAPTER III
:. . '.
. ~.,. '.
Syntactic Tests for Termhood
In the previous chapter we have discussed the major
'.,
. ~".'
:' .runctions of the noun phrase in Fula.
\\1e isolated some
, coding properti'es '~: su'ch as position, case marking, control
of verb-agreem~nt) which characterize Fula NP's.
In this
" d .
chapter we will describe certain syntactic processes which
we.consider to be
effective test~~ distinguishing term from
non-term NP!s.
The chapter is divided into four sections.
,The first
section compares the processes or
f~cus (i.e
cleft sentences) and relativization.
We show that the
latter makes crucial reference to grammatical'relations
whereas
the former makes reference only marginally to these.
. ;,
The second section describes
the rule of reflexivization
and show that the process is a strong test for termhood in
f
that the noun phrase which triggers it must be a subject
and the target a direct or indirect objecte Sèction three
describes the two strategies used to pronominalize
Fula
'-
NP's.
It is shown .. that these' strategies distinguish NP's
j"
that are objects of a preposition from those that are note
..,.' ...,
,.. ,,' f,
The fourth and las t
section shows that the rules
of
116

---

.. ".
conjunctive subject deletion' (CSD) and Equi make crucial
reference to the notion 'subject of •• ' •
'. ' , , ....3_._1__F~o,;;.cu;;;;.;;"s_an=.d;;"...;R;.;,;e:;,;:l:.;Q::,,;t:;,;:i:..v:.,:i:,:z:.;:a;.,;t;.::i:.:o:.::n
In this section we describe Focus constructions
and
-Relativization in Fula, the relationship which exi.sirs
-~ .. jIo
~'
-
between them and their relevance to grammatical relations.
We show that there are similarities between the
two cons-
tructions.
This essentiallj confirms previous claims. made
br Schachter (1973) who suggested (from the study of four
unrelated languages ) that
there is a deep and non-
language specifie relationship between Focus and Relativi-
zation. The first part will
describe the
strategies used
in the two processes.
In the second part we describe the
r
•
similarities which exist betweem the two. We also show dome
dissimilarities which essentially have to do'
with the fact
•
1 that Relativization in Fula is
a strong test for termhood.
Pocus , on the other hand, refers only marginally ta
grammatical relations when the focus NP'~ underga sôme
..
move.mènts. within the clause •
.'
Strategies
3.1.1.1 Facus
117
------------~-~~~~-~-
- - - .
-
- - . -

---

"
Fula cleft sentences are characterized by two phenome";'
.,,'.
na: the focused
NP is preceded by a focus Marker which ia
~: ",' .optional in initial poai tion; and the verb is alwaya in the
relative past.
This la 'illustrated in the following eXâInples.
, (1) AalL
sood-
ii
teew
buy-
GP
Meat
" Aali has bought ·meat"
.'
( 2)
Aali
sood-
teew
.-
;
1* ~J [* :O}
Meat
'ii;
t J foc.
buy-
RF
* GP
"It'a Meat that Aali" bought"
(3)
(ko)
Aali
sood-
teew
(foc.)
Meat
,'~
"It' s Aali, who bought meat"
Example (1) is a simple declarative sentence containing a
).
~.. ~;,):
-
.
verb in the general past. In (2)
the object NP is
focused.
In (3) the subject is focused. Note that iri both sentences
'we· can only use a relative tense. Furthermore, the focus
, Marker
~
is obligatory in (2) and optional in
(3). The
optionality of the focus Marker cannot be attributed to
the, gramma~ical
function of the focused NP,·however.
Rather, it is the initial position which triggers th~s
optionality.
For example, if we move the focused'Ritj'eèt NP
.
... ~:' ,;"'-
r
•
f>',
.
118

---

,~..
1-
. ;
. ......;,~ .. ,. -.
" ';.'
"
,'; ~. ".
of (2) in initial position the focus Marker will become
optional.
On the other hand, the focus Marker will become
,obligatory if we shirt the subject NP of ( )
in final posi-
~.;..
,;r ,"
tion.
These movements are illustrated in (4) and (5) below.
( 4)
(ko)
teew
Aali
sood-
i
',~,
.,
...
'~,
(foc. )
meat
buy- RF
"It's Meat that Aali bought"
~
; ' .
(5) sood- i
teew
("k: Aali
'.
i
J
li)
'.
buy- RP
Meat
foc. '
,
,"
"It's Aali who bought meat"
Therefore, the strategy used in Fula rocus constructions is
not dependent on the grammatical function
of the focused NP
, but on the position of this one.
That is,the focused NP
'May or May not be preceded by a focus Marker
if i t is in ini-
I..l "'" ..r'
tiâl position (cf.()
& (4) ), but must be preceded by a
focus Marker in any other position.
In any position,
however, the verb
of the clause must be in the relative
... .
tense. The variation in' position
of the foèused NP occurs
. only in focus construstions.
We will show in' later sections
·that this variation in position (which is essentially stylis-
tic) is dependent on the grammatical function of the focused
'NP.
: .... ,
3~~1.2 Relativization
119
-
_. _.- - .._.-
~~------'--------------

---

."
In
Ali & Sylla (1977)
it has been shown that Fula
has
two
main. strategies for Relativization: one
is used in
". subject, the other in non-subject relatives. Futher , the
'non-subject strategy was divided
into OBJ
and OBJ
•
1
2
. Examples (6) ,
(7) , and (8)illustrate this di vision.
(6) a. soondu
diw-
ndu
nder jamma
ndu
-
bird
fly-
REL
in nfght
Det.
" The bird which
has flown in the night"
b. gertogal
j 0 ggu- .EB.!!.
naane"'·..... ngal
rooster
crow-
REL
-
while
Det.
.
"The rooster which
èrowed" a while ago"
c. nedcfo
naam
-do
bottaari
ndi
person
eat-
REL
lunch
Det.
lIThe person who ate the lunch"
(7)a. waare
Aali
femmb- inde
beard
shave-RP
Det.
"The beard that Aali has shaved"
f
b. necfJo
(~ )
gujjo
yand-
in - i
o
person
(~)
thief
fall-Caus-RP:
Det.
lIThe person who the thief made fall down"
c. maaro
(ko )
Pennda
def-
i
ko
rice
(~)
cook-RP
Det.
,,~,
,
"
"The rice that Pennda oooked"
';1'-,
<~.
",
"..'"> ',1',;,
r' "
120

---

(8)a. suudu (ndu)
Aali
naat- i
e
nder
mum
ndu
"
'
house(REL)
enter-RF Prep. Prep. II Det~
"The house that Aali has entered"
b. wuro (ngo) Demmba dog- i
fay- i
e
~
ngo
town
go-RP Prep. !! Det.
"The town Demmba has run to"
c • 1 ees 0 (ngo)
'Sira
lel- i
'e 'dow
mum ngo
bed
(REL)
lie-RF Prep. Prep. 11 Det
"The bed that Sira is lying on".
d•. njamala
(~)
daande
!!!!:!!!!
. barmin- aa
ba
girafe
( REL)
neck'
1!!
hurt~ Tns Det
"The giraf'e whose neck has been hurt"
"
The subject strategy basically uses relative pronoUtt 41itids
suf'f'ixed onto:. the verb, which ref'lect the class to which
the antecedent subject belongs (cf. (6) ). OBJ 1 strategt
applies to non-subject NP's which are not objects of'
a
preposition, and optionally uses a relative class pronoun
which !ollows the head noun and agrees with it (cf'. (7) ).
OBJ
strategy is similar to OBJ
with the dif'!e~enOe that
2
1
the.relativized NP in OBJ2 leaves a resumptive l'ronoUh
beh!nd' ( cf. (8) ). OBJ 2 essentially to NP' s which are
objects of a preposition (8a-h-c ), and also to possessor
~P's as in 8d.
Clearly Relativization
is a process which
ref'ers to grronmatical relations • Futhermore; the process
, conf'irm sorne universal claims made
by Keenan & Co~rie (1972)
;'."
'J"
'
That is, if' a language has two relativization ~~ies
• (.J t·,
121
.}

---

cne of which involves pronoun retention, the pronoun retèn-
tion will be used
The
,
'
to relativize less accessible
'
NP's.
. ·fact that Fula uses OBJ
(i.e involving a resumptive pronoun)
2
,
,
., ,
instead of OBJ
objects of a prepositrb~-and
1 to relativize
......
".
, possessor NPè.is predicted by this universal •
. 3.1.2
Similarities
i,'; 3.1.2.1 Relative tense reouirement
So far, what appear to be Common to Focus and Relati-
vization 1s that verbs in these constructions must be inflec-
ted with a relative tense.
The appearance of ~he relative
tense is not limi ted to these two constructions on11., howe-"
4.
" ~ ver.
It is also ·'found in question formations
and pseudo-
",
; : \\ " ,
clefts as seen in (9) and (10).
(9) a. (hol)
ko
Demmba
wad- ï
';"f "
( Q)
Q.
do-RP
:.~.,
., '
"\\"ihat did Demmba do '?"
b. (hol)
ko
Demmba
yett- i
.'
(0'>
,...."',
take-RF
"1;Jhat did Denunba take? "
"
'-.'
c. (hol)
mo
Demmba
yeewti'· d
- i
( ~~!)
Q
talk-Com- RP
"\\"lho did Demmba talk to.? "
122

---

(10) ko 'Aali
jagg- i
ko
hanki
ini
mawn- i
what
catch-RP
Det.
yesterday i~
big-Tns
,
,
/0' Jtt"
' .. ,-
"\\'!hat
Aali caught yesterday was 'big"
""
.
'
The e~~ples in (9) represent question formation of dif- "
..,
..•..
,terent scope.
In
9a we are questioning about the action
'done by Demmba; in 9b the question is about an object NP
. ~.
which is not human; in 9c the questioned NP is human. In all
lU
',\\
these exemples we tind a relative tense. Example . (10)
i,
,:'; which
involves a pseudo-clett, also shows a real tive tense.
Note also the morphological similarity between the markers
J:
ot Focus, Questions, and Pseudo-clerts , on one hand;
',' ,~
between the question Marker !!!2. (9c) and the marker
in OBJ1
. strategy when the relativized NP is human (7c), on the
2
other hand •
To come back to the main point of this section, we
'have shown that the relative tense is not only required in
"
Focus and Relativization but is also required in questions
and pseudo-clefts as welle
.'1.11 these clauses ,have something
~,' ,
~. • in commonwhich explains this similarity.
Semantically they
. '... ' are all clauses
involving
sorne ,kind or emphasis (or
. focua, in a larGer sense).
Syntactically, they are all
front-shifting movements.
~1.2.2.Pos~essor & Pronominal NP's
123

---

\\..
'. ,.,'
. t
We ahowed that when a poaseaaor NP ia relativized, it
..
"
"
. t.:..:leaves a reaumptive pronoun behind.
Interestingly, when
. ,·'pôssessors are focuaed they also leaves
a resumpti ve
. pronoun behind aa in (11).
( 11) a • ... junngo
Aali
hel- ii
hanki
...
arm
break-Tns
yesterday
.....
"Ali's arm broke yesterday".
j,
b.
junngo
mum
hel-
i
hanki
ko
A~
arm
his
break- HP
y,es terday
Foc.
"
li
"It'a
Aali whose àrm broke yesterday"
c. (Ico)
Aali
junngo
,
,
!!ll!m
hel-i
hanki
..
..
(Foc.)
arm
his
break-tns yester-
.'
day
,:1.
" It's Aali
that broke his arm yesterday"
. -~".
. 11 a contains a genitive NP.
In 11b and 11c the possessor
NP,is focused by frontshifting'it in different positions.
In any case it leaves a' pronoun behind, which is ana1aguous
'-, ~ t "
•
.....
1
.,to the one found in OBJ2 relative clauses.
Pronominal HP' s also show the seme forms 'when focused
or relativized
as seen in the following examplea.
( 1 2)
a. mi
holl- ii
mo
laawol
ngol
\\.::~
.,~
l
show-Tns
him
road
Det
"1 have shown him the road"
b. Demmba war-
ii
ndu
"
.,
kill-
"T·ns
it
1
.
" Demmba has killed i t"
. i
"
124

---

..
mo
kollu-
mi
laawol
ngol
}::OJ
(13) a,
road Det •.
.
\\,
",-
•
•
,i~
• : ...
. ; ; <'
r:S8,Fro] REL
<.
"
"
;Him to whom l have shown the road"
.
.'~.
. ~ ,
"
b.
ndu
Demmba
,war-
i
ndu
Jkayru t
lil- ndu J
!
kill- RP
Det.
,
~'
*::8,~rorEL
" One which Demmbakilled"
( 14) a. (ko)
1::0J kol1u- ,mi laawo1 ngol
(Foc. ) [IF
J ahow- l
road
Det.
i:-3ag.Pro
"It's him l have shown the road to"
b. (ko)
Demmba
war-
i
"
.
,
~t- ndu
.
raYN}
.".:
(Foc. )
kill-RP
1*::g,FrJ
"It'a it that Demmba killed"
t·
.
(12) contains a personal(12a) and a non-personal (12b)
objéct pronoun.
In (13) we
have relativized both pronouns
, and in (14) the sarne pronouns are focused.
In aIl these
. we canrtot get accusative cases '(cf. the atarred items in
•
(13) and (14) ).
Instead, we . get thecorresponding
/10 ....... _p
... ~.
emphaotic
pronouna.
125

---

3.2.3 Dissimilarities
~"
..~
There is a fundamental difference between Focus
and Relative markers •
\\ve have' already shown that. the Marker
. in relative clauses is always a class pronoun which agrees
,
./ w1 th the he ad noun· ( cf. exampl e s (6), (7), & (8) ).
In
• '., > ~,'.• Focus , on the other hand,
there is no class' agreement of
, .
"/
'i
::any·k1nd.
It is always the particle k2 which marks focused
'(NP' s •. Moreover, there is evidence that this particle is re-
.
.
"
.
..
,
.;
lated to the Fula copula ~ •
Comp~re the following'1>airs
of sentences.
Dooro
yar-
i· kosam dam
Foc.
-
drink-RP milk
Det.
"I t' s Dooro who drank the milk"
b. won- aa
Dooro
yar- i
kosam dam
be- Neg
drink-HP milk
Det.
"It's not Dooro who drank the milk"
( 15) a. 00
gorko
ko
baanoowo
j,.
this
man
~
hunter
"This man is a hunter"
b. 00
gorko
won- e.a
bàs.noowo
this
man
be-Neg
hunter
"This man is not a hunter:'
Note in the, above examples that Focus(14') and copula
.i
'sentenc'és (15) use the same markingj i. e., k2.
in positive
s,ntences, and won- aa (be- Neg) in the negative.
This
:
126

---

: -~ ,
.. ..'
suggests that the Pula
focus Marker may have orfg!hated
from the copula ~3.
Another difference between Focus and Relativization
~ ':'.. " resides in their relevance to grammatical relations. We
.;1
'.
have already shown., that Relativization. is a crucial test
for determining the thermhood of a given ~rgument. This
property was found in the strategies for Relat1vization
,themselves, which we called Subject, OBJ , and OBJ
1
2
,:' ,strategies.
1,-Jhen dealing with Focus, however, we do not
'need to refer to grœmmatical relations to descr be the
,~ ..,
~
strategy itself.
But, the ability of focused NP's to appear
~ ~in various positions is determined by their grammatical
tunctions. The following examples illustrate this phenomenon.
(16)
. Aali
sood-
ii
teew
buy-Tns
Meat
> \\ '
"~,
•
"~i;~'
"Aali has bought meat"
,:, '
( 17 ) a. Aali
sood- i
ko
teew
buy- HP Foc.
Meat
"It's Meat that Aali bought"
b. A-ali
ko
teew
sood~ i
Foc.
Meat
~uy-Rt:'
..
.,'
,".
IrIt's Meat ' that Aali bought"(as in 17 a)
c. (ko)
teew
Aali
sood- i
(Foc. )
Meat
buy- RP
IrIt's Meat that Aali bought"
( as above)
.. ..
,
)
"
! (
'.
",,''J,;
.
,#'-:
.'
'~", > ,
127

---

· ,
( 18) fl.. (ko)
Aali
sood-i
teew
,( Foc)
buy-RP Meat
"It' s
Aali who bought meat"
b.
sood-
i
teew
ko
Aali
buy -RP
meat,
Foc.
"It's Aali who bought meat" (as above)
c. * sood- i
ko
Aali
teew
'l,l'
r .';
buy- HP
Foc.
Meat
......
"It's Aali who bought meat"
.. :~~" Example (16) represent a basic declarative sentenc~ •
; "
In (17) the object NP of (16) is focu'sed; in (18) the
':"8ubject NP of (16)is focused.
Note that a focused object
, f:,
"
.'. has grea ter abili tiy to occupy various posi tions tharl
R",:~ ': a focused subject• For example, a focused object may
..
occupy final position (17a) , preverbal position after the
subject(17b), or before the subject(17c). This
makesthree
} possible positions for objects.
Given the optionality of
,r
•
the focus Marker in initial posi tion, we get four synonymous
.,
,
sentences in (17).
A focused subject, ~n the other hand,
,<
.'~' ,may only occupy two positions, i. e. i ts original position
v.'
'!' ..~
'(the initial position, 18a ) and the final position (18b).
,
""
-''''!'hie allows to obtain only three sentences in (18) , as
opposed to four
for (17).
'Focused obliques also behave like objectswith regard
to the ability to move within the clause as seen in (19)
and (20).
128
"

---

(19)a. Demmba jagg- ii
1iinguto
maayo
to
catch-Tna
fiah Prep.
river Post.
('....
"Demmba has eaught a fish at the river"
.: ..,
..
b.Demmba
jagg-i
liingu ko
to· maayo
to
~
".' ,
eateh-Tns fiah
Foc. Prep. river Post
"It's at the river that Demmba has eaught
a· fiah"
e.Demmba ko
to maayo
to
jagg-i liingu
.,1
Foc. Prep river Post eateh-Tns fish
,.
"It'a at the river that Demmba has eaught
.
a fish" ( as above)
d.(ko) to
maayo
to
Demmba jagg~i 1iingu
(Foc.) Prep. river Post.
eateh-T;os fish
," ~' JI'"
~
~
"It's at the river that Demmba has eaught
a fish"( as above)
(20) a. Aa1i taf-ir -ii
teew
paaka
eut-Inst-Tns
Meat
knife
Il Aa1i
has eut Meat with the knife"
b. 1\\à1i
taf -ir - i
teew
ko
paaka
t
.
eut-Inst-Tns
Meat
Foc.
knife
"It's with the knife that Aa1i has eut the
meat. "
e.Aa1i
ko paaka
taY:ir
- i
teew
Foc. knife
eut-Inst- Tns
Meat
!lIt's with the knife that Aa1i has eut
the meat"(as above)
~,.
129

---

d. (ko)
'paaka
Aali taf- iT - i teew
(Foc.) knife.
cut- Inst-Tns meat
..
.
"Itrs with a knife that Aali has cut the meat fl
'
1
(as above)
In (19) the focused NP is a locative prepositional phrase.
In (20) an instrumental NP is focused.
Uote that'both
UP's behave like focused focused patient objects (cf.17).
These data suggest that, like Relativization,'Focus also
.~
distinguishes between subjects and non-subjects though
not in the sarne way •
. ~
AIso, Focus and Relativization sorne aspects of
neutralization but, again, not in the s~e manner. ~is
appears in negative sentences
as seen in the following
examples.
(21) a. sonndu
ndu
diw- aan - i
nder
jamma ndu
bird
REL 1'ly-
Neg -Tns Frep.
night Det.
"The bird that'did not fly in the night"
b. .::. sonndu
diw- aan - i
-ndu
nder
jamma
bird
1'ly-Neg -Tns -REL
Prep. night
>,
ndu
Det.
11 as
above!!
..
c. .,.- sonndu
diw- aan -i
nder
jamma
ndu
bird
fly-Neg -Tns
Prep. night Det.
" as above"
r' )'
>
" .
"
130

---

( 22) a·. waare
nde
Aali .femmb- aan- i
nde
beard REL
shave- Neg- Tns Det
"The beard that Aali did not shave ll
~
.J"
. ;""
.. ;
b. * waare
Aa1i
femmb- aan - i nde
..~ ,
beard
shave-Neg-Tns Det
Il as
above"
(2 J) a. suudu
ndu
Aali
naat-
aan
-i
e
mum ndu
house
REL
enter- Neg -Tns Prep. it Det
"1"he hous e that Aali did not get into"
b. ~~ suudu
Aali naat- aan- i emum
. ndu
house
entér-Neg-Tns Pr~~r_i;t Det.
Il
as above"
As the above examples show , there is a neutralization
of
relative clause strategies
in negative sentences.
That is,
we cannot get the subject strategy (cf. ~~21b). This leaves
us with OBJ
and OBJ
strategies only (cf. (22) and (23) ) •
1
2
. Note moreover, that, unlike in affirmative sentences , we
cannot delete the relative marker in negative sentences
(cf. {:-21 c,
~:·22b,
& ~:·23b ). l~euJtralization in Focus is
or different type as seen in the examples below.
(24)a. * Aali
sood- i
vlon- aa
teew·
buy -Tns
be- Neg
Meat
" It's not Meat that Anli bought"
b. Aali
won- aa
teew
sood- i
be-Heg
Meat
buy-Tns "
"It' s not meat that !~ali boughf'::.ka~ -abo-ve)
131
J
[

---

c. won- aa
teew
Aali
sood-
i
be- Neg
Meat
buy-Tns
" It's not Meat that Aali bought"( as above)
d. ~:. teew
Aali
sood-i
. mea t
buyu-Tns
"It.'.s
not Meat that Aali bought"
(.as above)
(25)a. won-
aa
Aali
sood- i
teew
be-Neg
buy-Tns
meat -'"
,
'"
"It's not Aali who bç:>ught meat"
b. .::. sood-
i
teew won- aa
Aali
buy -Tns
Meat be-Neg
"lt's not Aali who bought meat"( as abo"!e)
c. * Aali sood-
i
teew
buy- Tns
Meat
Il as
above"
The sentences in (24) are negative counterparts of
those
j'
in '(17), and sentences (25) the negative counterparts of
i;J
(18).
\\'/hereas in the positive sentences (17) "(where
, a, non-subj ect is focused.) we couid have up 'to four setttences,
,in'its negative'counterpart (24) only two sentences
are
possible.
As for focused subjects
we had three possible
sentences in the affirmative (18) but only one in its
. ~ . ~~gative counterpart (25).
This, indeed, is a kind of
'neutraliz~tion but at a different level from what
was
seen in Relatives. Note also that we cannot· delete ~the
1;2

---

negated focus Marker (cf. ·~24d , . and ~~25c). This,
however, could be explained by the fact that it i~'~he
-: ; ;>;,' only negated
item in the sentence. (there ià no way of
negating a focused element on the main verb ), and to
suppress this item entails the suppression of the truth
:'gative reading •
. 3.2
Reflexivization
l'
'"
3.2.1
l1orohology of Reflexives
The Most common strategy for Reflexivization4 in
Fula uses an NP composed of a reflexive nominal stem
hoor- 5 'head' to which pronominal possessive endings are
"
.suffixed.
This
.is shown in (26), (27), (28), and (29 )
below.
(26) a. nedcfo
o
""
gaan - ii
hoore-l~
l
~:. makkoJ
Eerson Det. hurt-Tns
self-tJsS,PoSS ~
. 3sg.Poss.l
IlThe person has hurt himself"
b. ngaari
ndi
gaan- ii
hoore-smum
.J
l~:- mayrl
ox
Det.
hurt-tns
self- ir3s~.poSsJ
3sg.Poss
"The ox has hurt i tself"
133

---

c. nagge nge
gaan- ii
hoore-l~· l
~~mayre)
~ Det
hurt-Tns
se1f-
s .Poss
l
-l:-3sg.PossJ
.
:'The cow has hurt i tself"
(27)a. oon
gaan- ii- no
J
hoore-lmtun
*makk
Deic.
-
hurt-Tns- Pr
self- PSg. Poss 1
(·;:·3 s g • P0 s sJ
"That one had hurt himse1f"
b. ndiin
gaan- ii - no
hoore-~ ~.1
(~:.mayrJ.J
Deic.
hurt- Tns-Pr
self-}3 s g. Pos s
1
{Il" -3sg.Poss J.
" That one had hurt itse1f"
c. ngeen
gaan- ii -no
hoore-l mum
l.
oi:- mayre J
Deic.
hurt-Tns- Pr
Self-j3s 8. Poss 1
~:·3sg. POSSi
"That one had hurt itse1f"
(28) a • .Q
gaan- ii
hoc re- j -l:·mum }
lmakko'
he
hurt-Tns
s elf- l~:- 3sg. Po ss ]
1 3sg. Poss
"He has hurt himself"
134

---

b. ndi
gaan- ii
r
hoore-
m : : J
it
-
hurt- Tns
se1f- 1* 3Sg.POSS}
.~ ,;' t
l 3sg.poss
" It has hurt i tse1f"
-,.
c. nge
gaan
- ii
hoore- ~ ·:~mum \\
' , ' ; '
1marreJ
f
~,',
i t
hurt- Tns
•
•
<
" •
...,
self-
3Sg.POS~~J
,.;,..'
3sg.Poss
.:-:
" It has hurt· itse1f"
(29)a. ksnko
gaan- ii
hoortl - I*mum J
l makko
IP
hurt- Tns
se1f-
t~~3sg.possl
- l 3s~.PossJ
!lIt' s him who hurt himse1f"
.,'.:-
i
v·
b. kayri
gaan-
ii
. hoore-
*mum. )
mayrJ.
IP
hurt- Tns
self- f3Sg.POSSj
1/
3sg.Poss
.' '..... t·~, "
"It's it that hurt itself"
c. kayre
gaan-
1i
hoo re- j"mum }
mayre
;.~
r
f
IP
hurt- Tns
self-
3Sg,poss
"
3sg.Poss }
!lIt's it that hurt itself"
135

---

.
.
.. ~'. ' .'
.'"
The above exemples 'contain different types of subject NP's •
.:,. (i.e., rull.NP's (26)
, deictics (27), short form subjects
..
' ; ;',' (28), and independent pronouns (29) ). !'Iote that when the
':,",1 antecedent is a full or
deictic NP, the form of the. pos-
sessive pronoun in· the reflexive H'P is invariant; ·that is,
.
6·
·it is always the neutral possessive pronoun
!œ:!!!!. (cf.
ii':~, '( 26) & (-27) ). In (28) and (29) on the other 'hand.,.l.,j;b.e.
" pronominal possessive must agree with the antecedent. These
,examples involve short form and independent pronouns, res-
pectively. Note that the neutral possessive pronoun cannot
" occur in this context (cf. the starred items in (28) & (29) ).
,"
The' above findings are signifi œnt.
They will allow uft to
show that Reflexi vization 1s an effective test" in detemining
tennhood.
Hore specifically we will show tha~ the trigger
, of Reflexivization is always a slfbject UP and the target:j
other term NP's.
,'. '3.2.2
Test for terrnhood
It is clear from the above exemples thàt subject IIp's
',O.
can trigger the process of Reflexivization.
The following
" ',exampïs show that no other HP can be coreferent wi th
.: ' '.
the refl exi ve NP.
r.
" ,
(-30)a. Aali
maa
jagg- an
hoore-mum. liingu.
i
~,
J
',,'!.J. :;It·'
.
will
catch-Ben
self-3sg.Poss fish
:~
-',
~
.', ", ~
. Ji,:' .
11
Aali.~
.'
1;6

---

b. ngel i jagg-an- ii
hoore- maggel
liingu
i
he
catch-Ben-Tns self-3sg.Poss
fish
'..!
"
.~,
~'"
"He~has caught a fish.for himself/"lIJ-..·
•
J
l '
"
" .
,'"
hoore-mum
laawol
i
j ngol
~" . .
self-3sg.Poss. road. Det.
,
~
J
,
... -..
ll
Il
Takko
will show herself
the road
1
i
j
b. ngal
holl-ii
hoore- magga*~
laawol
i
j ngol
he
show-Tns
self-3sg.Possi
road j Det.
Il
He. has shown
himself. the road."
~
~
J
(32) a. Aali wedd- an-iima ·hoore-mum. haayre'.
dow
i
.
,
~
J
throw-Ben-~ns self-3sg.Poss stone
on
tree
" Ao.11
has thrown a stone
for
i
j on the treek
himself."
~
b. o.
wedd- an- iima
hoore-makko i
haayre
~
j
.
he
throw-Ben-Tns
self-Jsg.Poss stone
dow
lekkik
on
tree
...
"He
has thrown a stone
on the tree
for
j
k
~
.',: ..
i
,
himself. Il
~
(33)a. eukalel
ngel tai- ir- ii
hooremum ' paaka j
i
i
child
Dat. cut-Inst-Tns
self- 3sg.Pro
l{nife
"The eliildi has eut himse11wi th a knife j"
137

---

b. ngel. taj: ir'-ii
hoore-maggel
paaka
i
1
j
he,
cut-Inst-Tns
sèlf- Jsg. Pro
knife
"He
has cut himself. wi th a knife."
. ,
i
1
J
,In the above examples coreferentiality is indicated by a
',may trigger Reflexivization. However, the target' of
, Reflexivization May be a patient (cf.(26)), a,benet~~~ve
,( cf. (30) & (32) ) or a recipient UP (cf.{3'1) ).Given the
, l
,,:tact that these NP' s behave syntactically like basic DO' s
: i
W$ can assume that,
in Fula,
DO's
May be
the target or
:~
Re.flexivization.
It is also interesting to note that e-marked NP'S
.'
also can be the target of Reflexivation as seen in the
,example below.
( 3L~) a. mi i
takk- ii
~'" hoor-
ami
fenaande j
l
stick-Tns on
self-Jss.Possi
lis
'
j
:lI. accused myself. of lying
1_
~
b. o. wicc-
ii
e
hoore- makk0
ndiyam
~
i
j
he sprinkle-Tns
on
self-3sg.Poss water
11
He. sprinkled
water. on himself. "
1
J ,
1
'rhe above examples show that
it is pos~ible to expand
targets of Reflexivization to· Indirect Objects as weIl.
Hecall that e-marked NP's have been analyzed as IO's
of oblique type in chapter 2 (cf. 2.2.2.3 ). Therefore,
we 'cm state the generalization that , in ?\\lIa,
138

---

~eflexivization serves as a test for ter.mhood whereby the
antecedent (i.e the trigger of Reflexivization) must be
. subject, and the target any other term NP. '
3.2.3
Futher nroperties
This section will examine the interaction batween
Reflexivization and Focus.
It will also show that
1
Reflexivization is a clause bounded process.
i
3.2.3.1
Focus
~e have already seen that the morphology of reflexive
Ii?'s is dependent on the nature of the antecedent(cf.3.2.1).
~
li,
That is, full lIP's and deictics trigger the,occurrence of
the neutral possessi,ve pronoun
~; wheréas shot't rom
and independent pronouns agree in class ,-li th the reflexi ve
NP.
Also, in section 3.1
it was shown that the movement
rules which 'allow focused NP's to occupY different positions
were sensitive to grammatical relations.
In Fula, reflexive
liP's also can be focused.
But the ability of a focused
reflexive to occupy different positions is dependent on the
nature of the antecedent subject (i.e., whetherthis ante-
cedent is a full or pronominal NP).
This is examplified
in (35), (36), and (37) below.
139

---

( 35) 8. •. Mammadu
fuunt-
i
ko
hoore- mum
cheat-Tns Foc.
self-Jsg.Poss
"It's hiInself that I{anunadu che8.ted"
b. Hammadu
ko
hoore- mum
fuunt- i
Foc.
sel~-3sg.Poss
cheat-Tns
"as above"
c.~:- ko
hoore-mum
Hamrnadu
fuunt- i
Poe. self-3sg.Poss
cheat-Tns
Il as
above ll
,.~
{36)a. oon
fuunt- i
ko
h oore-' mtl."'n-
Deic.
cheat-Tns
Foc
self-3sg.Poss
:IIt' S himsel~ that that one cheated"
b. oon
ko
hoore- mum
fuunt- i
Deic Foc.
self-3sg.Poss
. cheat-Tns
1: as
above"
c. ~:. ko
hoore-
mum
oon
f'uunt-i
?oc.
sel~-3sg.Poss
Deic.
cheat-Tns
t
"as above"
{37)a. 0
fuunt- i'
ko
hoore- makko
he
cheat-Tns Foc
self- 3sg.Poss
"It's himsel~ that
he cheated"
b.~~
0
ko
hoore-
rnakko
fuunt- i
..
he Foc
self-3sg.Poss
cheat-Tns
"as aboveH
. '
~
140
.
"
•
~.'~.'O: '.. ,.'.
_.

---

c. ko
hoorè- makko
o
fuunt-
i
Foc.
se1f-3sg.Poss
he
cheat-Tns
"Itrs himse1f thathe cheated" (as above)
The above examp1es show that a focused ref1exive is not
as free asa regu1ar o~ject NP. For examp1e, afocused
ref1exi ve lTP may not océupy ini tia1 po si tion t-rhen i ts core-
ferent is a full (cf .~l-35c) or a deictic NP (cf .~:·36c). It
cannot fo11ow n' short fOrIn subject pronoun (-t:·37b).
J'ù.1
,.these positions can be fi11ed by regu1ar objects.
The ungrammatica1ity of 37b does not seem to be 'caused
,
~ by the focused ref1exive NP itse1f, however.
The' constraint
seen in (37b) seems to fo11ow from the factthat short f'o±tm
subject are bound to their host predicate to the extent that
nothing can
intervene between the two.
For examp1e, the
future auxiliary ma(a)can fo11ow or precede a full subject
rIP,as in (38) be1ow;
but ·it ,can only. precede short
'.
form subjects as seen in (39) and (40).
(38) a.
Hammadu
maa yah
galle
will
go
home
"Hammadu will go
home"
b. maa
i-i sr.unadu
yah
galle
will
go
home
Il as
above"
(39)a. ~:. 0
maa
yah
galle.
he
will
go
. home
"He will go
home"
141

---

b. maa
o
yah
galle
,
'"
will
he
go
home
" He will go home"
(40) a • .:( mi
ma
yah
galle
l
will
go
home
t',",~. '.
r'I will
go
hOmel"
b. ma
mi
yah
galle
will
l
go
home
"1 will go home"
The çonstraints seen in (39) & (40) above
are similar
. to those seen in (37).
In aIl these, 'exampl es we, show tha t
no element can intervene a short form subject and its pre-
dicate.
This is a general const~aint on Fula clitics which
will be discussed in chapter 4.
A second fact in (35), (36), and (37) which needd bh
explanation has to do wi th the
con trast between 35c & 360
on the one hand, and 37c on the other.
It is not clear
to me
yet why is it possible to frontshift a reflexive NP
whose,coreferent is a short forro (37c) whereas it is not
possible to do 50 wi th .~-suffixed reflexi ve NP' s (olt- 35c
&'*36c).This must have to do with sorne constraints on
'backward reference which we discuss in chapter 4.
Clause boundness
There is a constraint in Fula reflexives which requires
142

---

..:..
that the reflexive'NP and its antecedent depend on the same
;~ ., verbe
Thus, al though Demmba and :\\sli
are both 8ubj ects
, ;: 'in (41), the sentence cannot be ambiguous.
(41)a.Demmba
"ini
sikk-i
maa
i
Aali j
he
think-Tns
will
add-
an
hoore-
mum.
kosam
dam
',.
J
'
..:"
bring-Ben
self-3sg.Poss
milk Det.
"Derrunba thinks that Aali
will bring the
i
j
milk
for himself."
J
The reflexive NP in this sentence can only be coreferential
.
to !!1! , which is also an argument or the verb'bring' •
This is clearer in (42) below where the subject of 'think t
i8 a pronoun.'
..,
(42) omo
sikk-i
maa
Aali.
add- an
1
he
think-Tns will
bring-Ifez(', "
dam '
'l
hOOre-{ murn
'}
ndiyam
.::. makko .1
self-13sg.Poss
{ water
Det.
~:- 3sg.PossJ
"He
thinks
that Aali. will bring
the
1
water for himself. Il
,
'
1
If the subject of the upper sentence in (42) above could
'trigger Reflexivization in the 19wer sentence, we would
expect th~ possessive pronoun
makko to be grammatical
since there should be agreement in class with the antecedent.
.... '
.&
' ..
Instead, only the neutral pronoun ~ (which can only be
"'«',
,
143
"

---

triggered by Aali in this sentence) is allowed.
Therefore~
we conclude thatReflexivization is a good test to deter-
:,'mine the ter.mhood of a noun phrase, because only subjects
can trigger this process.
Futhermore, the,targets of
Reflexivization must'be
direct or indirect objects.
3.3
Pronominalization
We have already seen sorne facts relating to subject
pronouns in chapter 2. l10re specifically, we have shown
thàt
Fula long form pronouns can only be subjects. Futher-
more, subject agreement has been shown to depend on two
factors, one of which is the position of subject pronouns.
•
i.
In this section we discuss the strategies of pronominaliza·
tion which have often been referred to in the previous
•,
chapter. Fula has two strategies of pronominalizing full
NP's.
NP's that are not objects of a preposition use a
regular class pronoun; and'UP's that are objects of a
preposition use a possessive pronoun.
This is il1ustrated
. in the examples belo~l.
(43)a. Aali
-
salmin- ii .
rewbe
be
.
greet- Tns
women
Det.
"Aali
has greeted the women"
b.
.Q
salmin- ii
he
he
greet-Tns
them
ItHe has greeted them"
144
L
,-

---

(44) a. cukalel
'ngel
riw- ii
rawaandu
child
Det.
chase-Tns
dog
0 .
_~;.
.
"The child has chased a dog"
b. ngel
riw- ii
he
chase-Tns
it
, "He has chased it"
"The top of it has been rained on"
(46)a. mi
naat-
ii
e suudu
ndù
l
enter-Tns,
in
house
,bet.
"I have entered the house"
b. mi
naat-
i
e
l
enter-Tns
in
it
" l have entered it"
In(43) and (44) we have pronominalized subjects and 'direct
objects that are not objects of .a preposition.
These NP's
aIl use the first strategy (i.e.
a regular class pronoun
which is copy of the class to which the pronominalizedNP
belongs. In (45) and (46) we have pronominalized NP'à
objects of a preposition.
Notethat the pronouns used in
l'
these examples ~re not copies
of class pronouns but
Poss,&si'~e"pronouns which agree in class wi th the
145

---

,"!pronominalized NP' s.
The presence of possessive pronouns
'in these conteht has already been explained (cf.chapter 2
<,': section 2.3.1.2). These data suggest that the 'process
:' of pronominalization distinguishes term from ,non-term NF' s
:::inso far as }ùla pr~positional phrases
mostly behave
syntactically like obliques.
This, indeed, has been shown
to be the case for e-marked NF's
and NF's marked by
prepositional nouns. It is also interesting to note that
.benefactive and instrumental NP's
use the first strategy
as seen in (47) and (48) below.
(48)a. mi
dog-
r
ii
l
run- Inst - Tns
Il
l
have run Hith p'hoes"
b. mi
dog-
ii
Je
l
run -Tns
~
"1 have Nn with them"
"
The facto. that benefactive and instrumental NP' s use the first
,,~"~'.. ,
.
'tttS.'tégy is :predicted by the non-availability of prepositional
phrases ~o express these constructions.
146

---

·:'~~-~.'•• 1
We conclude, therefore, that Pronominalization
ls a syntactic test which distinguish term form non-term
,'liP's.
3.4. Conjunctive 'Subject Deletion & Eaui
, ne have already seen that a common way to conjoin
sentences in Pula is by juxtaposing them and deleting aIl
but the firstoccurrence of identical subjects· (~f.
chapter 2.1.2 ). This i8 again illustrat'ed in (49)
below for the reader's convenience. ,~
(49)a. Kummba.
yeh- i
jeere, ça.
sood-
i
kafe
~
~
go -Tns market
buy-Tns
coffe
çai art- i
ça.
def-i
kacitaari
~
come-Tns
cook-Tns
breakfast
baclc
" ,Kummba went to the market, bought some coffee,
came back and cooked breakfast"
b. ~:. Kummba
yeh- i jeere
, Kummba
sood-i
kafe
go-Tns market
buy-Tns coffee
Kununba
art-i
,
Kununba
def-i
kacitaari
COme_ ImS
cook-Tns
breakfast
back
"as above"
As c~ be seen in the above ex~ples both the controller
and the victim of CSD must be subjects.
When the two NP's
.
,
~~ riot subjects we get ungrammatical sentences like (50).
147
"j

---

yett- i
cukalel.
~.
woy- i
1.
1.
, ..
take-Tns
child
cry-Tns
"Hammadi took the child.and (the child= ~.)
1.
.
1.
cried"
b. ~:'Hanunadi
rokk- i hobbe
kosam
0
njar-i
i
i
give-Tns guests
milk
drink-Tns
", , t'y;',
Il
Hammadi gave milk to the guests. and the
1.
(guests=~ ) drank"
.The ungrammaticality of (50) above is predicted by
CSD.
In these examples , while the deleted .;NP' s, are subj ects,
thè controllers are note
The controller is a DO in *$Oa
and an 10 in *50b.
We also find a deletion of identical subjects in Equi
sentences.
But, unlike CSD, Equi has no exception and
l~
'applies to pronominal NP's as weil.
Equi.is illustrated in
the examples below.
(51) a. Aali
jab- ii
0.
haal-:de
1.
0
i
Aali
agree-Tns
speak-In!
he
Il
Aali
has agreed to sp~ak"
he
i
b. Demmba
et-
iima
0.
i
yaa-
de
1.
try- Tns
walk-Inf
llDemmba. has tried
to walk Il
1.
148

---

l,.
c. mi.
yid- ii
~i yaa- de
~"
1
l
want-Tns
go- Inf
"I want to go"
'~
To surnmarize,' CSD and EQui are both tests of, subj ect-
hood to ,the extent that in these constructions both the
controller and the deleted NP must be subjects.
In this chapter, we have discussed sixsyntactic
proccesses and shown that they provlde ways of distinguish-
shing terms from non-term liP's.
Reflexivization makes
reference to the notions 'subject of ' , 'direct objeot of'
and 'indirect object of'.
Relativization and Focus make
a
distinction between subjects and non-subjects. The rules
of Conjunctive Subject and Equi HP
deletion make a crucial
reference to the ntion of 'subject', and Prbnominalizatiort
distinguishes HP' s 'Hhich are obj ects of' a preposi tion t'rom
.
,
those which are note
AlI these syntactic tests have baen
frequently used in chapter 2.
They will be referred),to
l"~~:' .. ~" ~
more extensively in the chapters to come.
149

---

...
FOOTNOTES-Chapter 3
1- The issues discussed in this section are dif-
" f r o m thoses discussed in
Ali & Sylla (1977).
There, the
authors wanted to verity the claim that
"The applicabili ty of a syntactic process
accross' languages is proportion:ü to i ts
perceptual transparency.
That is, the
harder it is, perceptually speaking, to
retrieve the immediately underlying structure
from the surface form, the more constrained
will be the app~ication Accross languages
of the transformations that ~enerate that
surface forme Il (Keenan & Bimson, 1975)
For a discussion of this issue, the,reader May consult
Ali & Sylla (1977).
2- Although the Marker in clefts, pseudo-clefts
and questions appear to be the sarne element ko, it is
possible to show that the ~ rnarker found in clefb·..s'~ntencea
ia different fram the one found in pseudo-clefts and
question formation.
t<Je \\dll show in section 3.1.2 that
the Marker for cleft is related to the Fula copula ko.
This is not the case in the other two constructions ,
however.
Harkers for pseudo-clefts and questions are
pronouns. That the ko question Marker is a pronoun is evi-
denced by the appearence of the pronoun ~ in sentences
where a human NP is questioned (cf. 9c).· Fula pseudo-clefts
are similar to reduced relative clauses. This can be shown
by comparing the pseudo-cleft in (10), rewritt.en'in (52)
below,· ,to the reduced relative c!auses in (53).
,.,
;;. .
(52) ko
Aali
j agg- i
ko
hanki
ini
mawn- i
what
catch-Tns Det. yesterday it
big-
Inf
"\\'ihat Aali caught yesterday is bigll
150

---

"
'.-/
(53)a. ngel
Aali
jagg-.i
ngel ·hanki
.REL
catch-Tns
Det
yesterday
ini
mawn- i
it
big-Tns
." The one which Aali caught yesterday ia
big"
b.ndu
Aali jagg-i ndu hanki
ini
mawn-i
REL
catch-Tns Det. yesterday
it big-
Tns
The ·one which Aali c8ught yesterday is big"
c. mo Aali jagg-i· 0 hanki
ini
mawn-i
REL
catch~Tns Det'yesterday
it
big-Tns
"The one whom Aali eaught is big"
The similari ty between
constructions·' (52) and (53) suggest
that
the ~
found in pseud-clefts (cf. (52) ) should be
snalyzed as a pronoun.
3-Thompson (lecture notes) notes similar
·correspondences between Focus constructions and copulas
in several langue.ges •
. Yoruba
(54) a. ada
ni
'-lom
fi ge
machete Foc
they with cut it
" l t was '"i th a machete that they cut it"
b. tisa
n1
me
teacher
Cop
l
:'The teacher· is me a
Vai
(55)a. kunu
mu
a
na'a
yesterday Foc.
he
came
:'It was yesterday that he came!'
b. Kongai
manjaa
mu
~.
-
chief
Con
:'Kongai
is the ~,.eacher"
HRusa
(56) a. Audu
nee
na
gani
Foc.
l
saw
"It' s 1\\uda that l saw"
151

---

".
b.
Audu
yaro
nee
boy
IIAudu is a. boytf
i,.
This suggests the following possible development of the
rocus marker( Harchese, personal communication):
locative .verb 7oopula'>focus marker
• There are several
"
1
reflexes of ko
in Niger Congo languages. In' GodJe, a Kru
'. language kG) is a loce ti ve verb meaning "be a t/.ai tH; in Klao
another Kru language ko •• ti
means" si t". The swa,h2.-J:,i, loca-
V" tive is ko •
4- Thisstrategy can be considered as primary. In
'Fula, reflexive meaning can also be conveyed through the
'voice system,i.e reflexivization may,also be expressed
in
the Middle voice (cf. chapter 1, section 1.4.3.1).
5- The nominal. hoor- "head:r May appear by i tself
e.g, mi
hel- i
hoore
nde( l
break- Tns'
head Det.)
!lI broke the head:r • Note also that the reflexivenomirta.l
behaves internally like a regular genetive. as seen in (57).
(57)a. en
toon-
ii
koye-
men
we
hurt- Tns j,.
self-
2pl. Poss
Il ~'Je have hurt
ours elves"
b.
koye
men
kel-ii
heads
ours
break-Tns
"Our heads are broken"
Note the e~e change in the initial consonants of the noun
stems underlined in (57).
'.','
6- ~
is a neutral possessive pronoun'whioh
•
C is also used in impersonal constructions. Italso takes
the plural marker ~
often found in collective and borrowed
words.
(58) yimbe
he kersin- ii
koye
mum 'en
people Det shame-Tns
self 3sg.Poss ' pl.
"The people made
themselves shamef'ull"
152
' , '
'.
r'

---

:.: '
CH.\\PTER IV
\\. Syntactic. Annlysis of i\\naphoric Pronouns and Cli tics
In this chapter, ue will discuss two aspects of the
Fulo. pronominE!.l sjstem.
First, we will ex#unine the behavior
of third person pronouns and its relevRnce to the notion of
t anaphorici ty'.
':Je then pr090sea t'Y'!'ology of Fala anaphoras
1', .
and ex~mine the internction of ~ and pronominal anaphorns.
The secondpnrt is divided into two sections.
In the ri~Bt
section, ue have defined the notion of clitic in Fulr-, end
the second section discusses Fula clitic pronouns and thei~
linear representRtion in light of well kno~~ universnl
principles.
The term 'pronoun-antecedent 'relation' constitute~
a'~geci6l case of 'pnaphor-~nteceàent rèlr-tion'.
This
l~tter expression is used to refer to all relations between
anaphoric elements (not necessarily pronominal ones) and
theirantec~dents (Cole, 1974).
In Fula, when a noun phr~se
'has':b~'erl,int:r;'oduced in previous discourse, in a second and
further occurrences, it mRY appe~r in a reduced form as
153

---

", a pronominal or ~-anfJ.phora.
0-anp.,horas are found in cases
where anaphoric nrocesses have no overt trnce of the moved or
. delet3d noun phrase.
Fule. pronorr.inal anaphoras are generally
reflexes of the cluss ~ronoun to which their antecedents be-
...; long. In this section, we will dis~uss pronoun-antecedent·
relations in Pula.
~irst, we examine the conditionsgovern-
ingthe choice of 3na.phorc.s, ~..mich allows 'us to 'es'tabli sh
a typology of Fula anaphorns.
Secondly, we will,discuss
the interaction of pronominal ~nd 0-an~phoras and show that
this interaction is governed by sYntactic and semantic
factors.1be last section will examine the general constraints
on Fula anaphoric yrocesses.
~.l.l Forms of pn~phoric elements
Fula anRphorns can.be divided into four morphologicpll1
distinct types.
'L'he contex·t in which these are fo~p. m'ay
r il..!J,4 jo',,_. ~
overl'ap, but, for exposi tory purposes, l Hill first discuss
each morphological element individually.
They are:
(1 )
a.
The possessive anaphora
b.
The copy-pro anaphora,
c.
The neutral anaphora
d.
'l'he 0 anaphor::,.
ObviousJ y., the D.bove t'Y!'ology does not exheust Fula ana-
,horieelements. l
But t-le will not discuss' an8phoras out
t',
of the scope of (1) in this paper.
154

---

4.1.1.1
Possessive ana.'ohoras
Possessive anRphoras are coreferential to full or pro-
nominal possessor NP's as in (2) and (3).
( 2)
a. . guj jOi
0
hel-ii
koynge.l mumi
thief
Det. break-tns
leg.
3, sg. Poss
"The thief
has broken his
i
i leg".
b.
\\'10 j j ere.
nde
sor-ii
e
1
r~bbit
Det.
run-tns
Prep. hole
mum.1
3 sg Poss ~
"The rabbi t i ran into '1 tS holel!
i
. c.
ngaari
ndi
i
diw- iima
jofnde
ox
Det.
jump-tns
stable
mum.1
3 sg. Poss
:'The oX
jumped
i
out of its. E te.ble"
1
( 3)
a.
o.
hel-ii
koyngal
1
~akkoi
-:::
he
break-tns leg
3 sg-.-""Poss
"He. has broken his
leg"
i
<
1
b.
':lde.
sor-ii
e
ngaska
mf.1:yre
1
i
it
run-tns
prep. hole
3 sg Poss.
!lIt
ran into its. hole"
i
1
1:
"':
155
1
jltt

---

c.
ndi.
diw
-iima
jofnde
mayri.
~
,
~
it
jump-
tns
stable
3sg. ~oss.
'lIt
jurnped out of i tS
stable"
i
i
In (2),. the nominals'~ 'thief', wojere 'rabbit'
and ngA.ari 'ox' bèlong respectively to classes Q (humail),
~ (non-hurnan), and ndi (non-hurnan).
ihe phenomenon seen
l','
in (2) and (3) a,bove is similar ~o the one A.lre.qdy discussed
inChapter 3 (section 3.2.1) withregard to the major stra-
./'
'tegy of Reflexi vization in Fula, i. e. ' Pula 3' sg.
pronominal possessives vary according to the syntaétic cate-
gory of their antecedents.
Th~t is, when the anteceden~ 18
a full NP as in (2), the posse'ssi ve pronominal is the neu-
tra1 possessive uronoun muro
'3 sg. Poss'.
On the other
hend, when the sntecedent is a pronoun as in (3), the
possessive eGrees in class with this pronoun.
'4.1.1.2
Couy-ryro Rn~nhorRS
Though they maj agree in class, the possessive an~phoras
discussed ~bove are not identica1 to the c1ass to v~ich
their ~ntecedents belong.
The tern 'copy-pro anaphora' is
used to rafer to annphoric pronouns Which are copies of the
,c1p.ss to l·rhich thei~ anteced:ent belongs.
::e lvill illustrA.te
this type in three different construct\\ons:
coordin~tion,
'relativization, ffi1d topicalization.
156
t ,
, ) '
r ,)'.. _

---

)
, Coordina,tion
>
"f"
•
In Chapter 3 (section 3.4) we stated the Pula conjunc-
'tive subject deletion rule as a ~lle which deletes aIl, but
the first occurrence of sn ident1c21 subject in coordinate
sentences.
rfhere is n constr~int· Hhich blocks th~'ap~lica-
tion of this rule 11hen the first occurrence of asubject is
a pronominal.
~;hen this is the. case, the pronoun must be
repeated in aIl clauses as in (4) below.
4.
a.
O.
gayn-
i
juul-
de, O.
fn.y-i
1.
1.
he
finish -tns
pray- inf
he
'go-tns
jeere
market
"He
finished j,praying and went to the
i
me.rket:l
b,.
bei
kawr-i
batu,
be.
ngost-ondir-i
1.
they
meet-tns meeting they exchange~Rec-tns
hakldll aa j i
ide:ts
"They
met at the meeting ~md exchanged
i
ideas ll
.'
c.
nsa,li
uddit-i
dam~.l
n~:'.l
he/she
open-tns
door
Det.
ngal i
naat- i
he/she
enter-tns
Il she/he
op'ened the door and entered"
i
157

---

Note in the above exemples that the coreferential subjects
. are copies of cl~ss pronouns.
Furthermore, the second oc-
·'currences Rre obligatory a.s can be seen in the starred
sentences in (5) where second occurrences are deleted.
(5)
n.
~:·o .
gayn-i
juul - de
,
~
he
finish-tns 'pray -inf
~.
fny- i
jeere
~
j.
~
BO -tns
l'l1.f'.rl{et
(see (4a) )
b.
*be.
kal-lt'- i
ba.tu
~
~i
they
neet-tns
meeting
~
...
ngost-ondir-i
hakkillaaJi
exchange-Rec.-tns ideas
(R.S
in (4b))
c.
-::·ngal'.
uddit- i
dsmp.l
neRl
~
he/she.
open-tns
door
Det.
~
(as in (4c))
However, ooordinnte sentences which involves coreferentiRl
non-subjects l'l1.ay show optional anaphoras (contra, in
sentences with coreferential' subjects as in (4) &. (5)).
. .
.158

---

· lit:
..... a.rnrnad'l.
lo'It
caug./,
a ra.bb'l. t i
and t 00k ('l. t i )
to the market!'
b.
0 toon-
i
cukaleli'
0
fiy-
i
he insult-~s
child
he
beat- 'Dns
(ngel )
i
(him)
"He insulted q child
and beat (him )"
i
i
c.
0
hulb- in-
i
ndu
,he
sc~.re-Caus-Tns
hyena
Det.
i
o
ridd-
i
( ndu )
i
he
che.se-Tns
(i t)
r'He scared a hyena.
and chased i t If
l.
i .
d.
Sali
rokk-i
naal9.lJ koobe
be
Sali
give-Tns
artists
Det.
jawo ,
rokk-i
be.
kae.lis
l.
bracelet
give-Tns
them
money
,~.
Anli
ngaari
ndi
J1..
bring-Ben.-1ns ox
Det.
lR.hal
hudo
add-an-ii
ndi ndiyam
calabash
grass
bring-Ben-Tns i t
water
Il 1\\ali
brought a calaba.sh of gr~s"s':.f.or the
ox. and brough t i t wa ter'"
l.
'
159

---

The anaphoric .pronouna in
6a-b-c are coreterential to the
Direct Objects (Patient) NP's in each of the preceding
:·.. ·.:·~clauses.
In 6d, the anaphoric pronoun ia coreferential to
"~ ;, the preceding Indirect Obj ect (Recipient) NP, aild, in 6e the
the anaphoric pronoun is coreterential to the preceding
Benetactive HP.
Note that th:; cO!Jy-pro's in 6a.-b-c are
optiona1 2 whereas in 6d and 6e they are obligatory.
~e
. will provide an explan~tion for these phenomene towards
,
. the end ot this section.
Relative Clauses
lri Fuln all relative clause strategies may sho~ cop1-
pro anaphores (n2nely, the rel~tive pronouns), which are
coreferential to their he~.d nouns.
(Recnll our discussion
t
in chapter 3, section 3.1.1.2).
~e illustrRte this
r''''<'
ngain in (7), (8), and (9) tor the reader's convenience.
Subject strategz
(7)
a.
puceui
eelt- ae. - ngu.
hanki
J.
horse i
break-P -Rel
yesterdA.Y
l
ngu
deey-
ii
Det
auiet- Tn~
"The horse that Has broken yesterday
remains quiet 'l
!'
160
.

---

b.
. de'\\iel.
jir:l~ngel
asko
ko
1.
\\·lœ:1en.
sing-Rel.
genealogy
Det
Foc
1.
1.
,",
'.. ~.:. -.' :
geHlo
griot
!lThe (little) wornrol Nho st'ng the genealogy
is s. griot ll
Qlli!l strfltegz
Rel'lember tht:l.t this strater,y ia used to relati.vize
non-subject liFts Hhich are net objects of a preposLit,;ien.
l,.
,1
~,
~
(8)
a.
liingui
( ngui)'
nnam - cfa~t
ngu
fish
eat
2 sg.
Det
ini
neest- i
it
sweet - Tns
"The fish you ate is too s~'leet"
. "
b.
laanE?.
(kl3 )
:\\p.li
seh - i
.1.
i
boat
(BEL )
f.,ali
Meke - Tns
i
kD.
"':1E1.a
nnf
j"
Det
~'rill
useful
"The boat thr.t '.p..li rno.de will be uaeful'l
~2 atrr.te·Sl
This strB.tegy is used to relntivize objects of
a .preposition.
(9)
P..
suudu
(ndu )
nant-mi
e
i
i
hou~ei
(REL )
enter-I
rrep
i
r.l1..1r.1
ndu
.. ,
it
Det
....
161

---

1I1."11e house l enteredll
b.
tD.~bn1i
(ngr~li)
~te1.-mi
," koynga1
.
, - -
te.b1e
(3::L )
i
i
break-I
1eg
mum
ne a1
- -
. i ts
Det
::The table whose 1eg l broke ':
As we can see, the subjective anaphoras are ob1igDtory
(7),
and the objective anaphorns are optiona1 (8 and 9).
Note,
·furthermore, that the resumptive pronoun in OBJ
(under1ined)
2
is neutr~.l, and corres"!,onds towhat'l-le Hill 1nter des'cribe
j'
as a neutra1-pro cn~phorn (c.f. section 4.1.1.3).
Tonicll1ization
~\\. to,ic[-l.lized HP 1eaves an ob1igatory 8.na!">horic (i. e.
resumptive) pronoun vrhich is a1so a copy of the c1ass to
lolhich i ts ~mtecedent (the to!">ica1ized HP) be10ngs.
This
will he i11ustr~ted with exan,les containing to,ica1ized
subjects (10), topica1ized direct objects (11), and topica1-
ized instruments (12).
(10)~.
na~~e.
0,_
~
n~e,
nge.
majj-
ii
~
cou.
::-)":T
i t.
100se- Tns
1
1
Ir The
COiV,
it is 10sta
b.
1e11ai
b(?_
"h!"l
_ r....
dit-r-
iirnn
1
..
.
•
ente10y e D't:'t
it.
jump-
Tns
;"
:
;
... '
"
~
:1 The
Mte10pe, it hs.s jumpedlr
" .
162
:1
1
,
"'1

---

..'\\ .
(11) R.•
rr-1.lvr3.3.L"1du
ndu,
Anli
ril"l- ii
i
ndui
dog.
Det
Aali
chl1.se-Tns i t.
'J.
J.
"The dog, Aali chase i t"
b.
cukalel
ngel,
AI:!.li
i
j~.gg- ii ngel
L
i
child.
Det
.~.ali
c~.tch-'rns him .
.
J.
J.
:.'rrhe child, Aali chased himll
( l~) P.•
le.bi i
ki ,
0
ta-{- ir -ii
kii
knife
Det
he
i
cut-Inst-Tns
it
tee\\-l
ngu
Meat
Det
~'The knife, he cut meRot with it"
b.
boggol
ngol ,
i
0
Ijabb-.lr.· .. ii
rope
Det
he.
i
climb-Inst.. Tns
n~ol.
lekki
ki
-
J.
it
tree
Det
i
Il r.l.~e
rope, he climb'ed the tree with it"
. :\\11 the expm!'les in (4)
throu~h (l?) illustrate CAseS
of copy-pro ansphoras.
These, furthermore, reveal thnt
in Fula, an::l.phoricity is, somehow-, sensitive to gr8l11l11atical
relations.
?or example, annphoric pronouns must surface in
coordinate and relativecl~uses, when they are coreferentiRl
to subject :l;P' s (c.f. (5) 2.= (7)).
T,'iith sorne verbs, hOHever,
ânaphoric pronouns are optional. when their nntecedents are
. ' ~ ~
,'.....~
not subjects as in 6a-b-c, (8), and (9) •
~on-subject ~na-
.. phoras are obligatory only in cases of ditransitive sentences
'like 6d end.6e.
In these examples, the two verbs iny,plved
1"'''',

---

both require two comp1emAnt UPls.
Therefore, we cannot
have optiona1 anaphoras since this l-lou1d vio1ate the
.,' "",subcategorization constraint of these ve:,,:,bs.
.
"
4.1.1.3
Heutra1-oro anaphoras
, Retura1-pro anaphoras are a11 reflexes of the neutra1
class pronoun cfum~ ~'/e have alreRdy mentioned some of the
environments in which we find neutrn1-pro anaphoras.
For'
examp1e, neutra1-pro anaphoras are found in possessive phrases
where the antecadents are full r~p 1 s (c. f. (12».
~Je a1so
found neutra1 prols in relative clause constructions as
anaphoric resumptive pronouns (c.f. (9».
In these two
contexts, the neutra1-pro annphora is in the possessive
case and is ob1iBatory.
Furthermore, no other type of ana-
phora May fi11 its position.
There are cases, however,
,~
where the posi tion occup ied by an anaphoric neutra1 pronoun
May be fi11ed by some other ana.phoras.
These are ca~es
"lhere the neutra1 anaphora is nO'i; in the possessive case, as
will be discussed in section 4.1.2.
.'
~ an?phoras May be i11ustrated by some of the previous
casés wher~ ?ptiona1 anŒ~horas were found.· For exrump1e, in
,-
section -4.1.1.2, l'le saw thRt the re1R.tive m~rl{ers l-Thich
164

---

follow their hesd nouns in the OBJl and OBJ2 strategies
are optional.
If we do' not choose an overt marker in these
,..... ~.
'cases \\-le can Bet clauses l·Tith ~ - r..naphoras as in (13) below.
These parallel the sentences in (8).
( 13) a. . liinBUi
""
n~a."T1-
lan
0
ngt\\
ini
f5_sh
ea.t - you
Det
it
i
neest-
i
sweet - Tns
l!'l'he fish you ate is too SHeetl:
b.
l::lana
A091i
seh-i
i
0 i
I~
boat
;\\2.li
mR.ke-Tns
i
k::l
m~2'
n~.f
Det
will
useful
"The boat that Aali made will be useful"
. Assuming that relative clause form~tion is a movement rule in
fula,the interpretation of the p..bove sentences implies the
existence of a 0 - '~n~.phore. in the pl:.:..ces relativized into,
since the relativized noun phrsses le~ve no overt trace
(in the liternl sense).
',1e do not consider the OBJ
strntegy
2
to involve p ~- anaphorn, hOHeyer, even when 'Ghere is no
overt re12tive mnrker.
The follo~ing exam~les (14), where
there i5 no overt relative marker after the head nouns, h~ve
the srume reRdings as the ex~mples seen in (9).
, "
..
\\',
'
(14) n ~
suudu
nnat -mi
e
mUl11
ndu
house
enter-I
?rep
it
-
Det
,: The hous e !
en tered::
165

---

b.
tD.abnl
kel -
mi
koyngnl
~ ngal
table
bres.k - l
leg
i ts Det
... "
"The table whose leg l broke"
·Although there i8 no relative pronoun m~rker after the he ad
j~
."
"
nouns in (14) there is still an overt trace of the relativ-
ized nouns;
npmely the underlined neutrpl -pro annphoras
which occupy the positions relo.tivized into.
For this reason,
we cannot consider (14) as involving ~-anaphoras.
~-an~~hor~s can a1so be found in corrdin~te sen-
tences containing coreferential non-subjects.
The sentences
in (15) beloN par~llel sentences ô-a-b-c but do not involve
any overt non-subject runaphoric pronoun.
(15)
a.
E~mm~di
jngg-i
wojjere.
naw-i
~
Harnmadi
catch-Tns rabbit i
take-Tns
mnrlcet
"Ï!:1mmadi cRught a rl1bbi t and took (i t)
to the m1?rke.t ll
N
•
b.
0
toon - ~
cuka1e1i,
nge1
0
fir 0i
he
insult-Tns
child
Det
he beat
"::e insul ted the chi1d and ben t (him)"
c.
C
hulbin -i
fowru.
0
ridd- i
0.
~
~
he
hyena
he ch~se-Tns
"He scared a hyena and chased (it);/
166
.1

---

j.
. ....
Lastly, we Blso find obligato~J'~-ana?qoras in senten-
ceswhere Equi has applied as in (16).
Refer also to Chap-
'\\ .;."·ter 3, section 3. ,4.
N
(16) a.
Takko
naarn-
de
i
. Tnkko
'want-Tns
eat - Inf
!!Tnkko ~o1ants to eat"
b.
o.
sokl- ii
diw -
kin-oy-aa-de
~
he
need-Tns
jump-Sim-Nvt-H-Inf
/lHe needs to take a walk"
c.
tafoowo i 0
fellit - ii
~i tuub- de
gangster
Det
decide- Tns
quit- Inf
"The gangster decided to qui t"
Note in the above exemples that Equi deletes the second
occurrence of identical subjects, whether they refer to
rull or pronominal UP's.
Equi is,therefore, stronger thsn
. the other anRphoric processes.
In conjunctive subject dele-
tion, for example, the second occurrence is deleted only if
the first occurrence i1 a full rœ.
Next, Equi deletes aIl
persons, 'whereas CSD s.pplies only to third persons (i.e.
full llP' s).
For this resson, perhaps, the ~ outp~t...~f. Equi
should be kept Rp~rt from the ~ output of other an~phoric
processes.
This haB been suggested in Schuh (1972) for
Ngizim, a Chadic language which shows more independent
evidence supporting this distinction.
This'section has revealed important facts about ?ula
anaphoras.
For instance, it is not the case that the four
.
16Tt·

---

morphological types of annphoras ~re alwa~s in complementary
·distribution.
Except for possessive pronominal anaphoras
., . hrhich a.lw~ys appear in possessive NP posi tionor after a
,"
-1
, ,"
preposition4), pronomin~l and 0 anaphorRsmRY ~ppenr in the
sgmecontexts.
In all the cases where a copy-pro an~phorn
ls optionnl, ~'le c::tn expec t P. 0-ennphorp.. ·as welle . 'oie shall
'. nOl-rdevelop this issue in the next section •
. 4;.1.2
The in ter~.ction of pronominsl a.nd 0' - an8phor':1s
This section will examine the inter~ction of 0 ~naphoras
wi th two types oi' pronomino.l e.nnphoras, naMely the non-pos.
sessive neutral dum (c.f. footnote 3) and other copy-pro
anaphoras.
This is interesting bec~use in several contexts
!"
,../'
l-there hei ther a. 0-an.'lphora nor e. copy-pro D.n~.phora is' allowed,
wè cp.n find the neutral pronoun~m. l~rther, in sorne syn.
tactic processes such as Topicalization, the ability for a
.nomint.l to hpve this pronoun as an~phorn depends on its
gr3Il1Il1~tic?1 i'unction.
First, consider the topic constructions
in (17) and (18).
(17) a.
raHa8.ndu.
ndu,
.!..a.li
jagg-ii
•
l.
dog
Det
l'.ali
cntch-Tns
1Jumj
l'
-.
~gu i
non-Poss FroJ
1Copy-pro
~
168

---

"The dog, ,:\\8.1i c~,ught i tIr
b.
sonndu
ndu,
br.t.anoOl..,ro
o
rél1-i
i
bird
Det,
hunter
Det
shoot-Tns
. '!' "~"
.
.
tumJ
ndu
?~
i
r'!on-Poss-pro)
COl?y-pro
.;:.~
i
"The bird., the hunter shot i t. 11
,
1
. 1
/
c.
necfcf0
0 ,
mi
add- an
-1''''
i
person
Det,
. l bring-Ben-Tns
dUIn]
ndiyam
mo
1.::.~
i
Hon-poss-prI
l'ra ter
1Copy-pro
~~"0
i
"The 'Cerson., l
broup.:ht him. water"
~
1
-
1
d.
laawol
ngol, ~i
ritt-ii
idUIn}
i
neol
.
l'
1
.;:.~
Det
l
s}reep-Tns~ rr on-poS S-PI'j
Copy-prd
~:·O
i
"The ro~d., l
s'Hept it."·
1
1
(18)
a.
l
[nan-iima
neJcf° i
"-t=1 ,
0,
.;:·0
J1
'D er~on
Det l~non-poss-prj sleep-Tns
COl?Y-P:'o
.. ri.
•
'. ~ '~."I".)
"',.,'"
....' I J ,
1
"The ?erson ,
i
he
is sI eepin::;"
i
169

---

,
,':',
,
.,'.:.
,.,
. ,.,
b.
niitia.
ba,
~
{~:.tfumJ .
b~
•
'Off.
•
~i:''P
~
eleuhant
Det
-::.rron-poss-prj
Copy-pro
.,.; !
{
ff.
•
'O
~i:''P
~
"".
nooo-
ii
tulde
nde
squ~sh-Tns
hill
Det
"The elephant , it
squaahed the hill"
i
i
c.
majj-ii
labi.
k i ! -::-cfumj
~
j~
ki
-::-0
i
knife
Det
';:·lTon-90ss-prol . l'ose-Tns
1Copy-pro J
~:-0
Il The k
if
. t
.
1
t"
~
ei' ~ i ~s
os
In (17) , we have focused on non-subject NP's, wherees
in·(18) the focus is on subject llP's.
Hote that non-subject
NP' s do. not r.lloH 0-~n8phorp.s (stn.rred in (17)).
Focused
subject ~?'s, on the other hnnd, allou only copy-pro ana-
phoras (the only non-stnrred items in (18)).
This suggestà
that the choice of an~ohoric pronouns in focus constructions
is sensitive to ~rrummaticnl relRtions.
Next, consider the following coordinate sentences,
conditionals, ~nd time clauses.
In e~ch sentence, we
establish 1:1 pronoun-antecedent rel!'ltion and study the inter-
action of the three mentioned anaphoras.
Purthermore,
the clAuses are grouped accordin~ to the
semantic features
animacy anddefiniteness of the different antecedents.
170

---

Frouer nouns
j,
(19)
n.·
0
j1:1.gg-i
.'I.emlldu. ,
0
naw-i
~
he'
catch-Tns Aamadu
he take-Tns
i
galle
home
~on-poss-prJ
{ Copy-pro .
!!He caugh t ABXladui and took him
home"
i
b.
suud~o
Demmb ai
san·
yiy-i1
hide-Tns
Demmb a'
if-you
see-Tns
11~J
mo
.~
5~on-!'oss-!'roJ
tCopy-pro
"IUde from Dellunba. if you see h1m "
~
.
i
c.
0
hebtin-i
~amadui
nde
~
he . recognize
Aamadu
when
he
soo1o- ii
jdumJ
mo
.
~:.~
i
perceive-rrns
:ion-POSs-prj
tCopy-pro
~
i
:'He recognized Aamadu. \\<[hen he perceived
~
h ·~. "
~
•
171
'\\i:
t
.. j'

---

·.:.Defini te anima te not1J!!L
('20 ) a.
0
jagg-i
mbaalu
ngu
o
i
he
catch-Tns lamb
Det
he
naw-i
~::~
galle
i
take-TnslNon-poss-proJ
home
:.
Copy-pro
~
i
"He caught a lamb.;and took i·(;. home"
...
.~
b.
suud-o
ra\\·taandu. s aa
yiy-ii
~
hide-Tns
dog
if-you see-Tns
JUIn}
ndu
1~:.~ i
Hon-poss-prot
t Copy-pro J
-:~~
"Ride from thel' dog
if you see it.1!
i
~
c.
0
hebtin - i
puccu
ngu
i
he
reOognize-Tns horse
Det
'!JJJ.: .
'.,'
nde
o
sooyn-ii
l~rL
when
he
see-Tns
'1 Non-poss-prol
Copy-pro
-ll~ ,
"ll'e r,ecogn';zed
...
the horse i
h
w en h e saw iti "
Indefinite Rnimate nouns
(21) a.
b
jag~-i
mbaalu i
o
naw-i
he catch-Tns lamb
he
take-Tns
112

---

'.
g~lle
Non-poss-prol
home
{~:-Copy-pro
J
QJ
"He. caught Il la.mb and took it home"
b.
suu&o
ra\\OTaF.lndu
saR.
yiy-ii
i
hide-Tns
dog
if-you
see-Tns
dum l .
1~ndUJi
~Jon-poss-pro t
Copy-pro
J
o.
\\
f· ",.J'.
"Hide from Si dog
if you see it '
i
i
c.
0
hebtin-i
nihla.
nd e
~
,
he
recognize-Tns elephR.nt
when
0
sooyn- ii
ff:]
-:l-~
he
see-Tns
{llOn_poss-pro)
Copy-pro
QJ
r~He recofmized nn eleohRnt. when
he
'~1,
•
~
saw i t. ':
~
defin1te inanimate nouns
( ?2)
R.•
0
fergit-i
e
hl1~yrei
nde
he
trip-Tns
Prep
stone
Det
.~
,
t
0
hocc··i
.
rd;
nde
~
i
he
pick-Tns
f !ion-poss-pro]
COPY-"9ro
1
QJ
173

---

"He tripped on the stone end picked i t
up
b.
taar-o
,.
go-around-Tns
stone
Det if-you
. "'
J"
. ) '
... .
yiy-ii
.' {?Jur.t}
ode
r.i1
i
see-Tns
?uon-poss-proj' .
Copy-pro
.
{ o
'Go around the stone. if you see it.
l
l
c.
0
tAer-ii
tRRbAl
:nde
i
0
he go-around-Tns
table
Det
he
yiy-ii
?Jum }
[,.::.~gal i
see-rrns
l?NOn-POss-proJ
Copy-pro
o
:'He went ~.round the tablei when he se':[ i tif
'Indefinite inanimnte nouns
(23)
D.
0
fergit-ii
e
o
he
trip-Tns
Prep
stone
he
hocc-i
pick-Tns
?NOn-p.oss-uroj
l'
~l-Copy-pro
\\ o
'He tripped on a stonei and picked i ti upl:
"
"':.-.;' '".' ".'
b.
teer- 0
hp.Ayre.
S:la
yiy-ii
.
l
go-around-Tns
stone
if-you see-Tns
174·
-
--
- -
-
·-J i

---

~ "Jum}
C·~de i
-,
; ,
?NOn-POSS-prOj
·;:·Cooy-oro
{ !i1.
•
-'Go around a sl~onei if you s ee one:'
c.
0
ta~.bal
nde
he
go-around-~ns
ta.ble
:Jet
o
yiy-i 0
.f? dunl
';"nO'al J
•
c,
o
he
see-Tns
?Hon-poss-pro]
, ~:·Copy-pro
o
.
"ne went around /1- ta.ble when he saw i t "
Sxe.mples (19) through (23) ShOH th~t the choice of an ahD-
phoric pronoun is also dependent on the semantic feature or
i ts anteceden t.
'Je cpn summ~rize the in ter~ction' of the
three Rnaphoras qS f0110w:
(i)
except in (?2) Bond (23) where the use of the
neutral pronoun as anaphora of inRnimate
Antecedents is questionable, the neutre1 proriOuh
May be anaphoric to any other antecedent NP,
irrespective of its semantic fe~tures.
(ii) 0-Rn~phoras are more productively used with
indefinite inannimates (?3) than ~naimate Ante-
c:edents •
.'0,".
'.i1-e.npo9horas are freely used inco'1rdina.te .sen-
0'
tences, however, whatever the antecedent.
175

---

~-annphoras ~re not allowed in time clauses
except when tbe antecedent is indefinite animate.
(iii)Copy-pro anaphoras are only used. when the ante-
cedent is definite (assuming, obviously, proper
nouns t6 be definite).
The generalizations (i)~(iii) c~pture the phenomene
seen above.
However, (iii) seems too strong for certain lev-
els of discol.lrse.
BecRuse, in stories which contain inde-
pendent cl~uses, any noun phrase which hns been previously
l;tentioned mAY bereferred to by a. copy:'pro ana-phora (i.e.
its class pronoun).
For exemple, the choice of a cop1-pro
anaphora wes ungrammatical in the coordinate sentences 21a
and 23n.
The choice of a copy-pro anaphora becomes·gram-
~atical, however, when the sentences are given in independent
clauses, as in (24).
(21J.)
a.
0
jagg-i
mb~a1u
•
he
catch-Tns lamb
0
nm-r-i
ngu
g211e
h~
take-Tns
it
home
"He caught a lamb.
He took i t h09lell
, ;' ;~"'.
-.....
!L.Y" '. '•.
b.
0
fergit- il
e
haayre.
he
trip-Tns
:'rep
stone
0
hocc-i
nde.
he
trip-Tns
it
'1--
.rte picked it upIJ
176
•

---

;," .~' It seems im"9ortent tonote et this point the.t, in a11 contexts
. (but one, see (22c)) where on1y one, type of anaphora is
).:neither starred nor questioned, it must be neutra1 or a.
) zero anaphora (c.f. (20c) and a11';~entences in (23)).
'.L'hi s,
,";
.
in genera1, ref1ects .Fu1e discourse.
The most natura1 way
to refer Bnaphorica11y to a non-subject NP is by the neutre1
or ~-anaphorn.
But, of these two, the neutrn1 anaphora is the
most freq·:.ent in FU1e discourse S.S seen in the fo110wing text
,by l':uttar H~ü31 Han, a noted Fu1ani griotS.
l'
(25)
mi
toew-ii
1aamuuji
fof
mi' taw-i
l
see-Tns
kingdoms
a1l
l
find-Tns
ko
tati
bur .. i
Foc
Deic
three
exceed-Tns
haamn-aa-de:
'Laamu
gundo i )I.~. "Il"
""
,
'-
be-bothersome-Inf reign
reptile (sp)
1aamu
foomuura j
e
1aamu.
ngesa
reign
miser
and
reign
field
waalo
Gundo
haamn-or -ii
i
inondated-area
reptile
be-bothersome-Caus-Tns
ko
saa
ard- iima
d'um.
wiy-a
a
-~
Foc
if
preoede-Tns
it
say-Tns you
diw-n-ii
tenke
l'V
'-
naam-at-noo
fof
l'
fly-Caus-Tns criquets eat-Tns-Pr
all
,,:, .. )- <~~>, ...- .~, /' ,
haa
.
1aab-i 1
·saa
heett-l
cagga1
ti1
finish-Tns
if
stay-Tns behind
177

---

~riy-a
a
yabb-ii
dorlol
mum;
saa 'sawnd-iima
say-Tns you step-Tns
tail
its
if
walk-along-Tns
.1,
.
,
JUIn
wiy-a
a
foott -ii
bin-ngu
baabaa-gu
i
it
say-Tns
you
ask-for-Tns
child-CS father-CS
,-
. Foomuura
kanum
yid- aa
yett-ee-de,
yid-aa
j
miser
IP
want-Neg thank-P-Inf
want-Neg
yenn-ee-de •
Saa
yett-ii
foomuura
,\\-1iy,..a
:,1. ........' ..•.
_
insult-P-Inf
If
thank-Tns
miser
say-':'ns
ada
heew-i
haala;
saa
yett-aan-i
dum .
- J
you
be-full-Tns speak if
thank-Neg·Tns him
a
yett-ii
mo~,
.w1y-a
a
yenn-ii
dumj
you thank-Tns good(person) say-Tns you insult-Tns him
..
tawa
aduna
ka
golle
e
balle.
•••
yet
world
Fôe
deeds
and facts
,~'
_,4,
. ;'",
,;;
l
'
'I have examihéd aii kindsof kingdoms and found
that these threeare thd Most bothersome: 'the reign
.
1
• .
of a reptile (sp.). the' reign of a miser, and the
reign of a field ort an inondated area.
\\Vhat makes the reign of a reptile! bothersome is'
that if you walk in front of him, he says that you're
making aIl the criquets he eats fly away.
If you stay
behind him he says you're stepping on his tail.
If you
walk alongside himi , he says that you'ra provoking sibling
rivalry.
A miserj doesn't want to be thanked, and does-
',.. t .... '.,_ ~ '.
/ " .
:
nit want to be insulted.
If you thank a miser, he'll say
you're too noisy.
If you don't thank him
an~ thank a
j
.~ good person, he'll say you're insulting h!m •
And
j
~t, the world is Just deeds and facts.
178

---

,
.
j '
In the above text, the author always refera to th6'~~aviously
,·mentioned HP' s gundo
"reptile!! and foomuura
"miser"
i
j
.',' br the neutral ana'phora dum. Yet, both nouns belongto the
human class 0
whose corresponding anaphors. is perfectly
grammatical in these environments.
The sp~e phenomenon is noticeable in the following
narrative by Abdu SRlaRm Kan.
( 26)
Saada
fuuy -i
•
Faatui
wirt- ii
Saada
be-craz~-Tns
Fantu
pass-by-Tns
mo
tan
0
werl-ii
Jum
. haayre
i
him
Just
he
throw-Tns
her
stone
haa
\\-lUtte
mum.
seek-ii
- 1
til
cloth
her
tear-Tns
jom
galle
Fnatu
tin-i
dum.
- J
owner
house
Faatu
l'eûrn-'l'ns it
dog-i
.9r-i
foomn-ii
Saadsk
run-Tns
come-Tns pick-Tns
Saade
fuklc-i
dum
e
leydi
- k
throw-down-Tns
him
oh
ground.
:lSaada. is crazy.
Fe.atui 1ust -passed by
him, he threw a stone s.t her. B.nd tore
- - 1
her. dresse
Fqatu's husbnnd learned it.,
- 1
- J
picked Saad[,lk up and thre\\-I him
down"
k
In (26) Rbove, the noun phrases which are referred
to by the neutr~l anaphorRs dum
end dum
are the proper
i
k
nouns F~ntu. and S~nda, which also belong to the human
1
.
K
.~
179

---

.class _0.
'l'he neu tr~ü p.nR.ohora. dUIn. refers to the even t
-
- J
mentioned in the first sentence. ,
l'.
To summnrize section 4.1.2, He h"ve' seen thpt the
choice of s.n flna."9hOra is deterrnined by two fundamental
factors:
(i)
the gr~mmatical/sem~ntic function of its
antecedent, and (ii)
the type of discourse /
sentence
involved.
Topic sentences mnke 8 crucial reference to
grammatical rela tions in a sense tha.t neutrel anaphores
'can never be coreferential to topicalized subject NP's.
The Most important sem~ntic fentures ~etermining the choice
of a gi ven type of ans.phoro:-. are defini teness e.nd anir.'lD.cy.
Pinally, p..lthough Ful::l nominals are Brouped according to
a system in w~~ch every noun belongs to a specific cl~ss
pronoun, the Most np..tul"a.l 'i~.y to refer to non-subject nouns
iI1troduced in n. p:-evious discourse is by the rion-possessive
neu trsl J:lnfl.phora è.um.
Therefore, we consider this pronoun
to be the unm:'.rlted ant:'.?horn.
'11e shall come back to this
notion of m?.rked..'1ess in the next section.
4.1.3
Constrnints on nnaphoric uronominalization
In the two "9revious sections we hnve illustrated aIl
the fncts Hi th exar.1:ües contrdning processes of FOr'Ward
,'cv . .
~1na.ph6ric
<
Pronominr.lization (~AP).
T,he reason is simple.
L.
,_.;~
The first section ·"'9.sintended to propose a.nd justii'Y"
n typology of ~tl~ nnnphoric pronouns.
The second ex~~ined
180

---

f
the interpl~y of ?ula'anaphoric pronouns, a 9henomeon only
:;.,,' round in FAP.
Eow, lofe sh~ll discuss sorne aspects of back-
..
'
.ward anaphoric pronominalization (BAr). by examiningthe
" res trictions invol ved in this probess.
~:1e Tolill then jus tifY
j'
,these restrictions 'on the grounds of universal principles.
4.1.3.1
lestrictions on cln.use types
In our discussion of ?~P, we gave several syntactiè
processes in which FAP may opera te: , coordinate sentences,
independent clauses within a discourse, and subordinate
clauses.
BAP, on the other hand, works only within a few
ft.....
,,,,,V
subordinate clause tY!'es.
~'le cannot hnve c. BAP in coordinate sentences as seen
in the following examples (27)-(31):
( 27) B.
Demmb t'.•
yett-
i l
~
Demmba
r.rri ve-Tns
Y13.n- 1
, ,
fall-Tns
b.
~··0
..
YJan-i ,
Demmba
yett-ii
(28 ) 9..
Tp..kko
sood-i
wutte
keso,
i
'l'.qkko
buy-Tns
dress
nel-l
~1
rokk-i
l3.T,orlube
Griots
181

---

:
.j
"TakkO
bought a nei-1 dress and gave
i
i
f
i
(it) to the griots"
'~'~.' '. 1.,.•
. ' ..
b.
-l}0
rokk-i
awlube, Takko
sood-i
,".
"
" ,
i-lU t te
keso
ndu
yar-i
· kos~
dam,
".,
cat
Det
drink-Tns milk
Det
0. cfaen-
i
do....'
leeso
.1
sleep-Tns
on
bed
"The cati drank the milk and slept on.
the bed"
b.
·::-0
daan-i
dow
leeso~ ullundui
ndu
y~.r-i
kose.m
dam
(30)
a.
dulleendu
ndu
wum-n-i
cyclone
Det
blind-Caus-Tns
gorko i 0,
ysnd-in-i
me.n
Det
fall-Caus-Tns
f0eutral-pr1
Copy-pro
"'The cyclone blinded the, man
and made
i
/">'-:"..
him. f 8,11 11
1
b.
dulleendu ndu wum-n-i
.,yand-in-i . i ium} • •
l mo j 1
gorko i
0
( 31) a..
Bilaali
eel t-i
ngu
Bilaa.li
break-Tns
horse
Det
182

---

,.. ~_. .
yeey-
i
'.
,
l!:J
Alpha
i
".
sell .. Tns
Feutral-prO] Alpha
....
' , '
.'
.
Copy-pro
"Bilaali broke the horse
and sold
i
j"
it
to Alpha"
i
. {t
b.
~:·yeey-i
[~:t Alphl1,
.,.
Bilaalii
eel t-i
puccu
ngu
" .:::Examples (27), (28), end (29) conta~n se~tences with .subject
'.:'~
anaphoras.
On the other hand, the senten'ces in (30)
and
f;,:, ' ( 31)
contain non-subj ect ananphoras, hence the possibili ty
,~i':: or obtaining three types of anaphoras in FAP (i. e. the
a-exemples).
In all these exa~les, however, BAP is not
possible (c.f. the stprred b-sentences).
Next consider the following independent'sentences found
within discourse.
( 32)
a.
ngllari
ndi
huun- i'
i
•
ox
Det
moo-Tns
N.di
jagg-ea
i
It
cAtch-Tns
i
llThe ox. mooed.
l t. got ce.ught"
,.
~
~
b.
~:"lrdi .
huun-i •
rigaari.
ndi
jagg-fla
~
-
~
( 33)
3.•
cuka.leli
yett-ii
•
Hgel
bism-aa
i
child
arrive-Tns
he
greet-Tns
Il A child
' o.rrived.
He
i
i '-lR.S greeted."
'. ,;
l- ..{.
183

---

. .
bism-aa.
Cukalel
•
i
yett-ii
(34) a.
o
girb- i i
mbir.
0
•
J.
he
grnsp-Tns
ehmnpion
Det
.\\
o
NerI-il
JU!lli
eaggal
geew
:.
"-:'
he
throw-Tns
him
behind
i
l'l.rena
;:1:e gr~.sped the ehrunpion •
He thre\\-l
i
.him
out of the arenp-.!!
i
b.
,::,0
,.erl-ii
dum. eagg~1
geew.
~
0
girb-ii
mbir.
0
J.
(.35)
1'.•
0
hebt-ii
gujjoi
0
he rea.eh-Tns
thief
Det
..
0
dun -J.
dumi
he push-Tns him
r:He re::tehed the thief
Il
i •.
ne pu shed himi
b.
,~o
dun-i
dum .•
'0
hebt-ii
gujjoi
J.
Exronp1es (32)
~nd (.3.3) eontain subj~et ~nr.phorns.
Ex~~ples
(34) and (5) eontnin non-subjeet
anaphorfl.s.
In ,np'. çases
only FA? is ~llowed.
':'herefore, BAP is not 1.'llloHed in independent pnd
coord~n8te clauses.
B:....? r.tRj"»e round in some subordinEl.te
. "
cl~use tyPes, hOHever, ns ~dll be seen in the folloNing
S&etion.
'., ',.
184

---

u.l.3.?
Restrictions on 9naphor~~
',;
.' .'
BA? 'Ls found in some subordina.te clouses, but allol'IS
,
~.
,
only copy-pro :m~.phoras 8.S seen in the following examples.
(36) 8.• :Yoo
nge.l
teddin-e
::'0
.,
Hort
HOfllan
Det
honor-Tns
i f
yett-iim{'l.
arrive-Tn3
Hllonor the (bi;:;) HomDn if she l'lrri ves'!
b.
so
S~:.~ }
yett-iima
yoo
de~..al
l ngal i
i f
she
Il.rri ve-'ms Hort
,.
teddin-e
Det
honor-Tns
()7)
a. fooyre
nde
p';nyn-
i
Il t- A.a
~, ",):.
light
Vet
finish-'l'ns-Heg
halku-de .
yinbe
so
\\oTOil- EtP
harm-Inf
people
until be-Uelj
f~de}
nif
it
extin~ish
"The li~ht toTill not :::to,!, h::-rming peo!'le
until it extinguishes i tself"
b.
so
toTOn-a::l
jlj.:~~ \\
-nif,
..•.
1 ndeJi
'
'mtil be-l'eg
i t
.extinguish
185

---

fooyrej
nde
gayn-at-Ra.
halku-de
light
vet
finish-Tns-i~eg harm-Inf
: '.
ybbe
::Until i t ext~nguishes i tself, the light.
',Till no t stop hp.rming p eopl e"
,
(JG) a.
mu El
yiiwoonde.
nde
bonnu
~
will
cloudiness
Det
spoil
ko
heel-l-i
e
'.,'Uro
. JI.~,..,~~:' ~
something
to-be-a-lot-Tns
~n
-tO\\iI1
ngo
so
f~de)
juurt-iima.
..
Det
i f
it
pour-Tns
l'The rain \\-till SP0118_ lot (of things)
i -;" i t. ··)ours"
~ -
b.
so
-::oY1 ~
juurt-iima·
mp.e.
1ndel.~
i f
it
~our-Tns
will
yUwoonde
j'nde
bonnu
ko
i
cloudiness
Det
spoil
something
hee\\-l-i
to-be-r;t-lot-Tns
!'If i t
'Oours, the rRin \\-lil1 spoi1 R
i
lot (of things)"
, ,
186

---

(39)
a.
·laann
ka
ta.cc-in-
i
aMUi
canoe
Det
cro s s-Caus-Tns
nde
yoor-i
nde
feaJ i
;~",r
.
.
"A
...
",hen
i t
dry-Tns
Det
t
"The canoei c:,ossed the river t"hen
it. becmne dry"
1
b.
nde
r"0 yoor-i nde lapna. ka
kc ]
.
1
1
t-rhen
i t
dry-Tns
Det
cpnoe
Det
tacc-in-aam
cross-Caus-Tns
Il''men it
becqme dry,. the canoei crossed
i
the riveru
( 40)
8..
suud-o
raH8.andu.
ndu
sas.
·1
hide-Tns
dpg
Det
if-you
yiy-ii
S~um ~
1ndu J
see-Tns
it
t:Hide from the dog
if you see it "
i
i
b.
saa
yiy-ii 1*0.1
suud-o
rawumdu ndu
o!:-dun
ndu
i
"If you see it , hide from thA dog "
i
i
:-:'"'tanTJles (36) through (39) contain sentences 'vi th
..
(
subject anaphoras.
Note that \\ote can get two t;rpes of
•
cnaphoric ~ronouns in the a-sentences (FAr).
In the b-
exnm):lles, on the other hand, only copy-pro anp.phores
187

---

:
'.
l
,~ i .' '
1 "
. \\
" 0
'
, are allowed (c. r. the sta.rred0-anaphoras).
This restric-
" 'tian is due to DAI' •
. ,'.0 .
Exemple (40) contains sentences with non";subject an"",:
;lhoras.
Note that· three types of anaphoras may interact in
the a-sentence (FAP).
But only aJ:copy-pro lll1aphora is
allo\\"ed in the b-sentence (BA?).
The above findings are generalized as follows:
(41)
Only a couy-pro an8phora is allowed in BAP;
that is, i t is necessary thR.t the anaphoric
pronoun agrees in class with its antecedent
in BAl'.
The above generalization finds further'support in the
subordinate clauses which do not allow BAI'
at all as seen
in the follol·dng exampl es:
(42) a.
0
wad-i
haa
he
make-Tns Sira
hungry-Inf
until
Takl<:o
,.,
i '
n~mm- n-l.
t~~Ji teew
T.
eat-CRus-Tns
her
mep.t
HHe starved Sira
until Tnkko gave heri
i
meat to eat"
b.
-:~haa
'rakl{o
~
. .
nt'lmIn-l.n-l.
[umi
tee'll
0
wadi-i
Sira
heydu- de
i
"Til Takko gave her. ment, ta eat, he
l.
(43) a.
fof
yoo
yah
mnayo
every . Hort
go
river
188
, 1
, 1
\\,

---

so
rg} fin-i
......
wh en
he
wake-up-Tns
,
HEvery child must go to the river t'1hen
he wakes Upll
b.
'~'so
i~~~l fin-i sUka fof
i
'100
yah
maayo
:r~,1ien he
wakes up, every childimust go
i
to the riverll
(44) a.
nde
taf'oOV10i
0
jagg-aa
j
wh en
gangster
Det
cp.tch-Tns
1,1
nde
l':-g 1 inn-il
Alla
Det
he
name-Tns
God
Il':.'hen the gangster WFl.S cl1ught, he ualled
t~
God"
b.
inn-ii
Alla
nde
tayoowo i
1
i
o
j 'lgg-:lR.
l'He. call-ed the name of God when the
l.
gangster
Has cau/;ht"
i
The ?bove exr.;,lples Sh01'1 thet the tY'ge of subordin~:té'-clauses
1-rhich do not allo';1 BA? corres-)ond to those Hhich do not
1
allow copy-pro anaphoras(c.f. the st~rred items in these
~.
' - . .
' ' ' ' ,
, .........
>
'
"
l,
.. exP.Jmles.)
'::hi s, indeed, is -a -support to the e;eneralizl".tion
...
/ '
"
l '
-
7'
"
in (41).
189

---

4.1.3.3' SUr!p,ested
eX'Olanation
The 3eneralize.tion in '(41), though it isdescriptively
~adequate, does not explain why only cOT,ry-pro anaphoras are
found in 3~P.
This could be done, however, by referring
to a univers al principle on 'narkedness' stated in Cole
(1914) and reproduced below.
(45)
·!i3ecn.use baclcvrard referenc e is more ml:' rked
than fOr~-lB.rd reference, ba.clcward reference
invol ve::; il? typ es of ~renter inheren t
tmnpho~icity (p. 669),;0
tn the following discussion, i t willbe shOtm thRt the fe.éts
.of ?uln provide a strong support for the Rbove statement.
(45) en~hasizes two inport~nt points about backw~rd reference.
(i)
Eackwar6 reference is n~rked
}4,.-l<
-
(ii) Backward reference in~olves liP's of greater
inherent an~phoricity.
rfto1e ShON that copy-pro anaphoras l'.re mrrked, we would have
explained why they are the ones found in SAP.
This is indeed
the case.
In the area of morpho-sjntax, a constituent is said
to be 'marked ',lhen i t ' s overtly narlced by a morphologic~l
device and/or tends to occur less frenuently in discourse
r
-
(c.f. Friedrich, 1974 for a specifie reference to this).
EOto1 does this a-pply to copy-pro pronouns?
f,
1
, '\\,
:.T e h~ve nlrendy ShOtffi that ~ and neutral an~phora.s
~"':.\\ .
1
,',
~.
are nore freQuently used in discourse thlt".'1Copy-pro' s (c. f.
l,
.,li[
190
li
l'
.i
Il1

---

. section 4.1.2).
Therefore, with respect to the frequency
pe.re.meter, c0'9y-pro anaphor:3.s are MRrked and the other
t'Wo unmarl{ed.
As for the m0r?ho1ogica1 me.rking, we have sho~~ that
cOPY-'9ro ~n~,horas are sim~ly c1~ss ~ronouns.
Thus, the
anaphor~antecedent re1~tion is more mOr?ho10gica1ly
marked '.zhen the '?naphora is a. copy-pronoun, thl'n ,-{hen i t
is a neutr:?l or ~-lmD'9hora.
Consider the follo'1il)g' fi ve
time clpuses involving B~?
( 1J.6) :le
nde
k~..
Herl-aa
nde
.paaka.
- l .
.
- l .
.N'hen
it
throH-P
Det
knife
ka
yan-ii
e
lekki
Det
,fpll-Tns
on
tree
;!',!ben it. was thro,m, the knifei fell
l.
over the tree"
b.
nde
ki.
J;,!oor-i
nde
lekki i
ki
- l .
,·]hen
it
dry-Tns
Det
tree
net
s a"1l'n- iima.
lose-lee.ves-'I'ns
"'1ilen i t. got dry, the tree
lost its
l.
i
leaves;;
c.
nde
ngol.
yabb-aa
nde
lalnlol
- - l .
i
l'then
it
s te!'-'fus
net
rOG.d
ngol
daat-ii
(
Det
' S-:;100 th- 'l'ns
,1,
191

---

d. nde
'l'Rk:co
f i tt-i
ndi
nde
i
lTh0n
T.
clean-Tns i t
f :O.Ert "
mbalndi
ndi
neyb-ii
i
sleeping
Det
shine-'l;ns
place
!':lhen 1'niùo clenned iti' the sleeping
"llp,ce. WRS shininr;"
.
~
e. nde
be.
njett-ii
nde
yimbe.
-~
.-~
:·rhen
they
r'.rri ve-Tns Det
people
be
~
teddin-aaml't
J.
!)et
honor-Tns
1I~.'ihen they i Arri ved, the people were
honored"
Ilote in the above exa.-:rples thet the anAphoric pronoun
ie anidentical or almost identicnl copy of the class
suffix appearing with the antecedent.
Thus, we have the
following A~reernent:
l',nll:ohorl1s
antecedents
k~
"Oo.aka
. -
k ·
. " .
1. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • J. e}(~
1\\r::01
1 n.o.~
ndi •.•.••••.••.•.•.••••• mbnlndi
be • • . . . . . . . • . • . . • . . . . . . . yirnbe
This confiGUration i5 defintely more mllrked thnn a pattern
established Hi th neutral or ~-annphoras.
Therefore we
(
cl~1m th~t the co~y-pronoun Rnaphor-nntecedent relntion
192

---

· is more overtly marked than the 0 and neutrel an2phor-ante-
cedent relation.
'.{e now surnrnarize this .tlS follows:
(m: marked, u: unrnarked) •
..
'.
Copy-pro
If eu tr~~",~.ro
Frequency of occurrence
m
u
li
Overt rr.n~~in0 of the
m
u
nnauhor-antecedent rela-
u
tion
This chart simply ShO\\'IS that copY-:Jro anp..phoras o.reah/A.ys
!
,
i
marked.
'i'herefore, i t is not surpri'sing to find them in
.1i
marked processes such as B~p7.
;1
ïlext, consider the second point of Cole' s statement,
, !
1
!.• e. "back'-1ard reference involv,s ~rp types of greater
inherent anaphorici ty".
Indeed, i t is possible to sho\\-1 that
l
copy-pro anRphoras involve greater inherent Ano.phoricity.
r
!i
For example, bec(>.use they reflect the neutre~ cll!ss, neutrel
!
r,
'1'0 anaohoras Are less
specific th9n copy-pro anaphoras.
For instance, neutral prots ere found in questions about
Unspecified events as in (!.LB):
(413)
-."1.ko dum ~-1on-i
it
be-Tns
Il:','hat is i t? 1/
b.
hol
Jum?
0.
i t
193.

---

·..:
.The other clllss pronouns, on the other hand, are used
.. '
r.· ..
when the spe~ker has a certain knowledge of the item he
'..
,
':
p.sking about, as in (49):
(49) Il.
ko
ngel
won-i
Cl
, .".
it
be-'2ns
b.
hol
ngel
Q
i t
";·ihi ch one?"
The speaker who asks the above questions expects sn ·answer
reterring
to a nominal belonging toS: specifie J\\:)-lÂISS,
namely, the diminutive· 'ngel'.
'l'herefore, copy-pro ana-
j
phoras are more presupposed than the other
anaphoras;
• !,,
hence, they involve more inherent anaphoricity.
For this
~
reason, it is not surprising to find copy-pro's in BAP.
!
The first l'art of this chapter has covered three
important aspects of the pronoun-antecedent relation in
Fula.
~irst, we have proposed a ~ypology of Pula anllphoras
on the basis of !heir morphology and iliustrated the differ-
ent contexts in which they may occur.
Second~ we have
shown that, although Possessive pronoun anaphorlls are
in complementary distribution with the other anaphoras
(i.e. copy-pro, neutral, and ~-anaphoras), these l~st
three may internet in a way which is determined bJ syntac-
tic and semantic factors.
Finally, we have discussed
194

---

the constraints on Forward and B~ckward pronominalization
. and shown thnt BAP involves several restrictions, on the
type of clause which m~ybe used (BA.P is found only in
few subordinate clauses), and the type of ~aphore which
i'~.;J'~, "
mny be chosen (:a/.P invol ves copy-pro snt'lphoras only n
. further, we pro~oscd an explen9tion for theserestrictions
based on univers al principles.
4.2.
Cases of cliticizntion
\\,,
In the previous section, we hnve discussed third pe~-
:~1
son pronouns with reeard to anephoric processes.
This
section will focus on the objec~ and short forro subject
pronouns seenin (,0), in pn attempt to define the notion
of cli tic in FuI?.
l
I I
III
short forro
'.subj ects
mi
R
o
min
en
on
he
objects
mi/ken ma
•
mo
min
nen mon
be
Singular
Plural
• The a.bove chnrt contnins the unmarked forros of ?ula
object and subject pronouns.
These under30 morphophono-
logi..cnl chnnges Vlhich 'Ai11 be shown to affect. their cli tic
st~tus.
The chpn6es mp.y be illustr.l:Ited ns follolVs:
..
,'.
195

---

Subjects
(51)
A.
a
suud-ii
huunde
you
hide-Tns
sonething
:'You hp.ve hidden sonethingl~
b.
cuud-dap..
hU'.lnùe •••
hide-you
something
JI
...
""'lou hi·': something •••• "
(52) Il.
0
h.~.El.1-ii
goongn
he
speAk-Tns
truth
"He hes spken the· tru th"
b.
k~.a1-do
goonge.
speek-REL
truth
j
"The one uho s!'.id the tru th
.
Il
:
1
1
"li
suud-ii
mo
1
l
hide-Tns
"I have hidden him"
b.
cuucC-moo-mi •••
hi'e-hi::t-I. •••
Il l
hid hir.l ••• "
(54) a.
mi
suud-ii
ma
l
hide-Tns
:Ir have hidden you"
. / ""1
•
b.
cuud-~ - mi •••
hide-you-I
"I hid you •••• "
196

---

1
-_.- _.- - - -, -_.__.
Note the difference in form in the above pronouns.
In
(51), the second person singular subject undergoes a change
\\o1hen i t occurs in jostverbp.l position (5lb).
lfon-third
person subject pronouns thct undergo sinilar changes ~.ll
~
..
t.,
be r~fered to as subject clitics (he~eaftar Cls).
In (S2),
1
the third person pronoun (52r?l '''.ppel''.rs in pos t-verbt\\l po-
sition as an oblig~tory marker in subject relotives (52b).
This r:1R.rker ~;ill be rcferred to a3 relative subject clitic
(hereBfter Clrs).
In (53) and (54), second and third
singulnr objects have undergone p lengthening which is caused
by the postposing of the first person singular Cls,
In an atte~pt to define the notion of clitic in Pula,
we will examine the conditioning factors of the above changes
and discuss the syntactic behavior of subject and object
•
'4.2.1
Word-order
In non-emphatic statements, full NF's and clit1cs
behave differently a.s seen in ( 55) and (56) •
( 55) n.
Dermnba
suul-ii
sawro
ndu
Demlnba
hide-GP
stick
Det ,J'
.
~'-
)
"Demmba has hidden the stick:1
b.
~:'suucf-i
De:nmba
SE'.wru
ndu
hide-RP
Demrnba
stick
Det
I!Demmba hid the stick"
197

---

c.
Demmba
suud-i
sawru
ndu
,
D.
hide-RP
stick
Det
l1!)ennnbR hid the stick"
(56) Il.
mi
suud-ii
ndu
','
. 1.
hide-GP
stick
Det
"r have hidden the stick!!
b.
cuud-mi
ndu
hide-I
S tic}!:
Det
"I hid the stick"
Exsmple (55b) ShO,'IS that in non-emphatic stlltements conta.in-
,-
ing fi.ùl ur' s, the 1.ord order is very rigide
~'ie' cannot get
nrellltive p~st l1ith r.. postposed subject full HP.
On the
other hand,short form subjects May te postposed as
seen in (56) above.
~ote the deletion of the relative past
!
-1,,
i in this ex~m?le, caused by the postposin~ of the subject
...1.. r'~:
pronoun.
This tendency of clitic subjects to be bound to
their )redicntes is~lso found in co~structions with the fu-
ture and ho::-t::l.tive ~uxiliaries as Hell Ils ~.,ith the copula
..
lf2•
.::Li th the fu tur~ mp!r.tr.f.l.
)
?ull l:?' s may come nfter or before the future au:dliary
m~/maa ~s seen in (57).
Short f&rm subjects, however, must
follo~. the ::luxili"r;,T as seen in (58).
1
j
198

---

. . .
'
nl'l.e
..,;,'
'Hill
go
b.
::aa
::l'!nnnadu
yah
, t,i11
go
0'0"
CO'
(53) n.
ma
y::th
l
11 l
':1ill goIr
b.
~(mi
With the hort~ti'ie yo/yoo
The s~e genersliz~tion holds fo~ the hortRtive mrrker,
as seen in (59) &nd (60).
( 59 ) a.
: ~Sl1'.mad"..l
yoo
.c.
Hort
GO
"i .a:unadu should
<"oa
1:
<:>
b.
yoo
~: ~nT.'ladu
ynh
,
~
...
.::..~' ~. ~
Hort
l '
go
. ').
'1••
.."-.
(oC)
l'..
yo
ni
y~h
Hort
T
go
"1 should go"
b.
':~mi
"Jo
Yllh
The ungrp.mnntic~lity of (60b) is due to the presence of
..
the hort~ti"e between the subject ::Jronoun end its predicate.
1 .
199

---

'. \\
7·
the conule ){o
r
,L • It'"
_ _ ~
Hhen occurring with the particle ko 'copul~',full
NP's and subject nronouns are 83Rin in complementary 11s-
tribution.
(61 )
: ' D.r.U::lI.'. du
;.,
.,.
Cop
f!o-Clrs
gone'!
( 62)
j .'ta-Jo
Cop
l
~o-Clrs
-:~mi
ko
ja.a-Jo
~aese examples show t~at full ~:'s must come before the
copula ko, wherens subject pronouns must follow it (c.f.
62b) •
4.2.2
Comnnring short for~ subject prono~s to other nro-
nouns
.
, Ful~
indenendent ~ronouns
,
cpn stp.nd Dlone;
but short
fom s,ubjects cl'.nnot do so, 13.3 seen in (63) nnd (6L~).
{ 63~
n.
(ko)
miin
1
( Poc)
me
!
1
.
":;:t' s mell
1
'C,_
b.
~,
2dn
YRh-~
you
you
50- Tns
1
1
1
200
',1::

---

';.- .'"
( 64) n.
·::·mi
'me'
b. ~:-~,
a de.
ygh-l'.
;you, you go-'fus
"You, you're ibing"
(63a) represents the t'nUHer to t'. question like ';'iho did it?'.
(63b) involves a to~ic construction.
In both cases we have
used an inde~endent pronoun (underlined).
Short form subjects,
. on the other h,qnd, cannot stand by themselves (,~611~), p.nd are
. not used in tapic cons,tructions (-::-64.c).
Although neither lon~ form subjects, nor short.forms
.may stAnd alone, thereis ~vidence thpt long form subject
pronouns have a certain e.utonomy which they do not share
with short forms.
~or exmuple, long form subjects may be
used with the locative partic~e ni witnout a finite verb,
but short forms ct'lnnot, as s.een in (65) and (66) below.
(65) a.
mido
ni 9
l
Loc
:'liere l
M M "
<,-,.,
b.
f\\cfa
ni
JOU
Loc
"Rere you are"
( 66) a.
·::"mi
ni
l
Loc
:r ,lere l
am ôl
.)
; . .
,~ 1
-
..
".
, .
201

---

,
..
l'
: .
b.
';:-a
ni
you Loc
"Here 'Jou are"
The facts seen in the preceding sections provide pre-
.,', "'
liminary evidence 'that Pula short form subject pronouns
behave like clitics in the sense that, unlike full NP's ~d
other pronouns they are bound to their predicates and cannot
standby themnelves with or without a tensed. predicate.
In the next section, we will provide further evidence
for the clitic status of short form subject pronouns and
show that, like these, object pronouns also show instances of
eliticization.
This will be done by examining the effect of
subject postposing on the Fulaverb~l complexe
We will
concentrp.te only on verbs in the perfecto
4.2.3
Subject clitics:
further evidence
q.2.3.l
Cls oostoosin~
i.'1e mentioned at the beginnine: of section 4. p.· ... t'h~t in
caseswhere subject pronouns are ?ostposed, it is reouired
thDt the verb be irt the rel~tive tense.
It ie alao impor-
tl'l.nt to note th?t t~e postposing of subjects leElds to
.......
'. severe.l mort:lhophonolo!7,ical changes Hhich affect both the
tense Elnd the pronoMinal systems.
'l'his hp.s been discussed
in detail in Sylla (1977).
But, becp.use of their relevpnce

---

·to the notion of clitic in Pula, Œ short description of
these is nec~ssary•
.\\s ';le alreBdy knOH, . the Fula perfect consists of
a series of active, middle, and p~ssive tenses.
These ~re
rel'1ri tten belo·..~ fO'r the reader' s convenience.
( 67) Perfect
,l.cti ve U.)
dddle(;'~)
P ,1ssi ',e( F)
EP
0
i
a
:CP
..
i
ii
ae.
G?
i i
iima
PAmn
Thnt poatposeà sllbjects require Il. rel::ltive tense ia evid.enced
by the following focus constructions.
(63) R.
cuud- ii-mi
ko
Ka~lidu
hide- RP-I
?oc
K.
fllt' s fron Kaf11idu th::!.t l am hi ding from'l
b.
cuuJ- aa-mi
ko
Knalidu
hi de- RP -t
70c
K.
llIt' S KDalidu th(!.t l
Etr,1 hidden from fl
:'Jithout 1.1 rel~tive tenAe the sentences in (68) above would
be unBr!.'lT'J:l.p.tic:ü.
'rhis is not nerely due to the constrnint
1
on focus constructions Hhich 1'.11-:('IYs reauire P. relative tense
1
(cf. chapter ), sec~ion }.1.1.1).
In fact,
except for the
l,
third ;,Jerson, ,·re c::lnnot get prevèrb:'l1 Cls vri th verbs in
i,j"II
M
·the relEtive tense BS seen in (69).
i'
V
~:.
( 69)
ï
!-,
;'
i
i
'1;,
203

---

{~'oul
l.fe
v-
RF
you
~~cent for the first person singul8r mi 'l', post-
posad subject ~ll undergo morphologic~l chanses as exempli-
t'ied in the follo·,rinp.; sentences l.fhich contain reL:tive mid-
die tenses:
( 70) a.
cuud - i -dRa
ko
KI.',alidu
hië.e-èlf -you
70c
K.
: i
"It's from Kf.lolidu that you a.re hidden"
b.
cuud - 1 - den
ko
~aolidu
hide - RP - we
Foc
K •
., l t' s froli1 Kaal idu tha t we p.re hi ding"
c.
cuud - i - don
ko
Ka#3lidu
hide - nP-you
70c
h.
J'.
"It's from i~aalidu thllt you (all) are
hidingll
d.
CUl.1.d-
[na
ko
.\\.l1:'ladou
hide - you
Poc
.'t. •
': l t' s'./lmadu tha t you' re hidinB from"
In the l'tbove eXarl,les,
four
se~l'rnte l~oI'!lho~honologicl3.l
'~rocesses occur Hhen the subject ~ronoun i3 postposed.
(i)
the lenghthening of the second person sg •
n-~aa
(701:')
(ii)
the insertion of the implosive d (70a,b,c,d)
204

---

( iii)
the shortening of tile tenses (in the
.
-,.. ',..
-'
.
environment before CVV or CVC subject pro-
nouns) (70A,b,c)
(iv)
. The deletionof 1?erfect relative active
t~nses before clitics (70d)
7hese processes cnn be described as reffUlnr ~orpho-
phonologic~l ch~nses and have been discussed in detail in
a se!,,~,r9,te \\<lork (see Sylla, 1977).
: h~t these chnnges show
'is th.J.t post!"osed suèjects nre bound
to the verb, and as such,
l'
form n phonological unit with the verbe
This is reflected
in the Fula orthography (e. g. cuucfiJ(l~, ko
Ksalidu, c. f.
(70R)).
Therefore, there cnn be no
doubt'a~ to the clitic
status of tilese postposed subjects.
L!.• 2.3.2
Rels.tiYL,subject clitics,(Clrs)
~elntive subject èlitics are essentie.lly found in
eubject rel!1.tives.
,ie saw in ch~pter III thnt the relAtive
~arker in the subject strategy agrees in CIRSS with its
hend noun.
Therefore Clrs involves only third pe~son class
pronoUns.
The following shows CAses of Clrs.
(71)
a.
nedJo
loot-
ii - do
ndiJ'1Un
person
-rash
- rlI'- Clrs
w9ter
Det
"The person \\oTho \\.,r:;shed (himself with the
..•
205
'

---

b.
rr.t'.'laandu
cuud - i l - ndu
joom-u:n
dog
hide - "p-~
Otmer-3 sg
Poss
ndu
Det
Il '::.'he
dog which is hiding from its owner"
e.
sukaabe
aJdu-
noo- be
ledde
de
be
children
bring-~r
-Clrs
woods Det Det
I:The children "'ho brought the pieces of
Hood"
d.
lr'.fi
teew
ngu
ki
knife
cut-Clrs meat
Det
Det
!IThe knife which eut the meat"
i"ie alreR.dy knoH' th~.t relative cls.use formation in Fula
requires the rtlouires the relative tense (c.f. Chllpter 3,
section 3.1.1.2).
u.2.3.3
Environment of Postnosed subjects
Postposed subjects are· found in every clause which
requires the relative tense (Recnll th~t these involve
j
mainly non 3rd person ~ronouns). Below are sorne illustrn-
tions.
(72)
a.
~Ide
ngar-mi
mi
kurka
Il .,~, ..,...,
•
when
come-I
l
find-Tns child
206
--------------------_~L

---

ni
hallc-a
Loc
cry-Tns
l'\\-/hen l carne, l found a child cryinell
b.
omo
way
no
beern-do
nde
.. he
resemble Comp lose-Clrs
when
nj ett -i - [aa
a.rri ve-Tns-you
!'He looked 10fl t ",hen you arri vedll
Relntive cl~uses
(73) n.
fijirde
cooyn-ii- mi
nde •••••.
ceremony
see- Trls -1
Det
Il The
ceremony l
see •••• Il
. b.
nagge
cood-
J8l').
nge
ko
sooyre
cow
buy -
you
Det
Foc
red
IIThe CO\\-1 you bought is red"
('\\.·.,ues t·~ons
(7L~)~. mbii- [aa?
sny-~
;:'"bat diè. you S;:ly~!l
,'"
r
"
b.
hol
mo
. njii - mi
ns.arnn-i-ck2
Q
see
-1
ask-Tns-you
:l)iè. J'ou 3sk Hho l
SI1\\-1'?"
~uè,o-clefts
,~. .,.'" ~ . ~ .~
(75) R.
ko
jam
.'" ..... .,
\\.,rh:3.t hear-1
Det
be-Neg
pe8.ce
:' .,'h:.>.t l heard is not good"
"
207

---

:'
b.
ko.
mooftu-d&.a
ko
El
jeY-B.a
,
",h~t keep-you
Det
you
ol·m-rreg
Il . ibn t
y'ou sre kee!,ing is not
"
yours"
Clefts
( 76) a.
ko
;':1mRdu
njii-mi
::'oc
; ~.
see-I
"It's c\\l:'.madu thet l sInt"
, ..."
j l , . /
b.
ko
suka
0
ka.\\ofru-noo-mi
hanki
70c
child
'Jet
meet-Pr
-1
yesterday
"It's the chilè. l met yesterday"
Note th~t Cls ~ost?osing is only found in affirm3tive
sentlmces.
The reauirenent of Cls postposing in constructions
th~t re~uire the rel~tive tense mry be further su!,ported
by clauses in sequence, such as c?ordinFte clnuJes.
In
Puln, the second clause in l'l seQuence .reouires the relative
tensè for the ~er~ect, but the continuous for im~erfect
actions PS seen in (77).
( 77) n.
.·.~li
yeh-i
galle
p..dd-i
mo
.
;',
go-RP
home
bring-BI. him
:I:·.Fli \\oient home nn~ brou.:;ht him;'
b.
',nli
Y'lh-
l'\\t
Gnlle
Ildd-
Po
no
è.
ro
,-.
GF
home
bring-Con hi;:l
ft ;'~ali will
GO home Rnd bring idm:!
•
The second clnuses in (77) contain ~ rel~tive ~nst (77~) ~nd
a' continuous (77b). Both cll:uses contnin (underlying) full
208

---

~.
,>~.
. -subject iI?' s, and there is no subj ect postposed.
\\~bén tie
use -8. non-third person subject, hOliever, ';he Cls post-
posing rule must E'.pply in sentence (77a), but not in sen-
tences (77b), as seen in the follov/inp,: exemples.
1
(78) n •. njah-mi
galle
ng:",.(du-mi
1'110
go -!
home
bring- l
h:1.m
~'I went home I1nd brought him:1
j
The nbove e;:rlrnples ShOli that preverbl?l Cls' SAre only used
with non-relntive tenses (i.e. the General Past (80a) anè
the Emphatic Pnst (80b)).
They c~nnot be used tnth ~ rela-
tive tense inflected verb (c.f. {:.aoc) 10.
io'urther, lie hrlve
a~rel'!.dy sho~m th"'.t subject full ?TP' s c~nnot be post'Çlosed
in decl~r~.tive !:entences, ?nè therefore consti tute npl'lrl'-
digm with preverblll Cls's (but not with postverbp.l Cls's).
The ~bove complementary distributions suggest that we
•
distinguish degrees of cliticizp.tion in Fuln. - Though this
issue will not be emphRsized i~ this ppper, we sugGest thRt
209

---

postposed Cls's be considered ~s c~ses ofstrong cliticiz~­
tion, and preposed Clsls as cases of wenk cliticization.
·The above distinction seems to apply also, in a number of
ways, to ob,ject clitics (CIo). as ~"'ell.
~is will be dis-
cussed in the followin3 section.
u.2~u abject Clitics
This section intends to examine the clitic st~tus of
the object pronouns listed in chort (50).
5ut, before ~e
start, it is important to recall thnt non-human third person
pronouns are not included in chart (50), but sorne of them are
listed in chapter 1, chnrt(15).
'rhey will be mentioned
here, ~s we progress in our discussion.
4.2.u.l· Ilord arder
~e alre~dy know that Fula is b~sically an SVO language.
This order, though rigid in non-emphatic sentences contain-
ing full Npls, may undergo sorne v~riations with pronominRl
arguments.
',';e h8ve seen, for eXl2.mple, that the position of
the non-third person Cls depends on the tense involved.
Similarly, . second and third person singular Clols mny
also appear in different orders, as seen in the examples
below.
.)';
.... '"
210

---

(81)
a.
mi
suu!. i l
mo
haa
weet-i
l
hide-Tns 1II-sg until be-morning-Tns
njalt-in -
moo-
mi
comeout-Caus-IIIsg -Isg
"1 hid him tU the next morning and put
him outil
b.
cuu[-mi
mo
haa
weet-i
hide-Isg ~IIs0
til
be-morning-Tns
njalt - in -
moo - mi
come-out-Caus-IIIsg-Is~
"1 hid him tU the.'next morning and put
him ont"
c.
cuud -moo -mi
haa
weet-i
hide-IIIsg-Isg
til
be-morning-Tns
njalt
-in
-moo -mi
come out-Caus-IIIsg-Isg
"1 hid him tU the next morning and put
him out"
," .
,,'
( 82)
2.
mi
suud-ii
ma
ht'.11
\\.eet-i
l
hide-Tns
you
tH
b e-morning-'rns
njalt
-in - 1:l3a -mi
come-out-Caus-IIsg-Is~
., l hid you tH the next morning and put
'you out"
•
211

---

. "
b.
.:~cuucf-.mi
r:l.11
h3.f.l.
. weet-i ••••
hide-I
IIsg
til
be-morning-Tns •••
c.
. cuul -nias - mi
haa
weet-i •••
hide-:!:Isp.:
l
tH
. be-morning-':'ns
-
The above examples sho'... thB.t some CIo 1 s m!:lY come
before (81c ~nd 82c) or after (81a-b rmd 82a) the l ag. Cls.
Note, however, thnt we CAnnot get P. sentence eorresponding
to 81b '-li th IIsg CIo (e. f. i:·82b).
I-;ote ~lso the morphologieal
. change of the IIst<; CIo (mo.--tnM) nnd the IIsg CIo (mo--l'llOo)
subsenuent to the eht'.nge in posi tion.
I t is elso important
to note that the flexible order seen in the above examples
," - ... ,.~~
holds only l-lhen the IIsg/IIIsg CIo eo-oeeur '-lith the l
ss
Cls.
Thou~h the other CIS'S may oeeupy postverbp.1 position
it is not possible to insert ~ object ~ronoun between these
elities and the verb as seen in (83).
(83) a.
euud- [9.3.
no
Heet-i •••••
hide- ;rou
hin
tU
be-I"lorning-Tns
"You hid him til the next r.l.orning ••• Of
b •
euuJ - don
mo
Heet-i ••••
hide-
;you
HiM
til
be-morning-Tns
"You hid him til the next·norning •••• "
c.
cuuJ-
Jen
mo
-
hr".a
weet-i ••••
hide
- '.le
him til
be-morning-Tns
•
':';e hid him til the next morning:t
d.
':·cuud - noo .. cfP."!. o ••••••••
hide - hin -~
212

---

"s!'.rne AS 87B.~'
e.
':'cuud -moo-
don ••••
hide -him - you
same as 87b"
f.
·::·ouud -moo- den ••••
hida -hiM - "'e
,; s~.me as in 87c,r
ExtlInples 83q-b-c contail1 postposed Cls' s.
In 83 d"'e-f, I"e
. show that it iE not ,ossible to get ~ CIo before non-Isg
Clsls.
In the remninder of this section, we will describe some
aspects of the syntactic behavior of the IIsg and IIIsg Clots.
'..:e also discuss further environments of these clitics.
"
4.2.4.2
Third :1nd second sinlrol~r Clots Il.nd other nominllls
4.2.4.2.1
Conmon ~roperties
( 84) a.
mi
jagg-ii
m,i.jo
l
catch-'l'ns
thief
"1 h~ve caught Il thief"
b.
mi
jc.GG-ii
mo
l
cll.tch-Tns him
"1 hD.ve c~mght hin!!
•
c. ':'mi
jagg-i
!1l00
l'
l
cl'ttch-Tns him
213.
[i
• ·1
11

---

"1 cnuGht him"
d.
njae;BU-
noo - mi
catch-
him
-1
"
.;.:.
"I cp..ught him:'
e. ,·:~njp..ggu-
l)Uj jo - mi
C?tch
thief
l
'1J: c2,u~ht a thief"
'fhe nbove exrumnles show th~t only short form IIIsG
CIO'S mey occuply ::1. full nr slot (compare 81+a to 84b).
Long form IIIsG Clo's, on the other.h~~d, cannot occupy an
HP slot (c.f. -::·84c).
~~~d no full H?' is allowed in fi. position
"Thich c~m be filled by long form IIIsg CIO'S (c.f. -::·84e).
TI1e II sg ~lo also behaves similarly but shows sorne
idiosyncr:1 ti es.
Por exampl e, '-tharens the l engh thening of
III~S Clo's i3 con~itioned by one sin~le f~ctor, which' ls
the pos t?osin~ of the Isg Ch (c. f. 84d nbove), the l engthen-
ing of the IIsS CIO'S is conditioned by several'other factors
"rhich uill be discussed later.
'l'hus, in aIl cp.ses where
. the lenghthening of II sg,Clo's is determined by Cls post-
posing, they beh:we like IIIs~ Clo' s \\'1ith regs.rd tofull
jp's ns seen in (85).
(85) ~.
ni
lee','1- i i
.':.:11i
l
look-Tns
:'.ali
•
.... ~...A·".,,. ,.
"1 h:,ve looked et ;\\2.1i ll .
b.
mi
feew-ii
m~
l
look-Tns
you
214

---

"1 looked at,You!!
:~l3li
mi
look
A.•
l
"1 looked at r.I'lli't
The El.bove e:':3mplés show that, like short form IrIsg Clo' s,
, :
" short form IIsg Clo' 5 may also fill Il full HP position.
Compare 8$a-8$b.
But once such 2 form gets moved before
l sg Cls Ils in (8$c), no full HP may be substituted for it
"(c. f. *8$d).
'lhis Inn:;" be exohined '::Jy the fRCt that full
1œ's are by definition third person"nominals and therefore
cRnnot be substituted for a II sg pronoun, but the examples
seen in (84) with IIIsg Clo's suggest thRt the constraint
is more gerreral.
The ungrAInrnati'cali ty of 8413 and 8$d is due to the
fact thRt RP positions before Cls's are only available to
clitics.
Therefore, it is possible to state the following
general constraint on Fula clitics:
(86)
In Fula, only a cli tic may intervene bet'"leen
a clitic and its host predicate
1
1
The above clnirn rnay be supported by independent evidence
1
based on the behavior of other clitics.
Thus, we will exa-
f:.
i
minethe interaction of long form subject pronouns (e.g.
~
1
li
li
mido 'l'), the 10c8tive pnrticle ni, and the deictic to
1
i
'there' to support the clairn in (86) above.
(
First, ft summary of the nature of the elements narned
above is in order.
215

---

Xi) Long fo·rm subjects:
Earlier, we have suggested thst long form subjects be
treated as clitic pronouns beceuse they share several pro-
perties wi th the CIs' s discussed so far.
For example, like
CIs'f!, ]"ong formsubjects cf.r.not stl.>nd alone es seen in
,
...'
.'
(87) :
( 87) A.
~:omicfo
' 1 '
b.
~~acfa
'you'
c.
0::' omo
'he'
d.
~~an3el
' i t'
Like CIs's, long fom subjects rer,uir~ the relr;tive tense
in the perfect as seen in (88).
(88)
A.
mido
tRmp.
l
be-tired·t"~GP J
~:-EP
RP
Il l
am tired"
b.
angel
yood - !,,:o~ 1
,,:Oii
i
it
be-pretty f~~~ l
RF
"He/she (diminutive.) 'is pretty"
216
,1

---

( ii) The 10cnti ve pe.rticl e 'ni'
The loc~',tive p~trticle œ:. Q,m never strnd by itsel!' in
· '.
its unstressed form as seen in (89).
1 eX1.ctly'
" ,
~rthert'lo:'e, the unstress'9d ni may be cliticized to a
:r
-
preceding long fo~ ~ronoun ss seen in (90).
(90) :l.
nito
ni
l
Loc
"Here l
1>1'1 "
b.
omo
ni
he
Loc
"liere he is"
c.
angel - i
.. v "
he
-Loc
"Here he is ll
ll
Examples in (90), especi~lly 90c where ni is reduced to i
,rovide stron3 evidence that ni c1iticizes to the fo11owing
nominal.
Thus, Fulll has the fo11oHing progressive construc-
tions.
(91)
l
Loc
go-fus
" l
.
l'
am Go~nr-:'
b.
~'1
omo
n~
Ja -n
he
Loc
211

---

~
c.
ange! - i
Y9n-n
hG
-Loc
fall-l'ns
.;;.-
In these e7.2~ples, the arrows ?oint towards the hosts
of the different clitics; i.e. the lccative purticle ni
is cliticized to II riominal :T:?, rnd the lonr:; form subject
pronouns are verbal clitics.
"
. (Hi)
to
l'he locative to is not a clitic (c.f. to "there il ).
How, given the facts in (i), (E), :md (iii) :.bove, \\ie
can support rule (86) by ~ccountinG for the phrases in (92).
(9?)
a.
·:"omo
he
Il he"
"
b.
~:·ni
Loc
c.
omo'
ni
he
Loc
"Rere he i" :1
..:
d.
omo
ni
7,'"e.h- a
he
Loc
go-.l.'ns
l'Ee is going"
,.;/ ...'
,
e.
omo
ni
to
ynh-a
he
Loc
Loc
go-Tns
':There he "'0
a
es"
218

---

- (9~) R, b, c, d
surnmari7;e the :'scts described in
(i), (il), ~nd (ili),
::'5
for the presence of to r.t thllt
position in (92e), i t Cfin be expl:-.ined by t~e fact th[lt the
complex omo ni (he Loc) ~:here he iS;1 i1'1 not :- clitic (c.f.
92c), thouBh, tp..ken individu~üly, el'.ch of its const:'tuents
i3 fi clitic.
~:ain, usin~ ar~cws it is possible to show
the inte.:'nal reIn tion of the consti -:uents in (92e) Ils
folloHS:
to
(s:me ('.S 95e)
To sUll'J:l:Jr:!.ze this digression, l'Je w~nted to give
inde~endent motivation for rule (36),
'ie did so by examining
the inter!llay of clitic and non-clitic elements.
~':e sho\\oled
th:-t the loca.tive particle ni cen st:md bet~'leen long fom
pronoun clitics and their host-predic~tes beCRuse ni is it-
self .::. clitic.
Purther, l'Je have ShOl-TI th...,t the deictic/
locative pt".rticle to, which is not a cli tic Cf-l.n st:md betl.,reen
-
,
the cO'llplex omo ni ;(here he h:" ~.nd the verbrü predicote
beclluse this comp13x Crla 3t~md alone, fl.nd therefore, is not
l'.
c11 tic,
~e next section l.,rill lliscuss further Mo~ho-syntn.ctic
ch~rncteristics of IIsR Clo'r.
219

---

.,,"
J
It.2.u.2L 'l'he mornho';'qntf'x of the rISI! CIo
In the precedinG sections, we have èiscussed sorne
properties common to II ~d II! sg CIOIS; ut the srume
time we ~lso singled,out some idiosyncr~cios
th~t only affect
IIsS CIOIS.
?or example, short fom II s~ Clols c~nnot
follow post~osed ClaIs (c.r. *32b).
In this section "Te ~-till investigate other pronerties
of II ·~g.,(;lo1 s in ~m attempt todetermine other en"·iroIl.":'Ients
where the ~/~
short form versus'lonf, form II sg CIo
distinction is ma~e.
?irst, consider the following exa~oles.
( 94) Il.
0
sal:1.in-ii
1~~J
he
greet-Tns
{YOU j
'him
, . 4 "
.:le greets F~ur
.11:'1
b.
omo
snlmin
f man}
':·moo
he
greet
f,:·~~~1
';He 6reetsi..Y~u1:!
"h1171
c.
(ko)
lc~nl(o
salmin
t;n~n}
':·:noo
( 7oc)
he
f3reet
[.::.~:}
.
:: It 1 s him who greets[yo~ 1"
,:·h1m
220

---

94n and 94b ar~ freely used in
non-e:1ph?tic normDl
speecn, in the following context:
suppose there is a person
:c Hho c[>1.1e '!)fl.cl~ from a tri]? uhere he had r:tP.t SOMe other per-
son Y.
In reporting news of Y to sorne third party, X ~~y
rreely use either of sentences 94a end 94b.
Sentence 94c, on
the other hr.nd, is a focus construction.
So, in 94a, ,-le note thn.t it is ~ossible to get both
the IIsg and IIIsg Clots (Ln their short forn).
In 94b ~d
c, on the other hand, oply lon~ fo~ II SB Clots are allowed
(c.f. the starred IIIsg Clo's in 94b-c).
The fact thnt
long forro III sg Clots are not allowed in these contexts
is explained by our previous discussion in section 4.2.3.1
There, we sho\\'led thnt the only process which can tri'~ger
the lenghthen1ng of IIIsG CIo' s 1s the post~osing of the
l
sg Cls.
This condition is not met in 9u b-c.
In the remainder of this section, we ~·:ill only con-
• <
centrate on environments (different from Cls-postposing)
which mAY trigger the lengthening of II sg Clots.
But,
before we do so we Hill first recall sor:le important mor-
?hological rules.·
u. 2.u. 2.:2 ~.L..lforpholC?gicp.l rules recall ed
In Section L~.2.3.1, '.-le gave a rule vlhich shortens non-
., active relntive ~erfect tenses before clitics of cvt~) types
221

---

(rule (i»;
end deletes pctive relntive perfect tenses
before nny clitic (rule (iv».
It is interesting to note
tha t long fOM II sg CIo' s provide evidenc eth!? t thes e
rules Rp?ly nc~oss worè or morpheme bOQ~dnries as'seen in
the following ex~nples.
(95) l'l.
0
suud-
i i
l'llO
he
hide-
'.1
him
b.
0
suucf- · i
man
he
hide
1 ..
. -
you
( 96)
12
,~.
0
sslr:li:l - i
:'Tl 0
he
~reet
j[
hin
b.
0
salmin -
~
P.1fl.3.
he
greet '-
1~
you
:1
"~e r;reeted you"
These exemples sho·,; thé Application of rule (Ui) (in 9Sb)
together Hith the application of rule (iv) (in 96b).
In this section, lTe 1!ill e;:flmine the interflction of
115[; CIo' s :md perfect tenses in an p..tter.1Dt to ShOH other
envir"r~1Ulr.ts in "lhich long form II S7 CIo 1 sare fO\\.md.
: :ore
.
,~.,
"
specificfllly, . i t Hill be sho~-m tha t:
222

---

(i)
LonG fom II sG CIOIS never surf~ce in
sentences contnining verbe in the ~?hatic
?ast.
(1.'';)
•
Lono'" fo""!"',
~". --
~l
s~ Cl
1
0
s never surf '
~ce ~n
~entences containing verbs in the Gener~l
(iii) In the Ferfect, long fom II ss CIOIS Rre
only found.in sentences which cont~in verbs
in the Rel~tive Pasto
In chnpter l i t HflS sholm th2t the most CO'"'1lllon use of
the ~phatic Fast is in ~nswer~ to ouestions where actions
are empcasized, ~s in (97).
(97)
3..
G.:
lco
;',31i
Il
"..
;'
ào-'I'ns
.-
b.
A:
Anli
i·unUI'l
hurt -3f
.: Anli hurt his li t tl e bro 'i;;her:r
Jow, to have ft IIs!,; CIo in 'Place of the abject !-TP in
97, tha ~nly form we c~n ~et is the short form Il sg CIo,
t'.s s een in 90.
..,
(98) Ap.li
ge.on
Ç6
-
l~'~
~:·mE'. .)
:-
~\\ .
hurt
·"T'
-~.:."
tJOU
.::-~TO\\l J
:r !I.?l i
hurt you"
223

---

'7his, indeed, supports the above clRi~ (i).
Cl~i~ (ii) cnn
be sl1"Çlported by constr~.ints on indeuendent clnnses.
'lbe
Gener'ü Pl:'st is the only perfect tense Hhich can be found
in indeuendent clauses ns seen in (99):
..,
(99)
~
Müi
p;~.?n-
i i
r:unum
'\\ .
.:':-
hu~'t -~s
brother
(T?)
:' ,"'-ali has hurt his li ttle brother"
Let us repl,<l.ce the object ifT' in (99) by a Esg CIo
as in (100) below.
(100)
."troli
~!'1.n
t
l'::-n~:u:d
hurt-GP
1l.'.1?li has hurt ::·oul1
The above eXRmplp. ~lso shows thrt only tr-e short form
ls ['llo\\-ted in sentences contnining vel'bs in the G?
?inally,
the.rel~üive p['.st is the only tense round in ?ocus, relfl.tive
cl:'J.Use D.nd que s tion forro!' tion r..s s een in (101)
(s ee al so
ch:-.pters l
e.nd 2).
..
,.,
(101)
n
1:0
.\\:'.U
~.
.'<11"\\1 -i r-
i
:1
',1
hurt- Ins t- n::'
brother-his
'1
il
J. ~ ,...
....
"
. . ;nLl ....
didO:.nli hurt.
his brother wi th?:1
liII
li
b.
pnftol
ngol
'"
i
.
gr..an - r-l
li
\\i
Il
belt
"..
."
hurt-Inst-RP
.,.,
m1.num.
1
orothe.r-his
224

---

•
~l~:'he belt th~~t :". di hurt his brother
. N
c.
1ro
\\nli
'"
g::.nn-i
f:l~nwn
,
?oc
....
hurt-?I
brother-his
':It's .'.üi ~'lho hurt his brather ll
It is interestinr, to note th:>.t, in the ~bove ~ues tion foI'lnu-
tion (101e), rel~tive clause (lOlb) and cleft (lOlc), the
object HP' s m~y only be re"Jlfl.ced by long IIs~ CIo' s, as seen
in (102).
(102)
~.
ko
1~li
J~aa 1?
t·..·m?.
."...
hurt -Inst (HP •• Z) Jyou 1
l~;youj
If·.;n~t did ..:.ali hurt you Hi'th?1l
b.
p~ftol
ngol
i'cali
bel t
.
..~:..
hurt-Inst(ST •• 0)
{~ar. \\.
••••r.t.f1 J
ll'I'he ~el t that ~.Rli hurt :rou Hi thlf
c.
ka
, n.li
(1. .0) f~~~}
Poc
..
~urt
(il?
.0) bou l
.
t·::·you J
lIt' s !'.n.li \\-/ho hurt Jou ll
~~e cl~ims Cffil be summ~rized in the fallowin~ chnrt:
225

---

LonUorrn Ila,n: C1J2...
lihort rom IrSIt c12...
.:l'l,?hl'!. tic ? as t
+
General ?l1.st
:1elrtive ?p.st
,1
This rn~y explain the restrictions in ?ula complex sentences
like (103).
( 10 3)
a.
Ali
haa
Heet-i
c:':'.tch
you
til
be-morning-~ns
HOppU
let
{~~~U)
"~.c.li held you (captive) until the
next morninlS and then let you go"
b.
0
\\-To'P'9-i
""''',li
jl1.ggu
1mRa
~~mR l
he
let-Tns
:\\.
catch
{YOU )
'::'you
hFl,R
ITeet-i
til
b e-mo rning-':'n s
"He let Aali hold you until the next
morning\\l
1be above examples show that, in non-initial clauses con-
tRining perfect tenses, only IIsg CIOIS are allowed, as
the stRrred items in (103) indicate.
r~is may be explained
by the fact that these clauses reauire the relative past
(c.r. chapter 1).
Note that the relative tenses donlt
226

---

•
surface in these clauses becpusa the ~la which delates the
ral~tive past bafora clitics h~s a~~liad.
?urthar, final
~'s have baan insarted to breok tha clustar of three conson-
•
ants in both la) ~ and b.
~.2~_ ~nt is a clitic ifL ?ul~
In saction 4.2, wa have discussad the bahpviornl
p~o~artias of Fula pronomin~l clitics.
One o~ the most
,
.
b.portant chers.ctaristics of ?ule. cU tics is thair te'ndancy
to ra!"lain SOS tha closast alamant to thair ;:>redicatas.
',;'a
h?va capturad this phanomanon in tarns of bo~dnass.
Tha
fea~~res used to defina bouhdness ara tha following.
(101:'>
(i)
1':O alament (but a cli tic) can stand
batHe'en ,q cli tic p.nd i ts host-predicate.
(ii) Clitic ~ronouns pre used with s;:>ecific
tenses
(iii) Cli tic ;:>ro::ouns me.y c"use vOHel
reduction in tensa fO~3.
(iv) Clitic slots mny not 0a occu~liad by
non-clitic :r'.~'s (euch sos full :E"s)
If ~'le put the nbova "orol1arties tor,-athar, ~'la C"P.. set U"O P..
hiar~rchy of ?uln pronollns lioing fr-om zero to !!!n;dmUI'1 as
saan in tha followin~ ~~~s__~t~u12~ili~.
227

---

( 105)
'.
-:ero-cli tic ...
~
---------------~ j:~ximur.t-cli tic
o
1
."',.• Inàepend~nt
B•
Long foI'!n
~
~.
Postuosed Cls
-pronouns
subjects
.,.,.'.. Long form
c.
Preverb::>.l
Cls
IIsg Clo
.
"""'
.
. J .
'.Short fom
" "
~
Lonl':: foI'!'l
Clo's
TT;"S";'
- - -
J
Clo
~e above t'.xis indicatef. thp,t ~;'ulE', inde".)endent ~ronouns (:'.)
~et~in none o~ the )roperties stnted in (ln5).
?ostposed
Cls (3) Dnd lonG foI'l'1 Clo 1 s, on the other hr:1.d, ~et1!in e,ll
the :;:>ro!,erties in (1(;4.) ;
~...here1'.s lon~ forl.l .subjects (8),
preverbd Cls (C),
G,nd s::ort forro Clo 1 s (u)
ret?in only
SOl:'!e of the properties strted in (10!'.).
~ese )ronouns ~re slli~?rized in (186) oelo~ where
they Rre underlined.
( 106)
" ..
;
~.f..r;~
Jah
'TOU
[:0
""'"-'-.
'1_.
" ... ou, GO':
B.
ncf~
y,')h-a
1
JOU
s:o-~ns
':You'Ire 20 in".:1
'..
/:...,
C.
n
ych-ii
?
you
"'o-fus
c
"youlre [oin[;?"
228

---

"
D.
mi
jr;g-
i i
m'-!.
l
c<Jtch - Tns
y.ou
I~ ï
have clJugh~ you"
"';' .
.~
nj,'l.h -cf,,:?
ngadu -Jnfl
ndiY:?1n
go - 'rou
brinq - you
17,'1 ter
.-..::..:.-
7
- .
cuul- m~r. -mi ....
hide-.:r.ou - l
I! l
hid YOl.:,'!
G.
cuud -
moo - mi. •••
hide -
him - l
In this section we have defined the notion of clitic
in ::'ulr.-. DY ex.l'1l-:tining the synt:.>.ctic beh:'>.vior of objects and
ShOl..t fom subjects.
It h?s been sho.m th:>!:. ?ula h~.s Henlc
tuld strong cases of cliticizl1.tion, '''- :.>heno!:1enon Hhich \\.,re
hl1.ve c~ntured in terms of boundness of nronouns to their
host 'Oredicl'ltce.
In the next se6tion, we will discuss the linear
representation of Ful~ clitics.
L.• ]
Clit~c~o~uns and their line~r renresent~tion
Since the publication of ?er1mutter l s Les nrono~
ob~~~n Es~~~~ in 1969, there hrs been ~n increasing
229

---

..
.
~
interest in the study of the linear reoresentation of clitic
pronouns.
?he ~ajor concern hns been hOH to ~dequately
describe the order in ~hich clitic ~ronouns RDoear when
-
- -
there is ~ore thon one clitic.
In this section, we will
eXËmine similp.r questions conce~inIT Pula clitic pronouns.
"
'l'he section ~·!ill be divided into three \\)~rts.
?irst, we \\lill
discuss the 5!'a.~1"l[ltic(l1 constr''-Înts on the arder of the
po~tverbnl clitics described in the previous sections.
Then,
He Hill examine the fact of. Fula clitics in light of Perl-
mutter's universnl princioles.
L.'lstly, ~'le Hill ,ropose 9
notl'ttion~l device bF.lsed on erar"_'1.n.tical relfl.tions to c3.!'lture
the order of Ful~ clitics.
It is possible to describe the order of Pula cli tics
in terrns of grrorumntical relations.
~~l Order of t110 objects
In ?ula, third person pronouns are com~osed of the
clnss ~ronouns listed in ChŒ?ter 1.
~~cept for the third
person human object, all third ~erson ?ro~ouns are cooies
of class pronouns.
':ie have seen in Chapter 2 that the !'lost natural· order
of object UP'sthatare not objects of fi preoosition is'
230

---

Indirect Cbject-Direct Object, i.e. recipient NF's precede
:patients.
Pula jJronouns follol-l the smne order, exc'optwhen
,...e heve tHO objects, one of Hhich is human, the other non-
human, in which case the human object a1ways precedes the non-
human one.
'Yhis is i11ustrnted be1ow.
suucf-ii
ma
mo
.\\
:L.
hide-'l'ns
hi~n
Il Aa1i
has hidè.en hin from you: 1
b.
0
suud. - i
l'li
~o
he
hide - Tns me
hi~
~IRe hid him from ne"
(108)
a.
0
suud-
i
T.1O
fn~A1 }
nf'e1.
,..
•
he
hide - Tns hün it
Il Ire
hid it from hil:J.ôf
"He hid hm from it':
b.
~.
a
suuJ-i ~~1 mo
n,1:e.:.
3x&~n1es (107) i11ustr~te the n~tur~l order of two
object pronouns.
Indirect objects ?receàe ~irect abjects.
In (108) l,oIe h~.ve ,m :>mbi::;;uous reFiding bec,"use of the semnn-
.
.
".."/ .. ,.
tic constrnint exer.m1ified in '::'lo8b; i. e. non-hu.;·,lt'n nronouns
cennot precede h~~an ones.
,
231

---

,
-
-,('
..;
(109)
:1.•
cuuJ
-da,=_
\\{ P!:I
• • •
hiè.e
-'Tou
ne
Ilycu hid r,e .... 1~
b.
cuud-
den
no
hide - '<le
hi:'!
.,
:' :'1e hid hil71 •••
c.
cuud-
(
l.en
be
hide - "'-:e
the!n
I:-,'e hid the,': ••• L
( llO)
1!.
cuud-
ni
mo
hide-
T
him
--
"I nid hi~l••• 11
b.
cuu[-
.-:l00 - mi
hide-
hi~l - l
~: :): hid him:l
(1l1)
a.
cuud - Y1nf-l -r.ü
nide - 70U - l
!I l
hid 7JOUll
b.
~écuud _- r:ti- !~:J
·1
In eX~lules (109), nOü-Is~ Cls's ~re postryosed.
In this
.c~se, the order is strict Subject-Object.
~n (110), where
n ?ost~oseà IsS Cls ~nd ~ IIs~ Cl0 co-occur, the order is
o~tion~l, th::lt i5, the sllbject ~""2Y ?receè.e (l10D.) or follo~':
(llCb).
In Xlll); the'orèér is riGid ~nd the oP?osite
232
."

---

~J1
of (109),
Le.
nSG C1o';:: nust ('.ht~~r:: CO"le before subjects
(c.f. ~:·1l1b).
:,_ 3'
_ _ _ . ~
- _ _
Orde
e . _ _ • _
....
_ •
of' n
_.. .... .
- _ . -.. _ ......
'fhe restric~io~s in the co-occurrence of n C1s ~nd
t~·!O obi.eet pronoun5 is Sir.lil~r ta t~:ose describecl in the
:;Jreviou3 sections fiS seen be1m·t.
(112)
a.
cuud-
lcnm
mo
hide
;rou
me
him
!'You hid hint fram rae!!
ob.
cuud-
ni
no
~o
hide
l
hin
hin
:JI hid hin trom hi!!!:!
c.
cuud-
moo
ni
no
hide
him
l
hin
"I hid him fron youlr
d.,
cuud-
n:2n
ni
no
, hi de - you
l
hin
"1 h:'d hi~ from you!!
e.
,:. cuuà- !:li,1'
no
!n nl1 the ~bove exn~?les (112), subject pronouns
preced3 objects, exce!Jt in c~see Hhel'e thé objects '1re of
CTl sy11D.ble etructure as in 112c-d.
Therefore, the
surface constr~>.ints seen so ft',r m~y be ,sumr:l~rizeci. as fo110HS:
233

---

(113)
(i)
~ubjects precede obj"!cts
(iil (113i) does nothold uhen the object
?ronouns invol ve :>. :~1.0 of C~lV syll !:'.bl e
st:;."Ucture;
in Hhicn c.::;se the CIo
~~y ~recede the subjects
/ ( i i i ) :'~llr.1.~:n Clots ,recede non-htL-nnn Clots.
'~e statements in (113) nbove cl''Oture 1'11 the f3cts
seen so far.
Ilote, however, thnt (113) is lacking gener8l-
ize.tion in the sense th3.t ft involves G!':lmmL".tical, morpho-
logict'\\l Imd serrantic constr:?ints at the s"ne tir.1.e.
Honethe-
less, i t is descri~tively adeo.uate.
HOi'lever, i t doe~' not
exOlL".in the unr,:-emnl"ticnli ty of -::-1110.
In the next section, He Hill investig..... te some universal
principles in en ~ttempt to solve some of the problems en-
countered in n ëescri,tion based on Gr~r:uneticnl relRtions,
and, at the same time, ~oint ~ut the limitations of ?erl-
mutter's principles.
'~e fundronentAl cl~i::ls m3.èe in Perlmutter (1970) are
stf.ted .in (114).
( 114)
P..
In aIl l{lnrsuages in l-lhich cli tics move
to ~ nnrticul~r 'Olnce in the oentence,
there' Ilre surfRce structure constr:ünts.
on the relRtive order of clitics
(p. 217)
234

---

b.
Surface constrcints on the rel~tive
order of clitics n~e to be st~ted in
the tennlnte or chart notetion of
( 36) ~..;i th the in tcrnre t."l tion i t hn s
been ShO'~ to h~ve in ~11 n~tur~l
lan'::;U[';e:?
(ibid, p. 215)
(86) ~s the fol10~inG, wtth recr~ect
to .J~[-lnish
Y.s.
c.
Outrut Condition or. clitic Jronouns:
~e
II
l
~II
(ibid, ~.' 213)
Ther.e cl::'.11"15 hp.ve been f?.irly ,:el1 di~cucrced since then
(c.f.
:3ch:l.cèlter, 1974;
!\\:Jyne, 1975, "~nor.d~, 1978; ';'11ico11.
1')76. Hertzon. 1977 )~2
'.~ow, hON do l'erlHlUtter's clo.il"1s
rel~te to the Fulu f~cts?
?irst, ,·re note thet the frcts of ""ul~. SQtisfy the
st~tel"1ent l"1~àe in (llun).
Th~t i5, ?ul~ i~ ~ l~nguage
rrhere the r.:o·"el"1ent of cli tics is nttestec'.:
subj ect cli tics
r.re postnosed lJhen certein conditions are met (c.f.,119-111).
Pnrthermore, object clitics mny ch~nre positions with
res~ect to ,?ost,?osed I~G Cls's (c.f. 110).
":'herefore. ~o[e
Hould erect ?ula to !llso slltisi'y the )1rinci~les' stated
in 114b and Il!,.c.
(1l4c) has to be interyreteù RS follo~'Ts:
..'hen there
r..re s evertll cl i tic,ronouns F. ttHched to the verb,
the second
"cerson pronoun :;hr::>.ys precedethe first person, rmdeither of
these pronouns precedes the third person;
f.1nd, the clitic
pronoun ~~ (valid only for 3"?pnish) must "Crecede them elle
In the follouingdiscussion He ~o[il1 iimore the Sppnisil 1,:ord
ce (i:nperson:,.l
rei'lexive, 0-:- the 91101"10rph of ,:; third person
'r
235

---

?receding a third "gerson !1.cc'.lsptive), r.nd be only concerned
wi th the oràer II l
III.
It :nU1'lt be kept in m.ind that T'e
qre de~ling with the category 'per30n' r~ther than
wi-:h the gram!:lr.tic~l functions of these nrOnOllnS.
ll.3.~.1
nn the 11-1 orcier
The following exemples show thRt, in ;~lA, the orèer
of the second and first person pronouns is consistent with
?erlmu~ter's principles.
( 115)
A.
cuud-
cGm
min
hide
I I
l
"You hid US"
b. ~:'cuuJ-
min
don
l
II
c.
cuud-
'!Ina.
mi
II
l
'1 hià you 1
d. ::~cuuJ-
mi
ma
l
I I
~he pbove exnmples show thpt second person ~ror.ouns ~
precede first Tlerson ?ronouns (c.f. ·::·115b,·::-115d).
'rherefore,
Perlmutter's principle (114c) maj explain why IIsg and
.IIIsg CIo' s behave differentlj.
~ie hpve seen thpt RI though
both IIsg and IIIsg CIo' s hove long and .short fOrrlls, only
IIIsg Clots Rllow R relRtively free order Hhen they co-occur
236

---

with the first person singular Cls (c.f. previouS
discussions
).
Thererore, the ex1~tence or A universal
eonstraint II-I eorrectly predicts the beh~vior of Fula
IIsg Clots.
~.?2 On the I-III order
In ?ulA, first end third person pronouns oceur in s
fixed order only when one of them is plurAl AS seen in (119)
below.
( 119 )
A •
cuul.:.
mi
-be
hiqe
l
III
b.
·:~cuu(L- he
mi
III
l
c.
cuud-
,den
l
III
"we hid them ll
d.
~~cuud - be
ckn
mo
the faet that postposed clitics (Cls) Are,maximum-elitics,
end, as such, must remain the elosest elements to the verb.
nowever, we have al!'el'ldy seen thElt the ord-ar Isg Cls -
IIIsg Clo is not'rigid.
This phenomenon is eeRin illustrr-ted
237

---

in (117) for the reader'~ convenience.
( 11 7)
fJ.
cuud
- mi
mo
hide -
l
III
:'1 hid him:r
b.
cuucf-
moo - mi
III
l
:'1 hid hiM!I
Therefore, the behavior of Isg Cls's and IIIsg Clo's
is counter to Perlmutter' st-III strict order.
On the other
hand, if we consider the bet:wior of Rll FulA l
~:J.è. III
'person "9ronouns, the facts seen in (117) ,:rppe'lrrnther excep-
tionnl.
This will be further discussed in l'! 18ter section.
j
h.3.2.3
On the II-III order
l
( 118)
a.
cuucC- maa -mi
,
-tr~O
(II-III)
•!'
hide -II
-1
-III
"I.hid from you:l
b.
cuud- moo -~i -mo
(III-II )
hide -III -1
II
"1 hid yoû f:'om him"
c.
cuud - ni
mo
!TIl'!
(El-II)
hide - l
III
II
III hid you from hiT'l':
238

---

"
In the above examples, both the order II-III (1183)
Pond III-II (118 b-c) Are Rttested.
The univel'slllity of 114c is cO'1trA,dicted by other
fpcts of FulA.
This follows
~rom the fact th~t the not~tion,
which Perlmutter cln.ims to be universel, does
not AlloN
the co-'occurrence of two identicfll elements.
?or instence,
?u19. sni mnny other 1 AngU:'.[;es' of the \\·rorld (c.f. Hertzon,
1977) show cases of III-III order.
The followin8= ?u1a d.,.ts
illustrate these.
( 119)
a.
cuud
mi
no
mo
hide
l
III
III
"I hid him fror.l hin: r
4
b.
cuud -moo
mi
mo
(
III
l
III
;
!lI hid him from him H
1
':ote thnt both eXRr.lples in (119) contSlin two third' person
1
object pronouns.
How can He account for this?
{
It h~s been sugsested th~t when there is R necessity
for using two elements thRt nre phonetic~lly identical,
j
9n~ sound c~cophonic in the erme sentence, l~nrru~ges tend
1
1
to resort to other "'1 tern:Oltïv'es (Hetzron, 1977):
i
(121)
e.
o~e is th~t one of the elements is
not cliticized
b.
1~3.plology m~y occar, 1. e. droppin~
one of the occ~rrences
. c.
a dissinilE'tory process 'nllY tn1ce pl:>ce.
rf
239
.1
,,

---

It is interestin5 to note th~t ?ula resorts to eo~e of the
R1ter~p.tives stated in (120) ~bove.
'f'he exn.I.1p1 es in (119)
show c~ses of both dissimulation and v~riRtion in clitic
status:
i.e.
fllthough the process is not ~n obligntory one,
dissimulation of III~g C10'S occur in 119, where the. long
fom IIIsg Clo moo is highe:c in the axis of ?uln cli tics
thpn short form mo (c.f. 115).
However, these proceseee
are not productive at qll in Pula and seern to bp. only
lirnited to cases seen in (119).
':'0 sm:u'![-lrize, III thour,h ?erlmutter s ?rinciples seem
'
to exolRin the behavior of ?ul~ IIsS C10'S, it f~ils to
cnpture the fects th~t:
.,
( ~I
two identic~l third persons Clo's m~y co-pccur
t
(ii) There e.re caees where clitics do not occur
1
,'.,
in
i
H.
fixed order
(iii) !i'u.ls third person objects distin:ruish humlm
from non-humE.n :rr 1 s, Hhich folloH:: :'rom the
existence of e rich system of clnss pronouns.
;·;e shn.ll nON consider these limi tlltions in light of
some of the proposp.ls r.J.l?de by others •
u.3.3Reores~tion of clitics
1+.3. ".1
Cros!:! li~!Wistic orooospls
The limit~tions of Perlmutter s line!'l.r representetion
'
-of clitics nsitflp,eRrs in 114c hpve been Dointed out by
f:
240

---

sever~l.1 nuthors.
;-Ietzron (19TI) reports thl?t,Hith re~nect
to Sp~nish, Dinn~en (1972) hns ~u?gested n function~lly
determined constrr>int whi~h h,lS the follo"Jin~ shape:
(121)
:~efl exi ve-Benefncti ve-DD ti ve- '.CCUSll. ti ve
Thi~ constr~int would ~~ply aI' ter 114c to eliminate,un8rRm-
mnticnl seauences th~t 114c cnnnot fil ter.
But, bec~use it
ùoes not ce.pture cases o!' free v~,ri~tion, the vRlidi ty of
(121) has ~lso been nuestioned by ~etzron (1976).
';/e kno\\ol of two proposaIs for hondling free el.ements,
hO'~ever.
Cne is suggested by Jchnchter (1974), end the other
bJ Eetzron(1977).
In his analysis of clitic pronouns in Tagalog, P~ul
1
Schachter (1974) has suggested F.' notAtion Hhich hns the
shape seen in (122), to FlCCOunt for free or'ler' of Tasnlog
1
cli tics.
~
(122 )
'\\
13
"'--/
In this notation, the arrows SUg0est thpt the order in
lo/'hicl:l the elements A ~: 3 co-occur may be reversed.
Hetzron (1977) has 81so propo~ed fi notation i1~110wing
bifurcation, or an island!1 0::' the tY!Je seen in (123), to
~ccomodate the variRtion in order of the c3se-mnrkers in
Somali which we reproduce in (123) below.
C,
( 123)
D
- /
D
note that the nbove notation allo\\..s to select se<:'uence
241

---

A-B or B-A which accounts for the vAriation in order.
- '/'" ~,"
Somsli Case-mar!rers
(124)
A.
Surface sequence of Somali case-
markers:
where (i) non-initial k -~g
(ii) a maximum of three
is allowed
or
where (i) initial g-+k
(ii)
as ebove
b.
?unctional seauence of ~omali cese-
markers:
1]'2 _ ;CU2
(i) a maximum of three
mny be selected
(ii) the ones mp.rked by
~ may be selected
twice
Follol-led by morphophonemlc rules
(non-initial u -)lm,1 KV + kV ~ kll.ka, non-initial k->g).
Hetzronexplainsthet "the first notation (90.) [124, Y.S~.'
contains an island sequence like (8)
[(123 ) y.s.] above ,
242

---

but 9b [124b, Y.SJ where a notationR.1 device is needed to
indicate potentiel re~etition of the SRrne underlying element ,
hl! s to be preferred to i t (p. 200) II •
4.1.3.2
Surface sequence of PuIR pronominal clitics
In this section, we Hill sur:,gest fi notational device
for Fula clitics, based on Hetzron's proposaI.
Hetzron has captured the surface seauence of Somali
cR.:."e m~rl{ers in two diffe:':'ent w~ys:
first, by :-n islRnd
sequence Hhich ShO\\-IS the .')omali c:cse-mrrkers (12!L~) ;then,
by a functionnl sequence (124b).
Both devices invol ve
morphophonernic conditions.
'fhough Hetzron prefers the 12tter, which uses R. notn-
tionnl device to indicate potentirl repetition, He think that
the islend notation is more ap!Jroprillte for the facts of ?ulEl
clitics.
The isl::nd no"tp.tion is l'lore convenient beCF,u~e
fuln. needs n dE'lvice ~lhich c~ptures both the v~ri[l tion in
"
order (which does not seeM to exist in SomRli, judGed froM
the :,>icture \\"e'veseen ?bove), nnd the fACt thn'; there 1s
:,>otenthl re~etitio:1 of the S~!'1e elem"nt (c.f.option:>.l ele-
Ment in (125)
To c~pture these f~cts, we pro?ose the following schemA
for Fuln pronominal clitics.
243

---

( 125')
Cls~-Clo ..........
? r e d /
........
_
"
(CIo)
;j
CIo
ClS/
8onditions
- - - - -
(i)
humnn CIo precedes non~humpn
CIo
(,1.
'1.",1
Cls's preced e non -II
~
sg Cl 0 1 s
hote th~t our notrtion is neith3r morpholo~ical nor function-
"
nI.
TIather, it refers to the c~tegory 7~e~ic~te (?red) which
is ~lways the he~d of ~ro~oninnl clitics, ~nd to the gran-
nntic~l functions of clitics.
?he notntion in (125) ?bove
cIJPtur&~-.~ül the surface ï:t'nifestations Su.r.u:H"rized Ü1 (113),
.
. '
es woll es the fp.ct thet there cnn be more th8n one object
clitic (c~f. optionsl element in (125).
'rhe reader m~y refer to the eX~Nples in(116)(118) and
(119)for'?n illustrp.tionof the u?per seouence of (l?B);
Rnd
(111and(118)for ~n illustrAtion of the lower seouence.
In section '.;.. 3, ~'1e attempted to exnmine the linear
re~resentation of ~le clitics in light of univers RI prin-
ciples suggesterl bi D. ?erlmutter and others.
It h~s been
shoHn thRt,2lthough ?erlmutter's p~inciples succeeded in
f.\\ccountin~ for sorne aspects of ?uln c1itics, it i'ails to
cn,ture 211 the ëeneraliz~tions. Further, ~e hsve examined
suggestions mpde by P. Schachter, rnd Hetzron, ~nd following
their Hor~c, He have ~roposeè. {' notc.tion:ü device ~'lhich, refers
to the gr~m~tic~l rUnctions of clitics.
?his no~ntion,
244

---

we h~ve sho~n, crptures aIl the surfnce pheno~ena rel~ted to
?ule cl i t i cs.
'1ener o l Conclusion
'~o summf'rize this ch~,pter, \\'le have discussed ces es of
p~onominal reference R~{En~Dhor~s, as well DS cliticization
in 7ula.
In the first p~rt, it hQS been sho~vn thot ?uls
pronominal nnR?horas ~re generally rel~ted to the system of
clnss pronouns in thRt they ~re either co~ies of class pro-
nouns or are in ::\\r;reeT:len t Ni th the se.
'!'he second pu rt lYn s
',/
devoted to some Rspects of cliticization.
First, we defined
the notion of 'clitic' by ex~~ining the synt8ctic behovior
of ~ula pronouns.
~en, "le examined the issues involved
Hi th the linear representation of cli tics.
":e discussed
sever~l'propos~ls m~de by different scholnrs pnd suggested
an alternative notûtion for the representation of clitics.
',:e discussed severr-ll ::-roposll.ls T:lA-de by dii'ferent scholG.rs
and suggested r.n ~ltern~tive notation
for the representntion
of }uiit,'cli tics.
245

---

?OO'.:':.!OT3~:; - Chep ter 4
1- ::n fuln, He cnn find othe:1 tY'TJes of anaphor9s
taat do not fit into our tynology, as seen in the following
exr:r".:91 es.
(126)
mi
yeh-ii
hnnnde
mAnyo.
l
todny
ri ver.
!ide
jp.tt-ii
-mi
toon"
when
arrive-Tns
.L
there
mi
burt-iiina.
Ko
[oon
Foc
there
-,'-
.,
.L
bathe-Tns
'<:at'TrU-mi
e
.
!:1eet - l
ldth
.
: ~
'!Today l ;lent to the river.
i,nen l
Qrrived there, l took a bath.
'fhere
l met with .~.D.li."
. ,The nominal maayo 'river' in this example is introduced in
the first clc.use, and further refered
to by remote locative
~ronoun toon
'there' and, in the last clause, by a proxim~te
locative pronoun J'oon .' there'.
Hei ther of these two ana-
phores fit into our typology, since it i3 essentiall concerned
~nth pronominal anaphoras that somehow refer to noun clnss
..system
of fula.
Locative pronouns don' t.
2-
The optionality of an overt anaphora implies
the ~ossibility of getting a 0 anaphore in the same context.
3-
Houns that belong to the neutr?l clnss dum
are inherently unspecific.
?or example, ue say balejum dum
(black Det)' II the bl~ck (thing)", sho\\dng "something black
but unspecific.
In this paper, we are essentielly concerned
'with nounsthatdo not belong to this class.
Because, when
we refer toa noun which belongs to the neutral classby
Jum, this anaphora ceases to be aneutral pro anaphora.
246

---

Rere is an illustration.
(127)
a.
Balejum
Jum
wirn-iima.
i
black
Det
disappear-Tns
Oum
art -ii •••
i
It
come-Tns ••••
"the black (thing) has disappeared.
Iti came backll
b.
0
rokk-i
Alpha
kosam.
i
he
give-Tns
A.
milk
o
rokk~i
Jum
gawri
i
he
give-Tns
him
millet
liRe gave Alpha
milk.
He gave
,
i
him.
millet ll
~
According to our definition, the neutral pronoun in ! is
a copy-pro anaphora because it is a copy of the class to
which its antecedent belongs;
whereas in b, the neutral
pronoun is a neutral-pro anaphora because it does not refleot
the class to which its antecedent (Alpha) belongs.
This
latter anaphora will be referred to as the non-possessive
neutral pro anaphora as opposed to the possessive neutral
anaphora.
4- The occurrence of Possessive pronominal ana-
phoras after a preposition is evidenced in the following
exampTè'.. ·
(128)
mi
faw-ii
e
taabali
ngal
lampa
l
put-Tns
on
table
Det
lamp
paw-mi
e
maggal i
sonndel
p u t - I o n
it
candle
III put a lamp on the tablei and put
a candle on it n
i
In chapter 2, section
2.3.1
, we explained the reason why
. possessive cases are found after prepositions.
5- A griot is a traditional historian, a genealo-
gist praise singer.
It is, therefore, an important cast
247

---

in Fula society.
6- Actually, P. Cole has a hierarchy of NP types
which constitutes a scale of inherent anaphoricity ranging
from the least anaphoric of definite NP's.
(Proper nouns)
to the Most anaphoric (i.e. zero NP's).
This hierarchy
(which is a revised version of Lakof'f' s (Lairoff, 1968) is
the following.
(129)
a.
Proper nouns
b.
Definite descriptions
c.
Epithets
d.
Pronouns
e.
Zero noun phrases
This hierarchy is stated as a univers al from the analysis
of six different languages (handarin Chinese, Korean, Yoruba,
Hebrew, German, and English).
Further, Cole notes that a
higher degree of anaphoricity is necessary for bac~iard
reference than for forward reference.
If this is true,
then, hierarchy (129) must be revised to fit the Fula data,
especially the d and! parts.
We have already seen that
it is not possible to have fi'-anaphoras in BAP.Therefore,
they must not be considered as the most anaphoric NP's.
Accordingly, we suggest the following hierarchy of Fula
,
' 1
anaphoras.
(130)
a.
fi' anaphoras
b.
neutral Pro anaphoras
c.
Copy pro anaphoras
(130) simply states that Copy pro anaphoras involves greater
anaphoricity than neutral and fi'-anaphoras.
7- This, certainly, contradicts Greenberg's assump-
tion that marked categories should not be expected within
'marked categories (Greenberg, 1966).
However, it is also
possible to analyze copy-pro anaphoras as unmarked'c~tegories
in B~P~,since they will always be used in this construction.
/ .
-...
'
This follows from Jakobson's principle of 'markedness·
248

---

r.eversal l •
The principle states that, within a marked
category an otherwise marked subcategory may become unmarked.
For the detailson these issues, the reader may refer to
Shapiro (1972).
8- In this section (4.2) and the follo~ng (4.3)
aIl the examples will involve affirmative sentences con-
taining verbs infue perfecto
Nost of the conclusions rea~hed
apply to the imperfect, however.
Note that Fula negative
predicates cannot bear postposed subject clitics (see
Sylla, 1977a for details on the interaction of clitics
and negation in Pula).
9- The locative particle ni and long form subjects
are also clitics in a variety of ways, but will not be
!ully discussed in this chapter.
10- Third person pronouns are exceptions to
this rule, because they remain in preverbal position .in the
relative past, while the others do not.
(13i)
a.
0
yeh-!
••••
he
go-RP
b.
be
njeh-
i
they
go-
RP
"they went ••• 11
Just like .full Npls, preverbal third personpronouns allow
aIl three tenses of the perfecto
They also constitute
the tW~r'.4~an classes, and as such, behave like other Pula
class pronouns.
11- This is a general rule which reduces locative
ni toi when the preceding nominal is an independent pro-
noun which ends in an 1.
The rule doesnot apply to other
nominals ending in an l as seen in (172).
(132)
a.
Malal
ni
yah-a
11.
,Loc
go-Tns
"Halal·is going ll
249

---

b.
ngeel
ni
yah-a
c' ,
t':~·.
Deic
Loc
go-Tns
.. II"
" ' .
IIThat one is going ll
Fur.ther,the rule cannot be generalized to all consonants
because IP can only end in a vowel or an 1.
12-
'lle would expect this 1:. to delete.
;Its
presence constitutes a problem for our analysis.
13-
These authors have not all discussed similar
i"ssues.
The discussion of clitics in Kayne (1975) and
Emonds (1978) question the validity of 'Output Constraints ll
as a whole:
"grammatical theory should permit no output
constraints
[underlining, Y.S.) , other than
-insertion
than otherwise conform to general conditions on transforma-
tion (Emonds 1978)
I l .
Therefore, these authors (who
work mainly in Romance) favor a transformational analysis
of clitics without output constraints.
Paul Schachter, on the other hand, supports the neces-
sity of output constraints for the analysis of clitics in
Tagalog, and has gone further to propose a notational.
device to handle the facts of Tagalog Clitics (c.f. 125).
As for Hetzron, refer to our discussion in section 4.3.3.1.
In our analysis, we will assume a theory which allows
'output constraints' and show its strength and limitations
in handling the facts of Pula clitics.
,
250

---

CHAPTER V
On Passives
This chapter is concerned with the analysis of Passive
constructions in Pula.
The behavior of several types of
NP's such as Direct abjects, Indirect abjects, Benefactives,
.
Instrumentals, and Locatives will be examined in an attempt
to determine their ability to undergo passivization •. The
basic question to be discussed is the following:
is the
passive rule of Pula best captured in terms of grammatical
relations or is it best expressed in terms of category
labels (e.g. V, NP, etc.).
This question is motivated by the fact that most of
the llp 1 s cited above may undergo passivization.
If, there-
fore, Passive is a rule which advances Direct objects to sub-
jects as is post~lated in the theory of Relational Grammar
(RG) (Perlmutter and Postal, 1977), the ability of Pula
non-term NP's to passivize has to be explained.
Different
studies done within this framework (Trithart, 1977;
Gary
and Keenan, 1977) have shown that, in order for an Indirect
Object or an oblique NP to have access to passivization,
there should be an intermediate stage which first promotes
these llPl s to Direct abjects.
It will be shown that, in
251

---

Fula, it is not possible to state this intermediate stage
as a general and homogenous rule in the grammar; that,
indeed, the rule involves several idiosyncrasies (i.e. it
is obligatory for certain types of verbs and optional for
sorne others).
Therefore, a relationally-based analysis
will be shawn to be lacking in generalization.
Consequently,
a simple transformational rule (which moves immediate post-
verbal NP's to subject position and leaves the original
subject unspecified) will be proposed.
This will capture
the f.:l(;'j;g,of Fula passivization.
The organization of this
-'
chapteris as follows:
The first section will defineFula
passive sentences.
The second section will discuss the
passivization of term NP's.
The third section will be
concerned with non-term NP's coded on the verb by a verbal
extension.
In each of the last two sections, a relational
approach will be compared to a transformational one and
the" latter will be shown to be more satisfactory.
5.1
Definition
In Fula, a sentence carries a passive meaning when
conditions(i) and (ii) hold.
(i) That i ts verb contains a pa"ssive inrlectionl
(ii)That it is possible for the sarne verb stem to
carry middle and/or active inflections.
252

---

Conditions (i) and (H) require that verbs of Passive
sentences allow at least two voices.
l will illustrate
this below.
First, consider the following sentences.
(1)
a.
Ali
suud-
aama
'.
Ali
hide -
P
IIAli was hiddenll
,..
b.
Ali
naml-aama
kaalis
A.
loan-P
money
Il Ali
has .been loaned sorne moneyll
These sentences have a passive meaning, in the sense that
a logical agent is implied in their meaning (even though
this agent does not surface), and Ali is the subject/
experiencer of the action done by that agent.
Both
sentences in (1) satisfy condition (i) since their verbs have
a passive inflection (~);
they also satisfy condition
(il) since their verbscan occur in other voices as se'en in
the following examples •
. / .. (2)
a.
suud-
ee -de
J
hide-
P-
Inf
IIto be hidden ll
b.
suud -aa -de
hide- M - Inf
IIto hide (oneself)1I
o • suud - f2J - de
hide
A -Inf
Iito hide (something)1I
253

---

,.,
(3 )
a.
naml
-ee-
de
borrow- p-
Inf
I1to get a loanll
b.
'"
naml- aa -de
borrow-H -In!'
IIto borrow (to receive something as
a loan) Il
N
c.
namlu - o - de
borrow-A - In!'
"to loan (to someone)"
Note that in the above exemples, ~-
IIhide l1 and ~­
IIborrowll may occur in all three voices.
However, there
are also passive sentences whose verbs may only occur in
two voices as in (4) and (5).
(4)
a.
sonndu
fell-aama
bird
shoot-P
lia Qird has been shot"
:,
b.
gawri
naam - aama
millet
eat - P
I1some millet has been eaten"
(~)
a.
gicfel
eer-
aama
friend
call-
P
Il They sang about a friend tl
b.
Ali
eewn-
aama
A.
caJ.,l-
P
"
Il.\\li hasbeen called"
254

---

The passive sentences in (4) contain verbs that bear only
active and passive tenses.
They don't have middle counter-
parts as exemplified in (6) and (7).
(6)
a.
fell-ee-de
shoot-P-Inf
"to be shot"
b.
fellu - ~- de
shoot -A - Inf
"to shoot ".
c. *fell-aa -de
shoot-H-Inf
(7)
a.
'"naam-ee-de
eat -P-Inf
IIto be eaten"
b.
""
naam - ~ - de
eat . - A -Inf
"toeat"
N
c.
*naam -aa - de
eat - 1-1 - Inf
As for the passive sentences in (5), they also contain two-
voice ~erès but these allow only passive and middle inflec-
- .," ...'
tions as exemplified in (8) and (9).
(8)
a.
eer- ee- de
call- P - Inf
"to be sung about"
255

---

b.
eer- aa - de
call-M - Inf
Il to
sing/ call ll
c. *eer - 12l - de
call- A - Inf
(9)
a.
eewn - ee- Inf
call - P - Inf
"to be calledll
b.
eewn- aa -de
call - H - Inf
Il
to call (someone)11
c.
eewnu - 12l - de
call
- A - Inf
Note that the above verbs do not allow active inflections
(*c examnles).
Moreover, except when they are used in
passive sentences, verbs which have more than one voice
are all potential transitive verbs.
Example (10) contains
an illustration of the transitive use of the verbs in (4)
and (5).
(10) a..
fallu - 12l -de
sonndu
shoot- A - Inf
bird
"to shoot a bird"
...
b.
naam- 12l
de
gawri
eat - A
- Inf
millet
IIto eat millet"
256

---

c.
eer - aa - de
gidel
caU - H - Inf
friend
Il to
call a friend ll
d.
eewn - aa- de
Ali
caU
- M - Inf A.
·
IIto call Ali"
~
.
~/
' ..
To summarize, we have shown that verbs in passive con-
structions can always be related to transitive active and/
or middle verbs.
In the remainder ofthis chapterwe will
argue that this relationship can be captured transforma-
tionaUy.
5.2
Passivization involving term liP's
In this section, l will give an approximation of the
passive rule in Pula.
1he sentences in the examples
which follow all contain basic verbs (i.e. verbs which do
not involve extensions).
It will be shown that there is no
unitary way of defining Passive in terms of grammatical
relations.
Rather a structural rule will be proposed.
Now consider the following examples~
(11) a.
Demmbaa
hocc-ii
sawru
ndu
D.
pick-TnS(A) stick
Det
"Demmba has picked up the stick"
b.
Sawru
ndu
hocc-
aama
stick
Det
oick up-Tns (p)
257
·.1

---

"The stick has been picked Up"
c.
*sawru
ndu
hocc- aama
(Prep) Demmba
stick
Det
pick-up-Tns(P) (Prep) D.
Il The
stick has been picked up by Demmba".
(12) a.
nagge
nge
hel-ii
cow
Det
break-dO\\m-Tns (A)
galle
0
fence
Det
IIThe cow has broken dO\\m the fence ll
b.
galle
0
hel- aama
fence
Det
break-down-Tns (?)
"The fence has been broken down"
c.
*galle
0
hel- aama
fence
Det break-down-Tns (p)
(Prep)
nagge
(Prep)
cow
"The fence has been ~roken down by the
cowlll
(13) a.
baanoowo
o
fell- i i
mbaroodi
ndi
hunter
Det
shoot-Tns(A) lion
Det
IIThe hunter has shot the lionll
.b.
mbaroodi
ndi
fell-aama
lion
Det
shoot-Tns (p)
,IIThe lion has been shot ll
258

---

c.
*mbaroodi
ndi
fell-aama
(Prep)
lion
Det
shoot-Tns (p) (Prep)
,
baanOOl'10
"" ...'
hunter
/
IIThe lion has been shot by the hunter"
(14) a.
mi
""
.
naam-1i
teew
ngu
l
eat-Tns (A)
me9.t
Det
"I have eaten the meat"
.v
b.
teew
ngu
naam .-aama
Meat
Det
eat- Tns (p)
"The Meat has been eaten"
c.
* teew
ngu
'"
naam -aama
(Prep) kam
Meat
Det
eat-Tns (p)
(Prep) me
"The Meat has been eaten by me"
The above examples show that:
(i)
thereis not a one-to-one correspondence
between the arguments in the active sentences and those in
.the passive sentencesbecause active sentences always have
one more argument than the passive sentences (i.e. the
sentences.
259

---

This suggests that a passive rule of Pula could be stated
in terms of grammatical relations in the following way.
(15), Put the DO/of an active sentence in
subject position and leave the original
subject unspecified.
This rule is certainly true for the examples in (11)-(14)
which involve simple transitive sentences.
However, the
analysis of ditransitive sentences shows counterevidence to
(15) as exemplified
below. '
(16)
a.
Takko
rokk-ii
hobhe
he
maaro
T.
give-Tns(A) guests Det rice
"
IITakko has given sorne rice to the guests ll
b.
hobbe
he
ndokk- aama
maaro
ko
guests
Det
give-Tns (p)
rice
Det
"The guests have been given sorne rice ll
c.
*hobbe
be
ndokk-aama
maaro
gu~sts
Det
tive-Tns (p)
rice
(Prep)
Takko
(Pren)
Takko
IIThe guests have been given rice by
Takko"
d.
*maaro
ko
rokk-aa.'1la
hobbe
be
rice
Det
give-Tns(P} guests
Det
«Prep)
Takko)
(Prep)
Takko
260

---

"The rice has been given to the guests
(by Takko)".
(17) a.
Sanunba
neld-ii
debbo
a
leeter
. ..
s.
send-Tns(A) waman Det letter
"Sammba has sent a let ter to the \\-roman"
b.
Debbo
neld- aama
leeter
send-Tns (p)
letter
"The woman has been sent a letter"
c.
*Debba
0
neld-aama
leeter
woman
Det send-Tns(P)
let ter
(Prep)
Sammba
(Prep)
S.
"The woman has been sent a letter by
Sarmnba.
(18)
a.
Demmba
holl-ii
suka
o
D.
show-Tns(A) child
Det
laawal
ngol
road
Det
"Dernmba has shawn the road to the
child"
b.
suka
0
holl-aama
lawol
ngol
child
Det
show-Tns (?)
road
Det
c.
*suka
0
holl- aama
laawol
ngol
child
Det
show-Tns (p) road
Det
(Pr.ep)
Demmba
(Prep)
D.
261

---

"The child has been sholm the road by
Demmba"
,/
d.
*laawol
ngol
holl-aama
suka
0
road
Det
show-Tns(P) child
Det
(Prep)
Derrnnba
(Prep)
D.
I1The road has been shown to the child
by Demmba l1
In (16)-(18) the unstarred sentences (b)
reoresent
passivization of IO's.
In the starred sentences (c) the
same IO's are passivizedj
their ungrammaticality is due
to the presence of agent NP's.
The starred d- sentences
show that'a DO (real Patient) cannot be passivized when an
10 (real Recipient) is present.
Therefore the passive rule
stated in (15) appears to be too general.
It couldbe
restated, however, in a way to exclude the possibility of
passivizing a Do when an la is present.
Subsequently (19)
modifies (15):
(19)
Put the DO of an active sentence in subject
position only if there is no la in this
sentence and leave the original subject
unspecified.
This rule indeed shows that there is no unitary way of
defining Fula passives in terms of grammatical relations
since the subject of a passive sentence may be underlyingly
a DO or an la.
It seems reasonable,
however, tolook at
262

---

the more recent work in universal syntax where grammatical
relations are assumed to be primitives to see how this
non-unitary definition of the passive rule (19) could be
explained.
!'!orespecifically, we shall not-t look at
Relational Grammar (RG) as discussed in Perlmutter and
Postal (1977) to try to find an explanation for the facts
described so far.
In the theory of RG the basic syntactic
notions used to describe clauses are grammatical relations
such as subjeot, direct object, indirect object (these
are called terms) and locative, benefactive, etc. (non-
terms).
5.2.1
Relational approach
In their paper on passives, Perlmutter and Postal
state the following two universals of passivization.
U-l
a
direct object of an active clause is
the (superficial) subject of the correspond-
ing passive.
, ' . U-2
The subject of an active clauseis neither
the (superficial) subject nor the (super-
fioial) direct object of the corresponding
passive •
.I will nat disouss U-2 here since Fula passive sentences
leave the underlying subject unspecified.
On the other
hand, if we assume that only direct objects may be passivized
263

---

(as implied in U-l), then all the recipient NP's in (16)-
"
(18) should be taken as having been advanced to direct
object status.
It seems therefore reasonable to ask
what happens to the original direct objects, namely, the
Patient HP's?
A basic claim is made with respect to this
situation in the Helational Annihilation Law
(fulL) (Perl-
muter and Postal, 1977) statedin (20).
(20)
If an NP
assumes a grammatical relation
i
previously borne by NP j , then NP j ceases
to bear any term grammatical relation;
it
becomes a chomeur.
This law predicts then that the Fula patient NP's in (16)-
(18) are no longer direct objects since th~ir place is
taken over by the recipient NP's.
l will show that even
though this prediction is proven to be true when we consider
certain syntactic tests there are several problems raised
by such an analysis.
For example, in (16)-(18), recipient
NP' s undergo aU the syntactic tests proper to basic DO 's2
(as predicted by HAL);
whereas patient NP's undergo just
a few of them, as we will now show.
Like basic DO's,
recipient NP's occupy immediate postverbal position as seen
in (21).
(21)
mi
rokk-ii
hobbe
maaro
l
give-Tns(A) guests
rice
"I have given sorne rice to the guests ll
264

---

b.
*mi
rokk-ii
maaro
hobbe
l
give-Tns(A}
rice
guests
..-
111 have given some rice to the guests"
Like basic DOIS, recipient Npls undergo:
Reflexivization
(22)
(22) a.
Taklco
roklc-ii
hoore-rmun
maaro
ko
T.
give-Tns(A} head-her
rice
Det
Il Takko
has given herself the rice "
b.
Takko
neld-ii
ho 0 re-rmun
leeter
T.
send-Tns(A) heaë-her
let ter
"Takko has sent herself a letter"
Pronominalization
by a regular class pronoun (23) & (24)
(23)
a.
gorko
0
roklc -ii
cukalel
man
Det
give-Tns(A}
child
ngel
kaalis
Det
money
"The man has given the child some money"
b.
gorko
0
rokk-ii
ngel
kaalis
man
Det gi ve-Tns ( A) h!m
money
Il The man has given him some money"
(24)
a.
debbo
0
neld-ii.
nagge
nge
woman
Det
send-Tns(A) cow
Det
ndiyam
water
265

---

"The woman has sent the cow some waterll
b.
debbo
o
ne1d-ii
nge
ndiyam
woman
Det send-Tns(A) it
water
"The woman has sentit some water ll
Re1ativization (25)
(?5) a.
cuka1e1
nge1
gorko
0
rokk,.. i
chi1d
REL
man
Det give-Tns (A)
kaalis
money
IIThe child that the man gave money toll
b.
nagge
nge
debbo
0
ne1d-i
cow
BEL
woman
Det
send-Tns(,A)
ndiyam
water
"The cow that the woman sent water toll
Passivization
(see previous discussion)
In short, the recipient NP's in (16)-(18) undergo a11
the syntactic processes proper to basic DO's and shou1d
therefore be ana1yzed as syntactic DO's.
A~,~~r the patient NP's, they sti11 undergo pronomina1-
.ization as in (26).
266

---

(26)
a.
gorko
a
roklt-ii
ma
cultalel
man
Det
give-Tns
it
child
ngel
Det
"The man ~ave it ta the child"
dam
,.
b.
debbo
a
neld-ii
-nagge
nge
woman Det send-Tns
it
cow
Det
"The woman sent i t ta the cow"
The underlined pronouns ma and dam reflect the noun classes
-
--
of the corresponding patient NP's (kaalis 'money' and
ndiyam '"rater!).
Note that the clitic rule(see previous
chapter 4) shifts these pronouns ta immediate postverbal
position, making the sentences ambiguous.
Patient NP's also undergo relativization, as in (27).
(27) a.
kaalis
ma
gorko
a
rokk-i
money
REL
man
D'et gi ve-Tns (A)
cukalel
ngel
child
Det
"The money that the man gave ta the
child"
b.
nagge
nge
debbo
neld-i
nèiyam
cow
REL
womansend-Tns(A) water
"The cow the woman sent water ta"
But patient NP's cannat undergo reflexivization and
",
cannat occur in immediate postverbalposition unless they
are pronominalized, in which case a genéral rule of Pula
267

---

(independent of the fact that they are patients) shifts
them in front of the full NP's.
Likewise, patients no
longèr undergo passivization as seen in (16)-(18) d.
The fact that patients no longer undergo some of the
main syntactic processes (inherent to DO'S) put them in
a position lower in the hierarchy3 than recipients.
Rela-
tional grammarians would, therefore, claim that the recip-
ients in (16)-(18) have been advanced to DO status and
the patients have become chomeurs 4 as predicted byRAL.
There are some problems with this analysis, however.
5• 2 • ~.::..-=l,--.....:.:A:.;:;d:.;v-=a::.:n:=c:..::e:.::m:=e:,:;n:..:t~a=n:::a::.:l:..Yr...:s:.:i:.:s::.;:~~e=-v:...:1:;.;·d::;e~n:.:.c=-e:......;f=-o=-r=-o;:;.b=1=i.<:lg=a-=t.;:;o.::.r.....
y
rule of ra advancement
We have shown that the syntactic tests provide evidence
for
the advancement of recipient NP's to DO status.
We shall
now discuss the nature ,of this rule in light of cross-
lin$Uistic considerations.
There has been quite a lot of
l'lork donecrosslinguistically wi thin the framework of RG
that deals with what r calI clear cases of advancement
rules.
For example, in Chichewa (Trithar~, 1977) ro's can
ohly be passivized when they are first advanced to DO'S.
Likel.zise, in Bahasa rndonesi :m, dative ii?,r scan be passivized,
when they are first advanced to CO status (Chung, 1976).
But, unlike the Pula case, rOIs in these two languages
start as pre~ositional phrases;
when they are advanced to
268

---

DO stntus, they not only undergo the syntactic processes
characteristic of basic DO's, but they also lose their
prepositions and are moved to immediate postverbal position.
1,Ile illustrate this phenomenon below by examples tal<:en from
'Chichewa (Tri thart, 1977).
(28) a.
john
a-
na-
pats-
a
nthochi
John
he.
i
past-give-ind
banana
J.
kwa
mai
ache.
to
mother
his ,
"John gave the bananas to his mother"
b.
Dative
john
a- na -a
pats-
a
mai
John.
hei-past-her-give-Ind
mother
J.
ache
nthochi
his
banana
"John g~ve his mother the bananas"
c.
Passive
lIai
ache
a
John
a-
na- pats-
mother his
of John
she i past-give
id"T
-a
advanc. to
Ind
subj. marl<:er
"His mother was given the bananas by
John"
. In 280.' ('i;aken as basic), the ID "mother/l cannot be passivized
unless it is advanced to DO as in 28b, in which cnse it
269

---

looses its original preposition kvla 'to' and takes immedi-
ate postverbal position.
Only then it can be passivized
(28c).
Also, in English, Dative constructions exhibit anal-
agous ~airs of sentences.
For example, a sentence like
"1 gave the guests Some rice" is often derived from the
sentence "1 gave some rice to the guests".
Unlike these language~, however, the Pula dative
. construction seen in (16)-(18) does not have a corresponding
sentence containing a . prepositional ~hrase às seen in
(29) •
(29)
*Takko
rokk-ii
maaro
(Prep) hobbe
T.
give-Tns(A) rice
(Prep) guests
"Takko has given some rice to the guests ll
Given these facts, the dative shift rule in Pula w~lld
be rather opaque.
If a rule of dative movement is nonethe
less assumed, it will have to be obligatory.
This means
positing an underlying syntactic ro category similar to
the one in (29) (for the rule to operate on), which would
never appear on the surface.
This sutation has been
eompared to absolute neutralization (Faltz, 1979).
There is a split among scholars, hO\\-lever, with regard
to this type of rule.
For example, Gary and Keenan (1977)
have rejected the existence of a dative rule..in Kinyarwanda
~which presents a case similar to the ?ula case) on the
..'
basis that Ilthe primary motivation for such a rule in
English (or in any other language for which there is
270

---

asserted to be a dative rule) is that the langu~ge presents
pairs of sentences lilte "John save Hary the_bo~k" and
"John gave the book to ]lary" (my underlining) in which the
corresponding liF's present the sarne semantic relations to
the verb and in whiéh similar distributional and selectional
restrictions are exhibitéd"
(p. 107).
On the other hand, Aissen (1978) argues for the exis-
tence of an obligatory rule of la advancement in Tzotsil, a
Hayan language.
But unlike Tzotsil, an obligatory .advance-
ment rule for IO's cannot be stated as.a general rule'i:1
a grammar of Pula.
Rather it is only applicable to some
types of verbs like rokk 'give O which require a fixed word
order as will be clarified in the next section.
2. 2 .1.2 Evidence for an optional rule of la advancement
---
There are some clear cases of dative movement sirnilar
to the EnSlish one as seen in (30) and (31) •
(30)
a.
mi
taklt-ii
fenaande
e
Dooro
l
stick-Tns(A)
lie
Pren
D.
"1 accused Dooro of lying"
b.
mi
takk-ii
Dooro
fenaande
l
sticlt-TnsUd
D.
lie
"1 accused Dooro of lying"
(31)
a.
mi
l>Tedd- iima
,.
haayre
e
mbaroodi
l
thrOl'T-Tns ( A)
stone P!'en lion
271

---

"
' "
"I thre\\ol a stone to the lion"
b.
mi
wedd-iima
mbaroodi
haayre
l
throw-Tns (H)
lion
stone
"I threl·1 a stone at the lion"
The examnles in (30) and (31) show pairs of sentences where
the complement :HP' s have different behavior de-pending on
their nosition with regard to the verb.
For example, in
30a and 3la the NP objects of the proposition e donlt be-
have like basic DOIS;
whereas in'30b and 3lb the NP's do
retainDO properties.
Thus, the objects of '~aren't
nronominalized by a regular DO strate~ (i.e. by a regular
class pronoun) as in (32).
(32) a.
mi
takk-ii
fenaande
e
t:~koi
l
stick-Tns(A) lie
Pren t~:m1
"I accused him of lying"
b.
mi
wedd-iima
haayre
e
{mayri}
*ndi
l
throw-'I'ns(H) s tOl'le
Prep
[::t}
"I threl1 a stone at it"
However, in 33a anà 33b, the seme NP' suse aregular DO
strategy (i.e. a recular clnss pronoun)
(33) a.
mi
takk-ii
1 mo
}fenaande
I*makko
l
stick-tns(A) Jhim } lie
(*him
272
-- )

---

"I accused him of 1ying"
1
b.
mi
l-Tedd-iima
lndi
J haayre
*mayri
l
thrOl-T-TnS ( N)
f~~
stc)he
t }
"1 threw a stone at it"
Note that when a regu1ar c1ass pronoun is not a11owed, a
possessive pronoun is used (see chapter 3).
Furtherr:1ore, they aren't re1ativized in the same
wayeither.
Hhereas re1ativization of the object of a pre-·
position (34) requires OBJ-2 strategy (i.e with a resumntive
pronoun (see chapter 3»;
in 30b and 31b the same NP's
are re1ativized by OBJ-1 strategy (i.e. without a resumntive
"Dooro whom l accused of 1yingIJ
273

---

b.
mbaroodi
ndi
mbedd-ii-mi
haayre
lion
REL
throw-Tns-I
stone
Il The
lion l threvl a stone· a tIr
However, aIl the IO's whether or not they are preceded by
a preposition May be ~he target of reflexivization as seen
in (36).
<36 ) a.
mi
.takl{-ii
fenaande
e
l
stick-Tns(A) lie
Prep
hoor-am
head-MY
"1 accused myself of lying ll
b.
mi
takl{-ii
hoor-am
fenaande
l
stick-Tns(fl.) head-MY
lie
III accused myself of lyinr;1I
They are passivized by the same sentence (37a-b), which l
presume is, in fact, the passivization of the non-preposi-
tional phrases (c.f. 37c-d).
(37) a.
Dooro
takk-aama
fenaande
D.
stick-Tns(P) lie
IIDooro has been accused of lying ll
b.
mbaroodi
V1edd-aama
hayre
lion
throw-Tns(P)
stone
IIThe lion Has throvm a stone at"
c.
*Dooro
tald{-aama
fenaande
···e/(;rrurn)
d.
*mbaroodi
wedd-aama
haayre
e (mum)
274

---

Note that the unsrammatica1ity of 37c-d is due te the fact
that the preposition ~ has been stranded in these examp1es.
Thus, out of four tests of direct-objecthood, the object
of a preposition retained on1y the abi1ity to be ref1exivizeè.
(36);
whereas the non-object of a preposition retained aIl
of them inc1uding the abili ty to pas si vize: (37).
Further-
more, the NP's which are not objects of a preposition
immediate1y fo11o\\f the verb 1ike basic DO 1 s.
Viewed in
re1ationa1 terms, this is a typica1 case of advancement
which we can summarize with the fo11owing scenario (38):
(38) a.
mi
taldc-ii
fenaande
. e
Dooro
1
stick-Tns(A) lie
Prep
D.
"I accused Dooro of 1ying"
b.
IO--~DO
mi
t~rk-ii
Dooro
fenaandé
Istick-Tns(A) D.
lie
"I accused Dooro of 1ying"
c.
DO--~Su
Dooro
takk-aama
fenaande
D.
stick-Tns(P)
lie
"Dooro has been accused of 1ying"
The first part of (38) shows the optiona1 la advancement
rule (as opposed tothe obligatoryIO advancement discussed
·in section 4.3.1.1).
Once this optiona1 advancement.has
occurred as in (3Sb), passive can apply Ieading to (38c).
275

---

There are also a few verbs that allow sentence pairs involv-
1
Oing seriaI verb constructions as exemplified in (39) and (40).
(39) a.
mi
winnd-ii
leeter
faade
l
lnrite-Tns (A) letter
go
e
Aminata
Prep Aminata
"1 have written il letter to Aminata"
b.
mi
l-1Ïnnd-ii
Aminata
leeter
l
w-rite-Tns(A)
h
n.
letter
"1 have written a letter to Aminata"
(40) a.
mi
neld-ii
gal·rri
faade
l
send-Tns
millet
go
e
neenam
Prep
mother
"1 have sent some millet to my mother"
b.
mi
neld-ii
neenam
gawri
l
send-Tns
mother
millet
"1 have sent my mother some millet"
(39) and (40) each involves
synonymous pairs of sentences~
However, only the NP's in immediate postverbal position m~y
undergo passivization as seen in (41) and (42).
(41) a.
leeter
l-rinnd-aama
faade
e
Animata
letter
wri te-Tns
go
Prep
....
_. ,
"A letter is lvri tten to Aminatalt
b.
*A."11inata
l-1innd-aama
leeter
faade
"
A.
write-Tns
letter
go
276

---

e
(nn.un)
Prep (her)
n!U'Ili.nata was 'Vrritten a 1etterll
c.
gauri
ne1d-aama
faade
e
neenam
millet
send-Tns
go
Prep mother
IlHi11et Has sent to my Motherll
d.
*neenam
ne1d-ao.ma
gawri
faade
mother
send-Tns
millet
go
e
(mùm)
Prep (her)
IlHy mother was sent a 1etterll
(42) D..
Aminata
winnd-aama
1eeter
A.
~-Tri te-Tns
1etter
IlAminata wassent a 1etter"
,-
b.
*leeter
uinnd-aama
Aminata
1etter
write-Tns
Aminata
liA 1etter 1vas wri t ten to Aminatall
c.
neenam
ne1d-aama
gawri
mother
send-Tns
millet
IlHy Mother 'Vras sent mi11et ll
d.
*gawri
ne1d-aama
neenam
millet
send-Tns
mother
j
1l1Ii11et 't'ras sent to my mother ll
--In the above examp1es, (41) represents the passivization
of the object HP's of 39a and 40a.
note that on1y the
innnediate oostverba1 EP's are oassivizab1e (c.f. *41b-d).
277
. .J

---

The examples in (42) represent the passivization of the
object NP's in 39b and 40b;
here also only the NP's' that
immediately follo~'T the verb may be passivized (c.f. 42b-d).
"Ti thin the frame~·rorlc of RG, cases where the recipient i~P' s
are in immedicte postverbal position are where they have
been advanced to 00 status, since it is only in tl1is.position
.
' , -
.
that they underso passivization.
This is cpnsistent with
the
theory of RG.
The scenario for the advancement of the
la in clauses involving serialization is shown below·.
(43) a.
mi
'Hinnd-ii
leeter
faade
e
l
l'Tri te-Tns
letter
go
Pren
Aminato.
A.
"1 v.Tote a let ter to Aminata"
b.
IO--~oo
mi
winnd-ii
Aminata
leeter
l
l'Tri te-Tns
A.
let ter
"1 wrote a letter to Aminata"
c.
OO--~SU
;\\Minata
~.innd- aama
leeter
A.
write-Tns
letter
Aminata VIas ~.ri tten a let ter"
In the·a.bove case too the IO-advancement rule is ontional.
.To summarize this relationally-based ano.lysis, we can say
..'
that the ma,1or problem for RG resides in the statement of
an la advancement rule as a general and homogenous rule in
278

---

the Rrammar of Fulll.
Yet, this rule iscrucial for a
theory vThich describes passives as a DO--Su advancement.
As it stands, the 10 advancement rule (which should feed
the passive rule) rails to capture certain generalizations
and show sorne idiosyncraties;
i.e. it is an obligatory
rule for sorne verbs and an ontional rule for sorne others.
Horeover, Hhere it is optional, the advartcement of IO's
is done either from prepositional phrases or seriaI
constructions.
In the following sections, we will propose
a transformational analysis.
Because transformational rules
/ '
are insensitive to grammatical relations the problëm of
rule optionality will not arise.
Passive will be stated
as a simple NP movement rule.
~2.2
Transformational an~lysis
One of the basic assumptions of transformational
grammar (TG) is that aIl syntactic operations can be exoressed
in terms of category labels (e .g.L NP, V••• ) and the relation
of dorr.inance and linear order.
Transformational rules are
insensitive to grammatica.l relations 5 a.nd lI app ly simply
to the terms of a proper analysis of the string represent-
ing a sentence (Anderson, 1977: 365).
In section 4.3 we
gave a rule of Fula passive (reuritten in (44) for
convenience) in terns of grammatical relations.
279

---

(44)
Put the DO of an active sentence in
5ubject position only if there is
no ra in that sentence and leave the
original subject unspecified
Uithin the framework of TG, (44) shows a non-unitary
definition of the passive rule in Pula.
Accordingly, (44)
provides an argumerit for a transformational rule of passive.
In F~derson (1977), it i5 su~r.ested that:
"a transformational rule of passive is motivated
by the existence of systematic structural re-
lations between "actives" and "passives", uhere
the subjects of the passives correspondto DO's,
IO's, idiom chunks, N?'s from other clauses •••
etc. (p. 365).
.
This statement follo't-IS from the analysis of Passives .in
English.
Clearly the facts described so far show "systematic
structural relations" bebleen "actives" and "passives".
~oreover, the subjects of the passives correspond to DO's
and IO's.
Therefore Fula provides an argument for a
transmational analysis.
This is supported by the fact that,
in aIl the examples discussed so far it is always the
immediate postverbal NP .that is moved irrespective of
grammatical relations.
This, indeed, can be captured by
a simule transformational rule lilee (45).
(45)6
X
(TIP)
V
ITP
Y
l
2
3
4
5 ---~
l
4
3 + ?ass 5
This rule says that:
to obtain a nassive sentence in FuIe,
,.-J.t the immediate 'Postverbal 1TP of an active sentence in
sub.iect position and passivize the verbe
Thisrule can
280

---

app1y, for examp1e, to either of the under1ined noun phrases
in (46) to give the corresponding passive sentences in (47).
rokk-ii
hobbe
maaro
- - -
gi 'le-Tns (A)
3l1ests
rice
l-linnè-ii
1eeter
faade
e
"Iri te-Tns (A)
1etter
go
Prep
----
Takko
T.
c.
~
takk-ii
fenaande
e
Dooro
stick-Tns(A) lie
Prep Dooro
(47) a.
hohbe
ndokk-aama
maaro
guests
give-Tns(P)
rice
"The guestshave been given rice"
b.
1eeter
,·1innd- e.ama
faade
e
1etter
\\-l'ri te-Tns ( p)
go
Pren
Takko
T.
"A 1etter has been written to Takko"
c.
fenaande
takk-aama
e
D.ooro·
lie
stick-Tns(P) Prep
D.
"A lie he.s been stucl< to Dooro"
~ve sha11 nOl-T [Sive further support of ru1e (45) by a dis-
cussion on the passivization of verb coded NP's.
281

---

~10 issues will be discussed in this section.
The
first has to do with the advancement of oblique NP's and its
interaction with case marking.
Because o~veral studies
done on languages that show verbal extensions present the
advancement of obliques as not only a syntactic process which
promotes these NP's higher in the hierarchy (in Keenan and
Comrie's sense), but also as a morphologically transparent
p!lenomenon wh"ore non-advanced EP's are prepositionally
marked and advanced NP's coded by a verbal inflection
1
•
(c.r. Chung, 1976 (Indonesian); Trithart, 1977 (Bantu);
Gary and Keenan, 1977 (Bantu).
Thus, advancement has
been linked to a change in the co ding of the NP.
Through-
out our discussion in the sections that follow, it will
be shown that the co ding of HP's by a verbal extension in
Fula is not necessarily limced to the advancement process.
The second issue is relative to the passive rule itself:
the behavior of verb-coded TIPIs will provide a better
support of a transformational rather thnn a relational
~~le of passivization in Fula.
These issues will be
discussed by looking at the verbal extensionsindividually.
With respect to position, Benefactive NP's perfectly
282

---

fol1ow the !'laradigm of Recipients as seen in (48) and (49).
(48) a.
Takko
def-an-ii
sllitaabe
he
T.
cook-Ben-Tns(~) children
Det
<zertot:"al
,_
r,:)
chicken
"Takko cooked a chicken for the children"
b.
*Takko
def-an-ii
gertogal
T.
cook-Ben-Tns (A) chic1ten
sUkltabe .
be
children
Det
"Takko cooked a chicken for the children"
(49) a.
Dernmba
add-an-ii
Ali
ndiyam
D.
bring-Ben-Tns A.
water
"Demmba brough t Ha ter for Ali;I
b.
*Demmba
add-an-ii
ndiyam
Aali
D.
bring-Ben-Tns water
A.
"Demmba brought water for Ali"
As with recipients, benefactives precede the logical DO
(i.e. the patient NP) as seen in the above a-examples; and
the
reverse is not nossible (c.r. *b-examnles).
~ith
res'gect to major syntactic processes Benefactive lIpts
pronominalize, reflexivize, relativize, and '9assivize just
.1ike basic DO'S.
1,-'e illustrate with the passive in (50).
( 50) a.
sukaabe
he
ndef -nn-aama . gertogal
children
Det
coolc-Ben-Tns (P) chicken
"The children had a chicken cooked for them'l
283
•
-J'

---

b.
Ali
add-an -aama
ndiya~
A.
bring-Ben-Tns(P) water
"Ali had water brought for him"
Just like reci~ient NP's, the benefactives block the
. passivization of ~atients as seen in (51).
(51) a;
*Gertogal
def-an-aama
sukaabe
chicken
cook-Ben-Tns(P)
children
be
Det
"The chicken was cooked for the
children"
b.
*ndiyam
add-an-aama
Ali
water
bring-Ben-Tns
A.
"Ua ter was brought for Ali"
DO's cnn be passivized if and onl! if
the benefact1ve NP
18 missing.
Recipient and benefactive NP's differ with regard to
case marking, however.
The former is zero-marked and the
latter is cOded by a verbal extension.
We have already
shown within the framework of RG that, if it is assumed,
. the advancement of Recipients to DO status islexically
.governed;
i.e. for some verbs this rule is obligatory;
. and for others it is o~tional.
The latter case was
.su~ported by the existence of pairs of sentences;
and the
1
former by the absence of pre~ositional phrases for the
rule to operateon.
Like this latter, sentences wi th·
.;, .
284

---

benefactive-marked verbsalso don't have corresponding
non-benefactive verbs with prepositional phrases; hence
'r
52a
and 52b, .recpectively paraphras.:ls of 48a and 48b, do
•
not exist in the Bula dialect under atudy.
(52) a • . *Takko
def-il
gertogal
T.
cook-Tns(A) chicken
( Pre!, )
sukaabe
children
Il Takko
cooked the chicken for the
children" :
b.
*Demmba
add-ii
ndiyarn
(Prep) Aali
D.
bring-Tns water
(Pre'!') .A.
(A)
Il Demmba
brought sorne water for Ali"
Since there is no cor~esponding benefactive prepositional
phrase, a relationally based analysis would again have to
state an obligatory advancement rule which promotes bene-
factives toDO status in order for them to undergo the
passive rule DO ••• 3u.
On the other hand, in a structurally
. based analysis where advancement is not assumed, the ability
of benefactives to passivize is merely motivated by their
,
immediate postverbal position (rule 45).
This latter
analysis is nlso sup~orted by data from instrumental NP's.
';
'l'he date. on instrumentals orovides support not only
.'.
285
. _. __ -..-.-.J
.

---

for the transformational analysis but also for the claim
that merely codins an NP on the verb doesnot advance that
~p higher in the hierarchy.
The following b-sentences
contain instrumentaIs.
(53)
a.' Aali
taf-ii
lekki
A.
cut-Tns
tree
"Ali eut a tree tl
b.
Aali
taY:r-ii
lekki
A.
cut-Inst-Tns(A)
tree
jammbere
axe
tlJ\\ali eut a tree with an axe ll
c.
*Aali
tay-r-ii
jammbere
A.
cut-Inst-Tns(A)
axe
lekki
tree
"Ali eut a tree with an axe tl
(54) a.
Dooro
Yêew-ii
Aamadu
D.
look-Tns
Amadu
/
"
.
"Dooro looked at Aar.tadu"
b.
Dooro
Jfeew-r-ii
Aamadu
lone
D.
look-Inst-Tns
1.
glasses
"Dooro looked at Aamadu Nith glasses"
c.
*Dooro
yeew-r-ii
lone
Aamadu
The ungrammaticality of the c-examples is due to the fact
"
that instrumentaIs should alNays follow patients in basic
286

---

sentences.
\\'~en they co-occur (as in (53) and (54), instru-
mental lIP's cannot be -passivized while patients may, as in
(55) and (56).
(55) a.
lekld
ta7!--r-aama
jammbere
tree
cut-Inst-Tns(P)
axe
Il A tree
was cu t by t'.s ing an axe Il
'"
b.
*jamrnbere
tay:.r-aama
lel<ki
axe
cut-Ins t-Tns (p)
tree
liA tree Was cut by using an exe ll
(56) a.
Aamadu
yeew-r-aama
lone
A.
look-Inst-Tns(p)
glâss:es
IIAamadu ....ras looked at ,vi th. glasses ll
b.
*lone
Yèl!\\-1-r-aama
Aarnadu
glasses 100k-Inst-Tns(P)
A.
Indeed, this behavior of Instrumental NP's is not explained
bye relationally based analysis if it is assumed th~t
merely coding an oblique on a verb and eliminating its
preposition (abstrac~ or real) is sufficient for this oblique
to be promoted to DO status.
Tho~gh they are c~ded on the
verb, Fula instrumentaIs cannot pe.ssivize when a patient
NP is present (55-56e.).
Also they cannot be pronominalized
in the.t context as seen in (57).
(57) a.
*Dooro
.r..
' ,
;jeew-r-~l.
Aamadu
de
D.
look-Inst-Tns
A.
them
(A)
Il Dooro
looked at Aamadu
with themll
287

---

b.
*Aali
ta1=-r-ii
lekki
nde
A.
cut-Inst-Tns(A) tree.
it
"Ali cut the tree with it"
The ungrammaticality of the sentences in (57) is not merely
.due
to the fact that the pronouns are not in a nosition
before the full nouns (as predicteJ by a clitic rule).
In
fact, when we 3hift the pronouns in postverbal position
as in (58) the nronouns no longer have an instrumental
reading.
(58) a. Dooro
feet-t-r-ii
de
Aamadu
D.
look-Inst-Tns(A)
them
A
*"Dooro looked at Amadu with them ll
(IIDooro looked a t them wi th Amadull )
b. Aali
tay-r-ii-
nde
lekki
.
A•
cut-Inst-Tns(A)
it
tree
~
".
Il
*Ali.cut the tree with it"
("Ali cut it with the tree ll )
The transformational appronch which doesn't use GR in the
. statement of the passive rule does not make a claim about
verb-coding-based advancement.
The rule of passive (45)
just ignores instrument NP's that co-occur with patient
l1P's since only these are in postverbal position.
lTote
. that when a patient is absent, an instrumental NP may be
passivized as seen in (59) and (60).
",
288

---

(59) a.
mi
am-ii
l
dance-Tns(A)
"l dancedll
b.
mi
am-r-ii
. pnde
l
dance-Inst-Tns(A)
shoes
"l danced with shoes"
•
c.
pale
'1gam-r-aama
shoes
dance-Inst-Tns(p)
"Shoes Here danced with"
( 60)
mi
IV
a.
naarn-ii
l
eat-Tns(A)
"1 ate"
. . . .
,)1
b.
mi
'"
. .
naam-r-l.l.
lruddu
l
eat-Inst-Tns
s'Poon
"l ate with a s'Poonll
AI
c.
kuddu
naam-r-aama
spoon
eat-Inst=Tns(P)
111\\ spoon was eaten with"
In the a-examnles we have basic intransitive sentences.
The
b-exam'Ples con tain instrument-extended verbs followed by
r,
instrumental lrP's.
The c-exnm'Ples show that instrumental
lrp' s imJ!ledia tely folloHing the' verb may be passi vized •
.~3.3
Locatives
..
In chapter 3, different :ty?es of codin1: of locatives
289

---

l-rere discussed.
Bore specifically, we showed verbs that
r~quired noun phrases coded by both a preposition and a
postposition nt the same time;
other locative NP'~~f6~e
- coded by a verbal extension (e.g. goal and source locatives),
,~ shall now see hbw these different TIP's behave with respect
to passivization.
As we did in the above sections, we will
first describe their behavior in relational terms and
show the limitations of a relationally based analysis;
we
will then compare this analysis to a
transformational
approach.
He will
especially focus on goal locatives.
Goal locatives present a rat~er unique paradigmas
seen in (61).
(61)
a.
Aali
yeh-ii
Huro
A.
go-Tns (A)
tOl-m
IIAli lorent to town ll
b.
Aali
yeh-ii
to
wuro
to
A.
go-Tns(A)
Prep
to,~
Post
Il.Hi went to tOl-m"
c.
Aali
yah-an-ii
Huro
A.
go-Go-Tns(A)
tO'lm
Il .;li
went to to~m"
Though the sentences in (61) are translated the saJlle way,
the loca.tive HP's behave syntactice.lly in a very different
way.
For example, the locative ~P's in 6la and 6lb behave
similarly and differ from the locative- NP in 6lc.
The
locative NP's in 6la and 6lb are ~~onominalized in the sarne
290

---

way by a strategy different from the DO strategy (recall
that DO's are ~ronominalized by a regular class pronoun
which
agrees in class with the DO).
Thus, (62) shows a
pronominalization of the locative ~P's in 61a and 61b.
(62) Aali
:reh-li
to
maggo
to
!i.
go_rrns (A)
Pret)
it
Post
11 :\\ali
went to i t (the to\\m) 11
There is no way of pronominalizing the locative NP in
61a without coding it;
hence the lIDsrammaticality of the
sentences in (63) •.
(63) a.
*Aali
yeh-ii
n~o
A.
go-Tns(A)
it
"Aali went to it"
b.
*Aali
yeh-ii
maggo
A.
go-TnA(A)
it
"-"1.ali went to i t"
On the other hand the locative NP in 61c is pronominalized
by a regular basic DO strategy as in 64a and by none of
the others (*64b and *64c).
(64) a.
Aali
yah-an-li
ngo
.,".
go-Go-Tns(A)
i t
"Ali lofent to i t ( the town) "
b.
*Aali
yah-en-li
maggo
A.
go-Go-Tns(A)
it
"Ali 10fent to i tIf
.•
291

---

r
"
,
c.
*Aali
yah-an-ii
to
ma'!;go
to
A.
go-Go-Tns(A) ?rep
i t
Post
"Ali Hent to ' ... ( the tmm) Il
1."
The locative NP's in 6la and 6lb cannot undere;o passivization
as in (65).
( 65) a •
*Huro
yah-aB.Ma
1
tm·m
go-'l'ns ( p)
Il The
town was gone to"
b.
*to
wuro
to
yah-aama
Prep
to\\m
Post gO-Tns(p)
Il The
to~m was Bone to"
But in 6lc, the Locative HP has access to passivization as
in
(66).
(66)
wuro
-yah-an-aama
go-Go-Tns (P)
Il The
to,wn was gone to Il
Viewed in the light of HG, the behavior of these locative
NP's seem to ~erfectly illustrate a commonly known case of
advancement process, that ls to sa-y, the verb~coded locative
NP in 6la is advanced7 to DO status (because it can be uassi-
vized) whereas its corresponding prepositional phrase can-
• not (*65).
A possible scenario for the advancement of
the goal locatives is as folloHS:
,,'
292

---

(67) a.
mi
yeh-ii
to
wuro
to
l
go-Tns(A)
Prep
tOHn
Post
"I Hent to town"
h.
Loc---~DC
mi
ynh-an-ii
Huro
l
go-Go-Tns(A)
tOl-m
"I Hent to tO~!I1"
c.
DO--~Su
Huro
yah-an-aama
town
gO-Go-Tns(P)
Il The
town was gone to"
That is to say Goal locatives first are advanced to 00
status by losing theiroadpositions and being coded on
the verb (67b)j
then they undergo passivization (67c).
If the process in (67) is assumed, however, how do we
explain the unpassivizability of the locative RP of 61a,
rewritten as in (68).
( 68)
P-ali
yeh-ii
~1Uro
A.
go-Tns(A) to~m
"Ali went to town"
To be consistent with the advancement analysis, the only
explanation is to say that the locative NP in (68) is not
coded on the verb;
therefore, it hasn't been advanced to
00 statusj
consequently it c~nnot be passivized.
This hypothesis seems to be sunported by another locative
293
/.

---

construction in vrhich the locative NP cannot be passivized.
(69) a.
Aali
fay-ii
'JUro
\\
...
~o-Tns (i\\)
totm
IIAli has sone to tm-mil
b.
Aeli
fay-ii
to
\\oruro.
to
A.
fSo-Tns(A)
Preo town
Post
IIAli has "'one no tO\\offi1l
,~
c.
*Aali
fay-an-ii
wuro
A.
go-Go-Tns(A)
I1Ali went to tOTtml1
d.
*'HUro
fay-aama
gO-Tns(P)
IIThe tmm has been Gone toll
e.
*wuro,
fay-an-aama
to\\om
go-Go-'l'ns (p)
IIThe town has been gone to"
In (69) too we ce.n say that the impossi~ility of passivi-
zation in 69d and 6ge is due to the fact that the
verb cannot be extended (*69c).
This is consistent with
a relational approach.
However, there is sorne counter-
evide4ce within the subclass of motion verbs.
For example,
Fulahas the follcwing paradigm with the verb tiind 'head
to', ~rhich serne.ntically involves more directionality as
, seen in (70).
294
.'- -
....~

---

l,
(70) a.
Aali
tiind-iima
':Turo
A.
head-to-Tns(H)
tOl-lIl
Il.:\\1i headed tOVlards tOlm ll
b.
.\\a.li
tiind-iirna
to
\\oruro
to
., .
,'.."'\\
head to-TnsOn
Pren totm
Post
li :\\1i
headed towards tOl·m"
c.
*Aali
tiind-an-iir.la
l·ruro
A.
head to-Go-Tns(H)
town
"Ali headed to tovm ll
As the examples in (70) show it the verb tiind- 'head to'
may be follOl'Ted by an unmarked locative NP ( 70a) ; or
an ad"os i tionaaly marked UP . ( 70b) ;
it cannot be followed
by a verb coded HP (*70c).
And yet, it can be passivized
as in (71).
(71) a.
l-ruro
tiind-aama
tO\\<m
head to-Tns(p)
IrThe tO\\<m is headed to ll
b.
*wuro
tiind-an-aama
tO\\<m
head to-Go-Tns (p)
IIThe town is headed to"
In the above examples, only the bare stem may be yas~ivized
(71n);
we cannot passivize the extended verb (71b).
There-
fore, there are verbs in the sarne semantic subclass as yah
'go' that do not have to be extended in order for their
complement }!P' s. to undergo passivization.
This is the
case in (71) above and (72) below.
295
".
J

---

( 72) a.
Aa.li
huee-ii
to
maayo
to
A.
go +'o-Tns '-4 )Prep
river
Post
"Ali Nent to the river"
b.
Aali
huee-ii
maayo
. A.
go to-Tns (A)
river
"Ali \\-lent to the river ll
e.
ma.ayo
huue-aa.ma
river
go to-Tns (p)
"The river is gone to ll
d.
?
J~ali
huee-an·di
maayo
A•.
go to-Go-Tns
river
IIAli went to the river"
..,-
e.
*maayo
huue-an-aama
river
go to-Go-Tns (p)
"The river is gone to"
Lilce tiind- 'hend to', h1lee 'go to' is also a verb whieh
only marginally allows the goal extension (72d);
yet
only its basic stem allows a elearly grammatical case of
passivization
(72c and *72e).
We also find directional verbs which only allow seriaI
(
constructions and Goal extensions as seen in (73) and (74).
(7;) a.
*Aa11
dog-ii
wuro
Ali
run-Tns(A)
tOt-m
"Ali ran to town"
b.
*Aa~i
to
wuro to
.,H'
run-Tns (A) ?reu to~m Post
296

---

"Ali ran to to l'm "
c.
Aali
dog-ii
fay-i
"TUro
A.
run-Tns(A)
go-Tns
tOl·m
"Ali ran to to,m"
d.
Aali
dog-an-ii
Huro
A.
run-Go-Tns(A)
tOl'm
"Ali ran to to,m"
(74) a. *Ae.li
moyl-ii
l'TUrO
A.
hurry-Tns(A) town
"Ali hurried
to tOlm Il
b. *Aali
moyl-ii
to
l'TUrO
to
. .'\\.
hurry-Tns(A) Prep
to,m
Post
"Ali hurried to tOlm"
c.
Aali
moyl-ii
fay-i
wuro
A.
hurry-Tns(A) go-Tns(A)town
"Ali hurried to town"
d.
Aali
moyl-an-ii
,1Uro "
".
"
A.
hurry-Go-Tns(A)
"Ali hurried to tOlm"
do~ 'run' and moyl- 'hurry' allow only two of the goal
locative constructions.
One Hith the goal extension
(73-74d) and one with a serial construciton (73-74c).
They
do not alloH adpositionally marked (73-74b) or urunarked
locatives (73-740.).
Noreover, only the d- sentences may
~e passivized, as seen in (75).1
297

---

(75) a.
t·rnro
dog-an-aa'11a
totm
l''.m-Go-Tns (p)
Il The
tmm he.s been run toll
b.
Huro
moyl -an-aaml:>.
to~-m.
hurry-Go-Tns ( p)
11 The
totm has been hurried toll
Under the ~romotion mnalysis, the advancement in these
types of constructions will look something like (76) and
(77) •
(76) a.
Aali
dO"'-ii
~,
fay-i.
tmro
A.
run-Tns(A) go-Tns(A)
tOlm
IIAli ran to town ll
b.
Loc--~DO
Aali
dog-an-ii
t·rnro
A.
run-Go-Tns(A)
tot-m
Il Ali
r!l.n to totm"
c.
DO--~Su
l-rnro
dog-an-aama
town
run-Go-Tns(P)
"The totm has been run to"
(77) a.
:\\ali
moyl-ii
A.
hurry-Tns (A)
go-Tns (ft.) tOt-m
"Ali hurried to to',.m"
Aali
!'1oyl-an-ii
t-tUro
A.
hurry-Go-'I'ns(A)
town
298

---

"Ali hurried to to.m"
moyl-an-aama
hurry-Go-Tns(p)
"The to'm HP..S hurried to"
The scenario in (76) and (77) is certainly correct since
we assumed in chanter 2 that the second verb in the serial
constructions has a prepostional value.
Therefore it
does not contradict the advancement analysis per se;
it
shows, however, a second source for the constructions
involving goal extension.
However there are cases where
the advancement analysis ~ '-Ieak.
These concern sentences
involving transitive motion verbs as in (78), (79) and
(80) •
(78) a.
ni
naw-ii
Demmba
'-TUro
l
take-Tns(A)
D.
tO'Wl'l
"1 took Demmba to tOlffi"
b.
mi
naH-ii
Derunba
to
'l,TUrO
to
l
take-Tns(A)
D.
Prep tmffi
Post
c..
* .
m~
na,.-an-ii
Demmba
.TUro
l
take-Go-Tns(A)
D.
"1 took Demmba to town"
d.
*mi
n~n.-an-ii
wuro
Demmba
l
take-Go-Tns(A) to,m
D •.
tlI tool<: Demmba to tovm"
299
,
- 1

---

(79) a.
mi
nel-li
Aali
Huro
l
send-Tns(A) •
..-....
tOlom
"I sent Ali to tOlm"
b.
mi
nel-ii
Aali
to
wuro
to
I
send-Tns(A)
A.
Prep town.
Post
"I sent Ali to tOl-m"
c.
*mi
nel-an-ii
Aali
'I-1u1'o
l
send-Go-Tns(A)
.
:\\
to\\-m
"I sent Ali to tOl·m"
d.
*mi
nel-an-ii
l'TUrO
Aali
l
send-Go-Tns (!l)
town
A.
111 sent Ali to tOlm"
(80) a.
Aali
yah-d-ii
e
Dernrnba
loTUro
A.
go-Com-Tns(A) Pre!,
D.
tOlom
Il Ali went to town with Detll!llba"
b.
Aali
yah-d-ii
e
Dernmba
to
A.
eo-Com-Tns(A)
Pre'!)
D.
Prep
~'TUro
to
tOlm
Post
"Ali l-lent to town 'ITi th Dernmbal!
c.
*Aali
yah-d-an-li
l'TUrO
A.
~o-Com-Go-Tns(A)
town
e
Dernmbs.
Prep
D.
"Ali l-lent to tOlom wi th Dernmba Il
300

---

/ '
.
"
d.
*i\\ali
yah-d-an-ii
e
Demmba
,rt.
~o-Com-Go-Tns(A) Pren
Dermnba
"Aali Nent to town t-Ti th !)emmba.Il
The starred c ê d examples
above show that whenever there
is another I!P precedin~ it, a ~oal locative cannot, be coded
by the goal extension 'an'.
They cannot be passivized
either,as seen in (81).
(81) a (i)
*wuro
tlaw-an-aama
Denunba
town
tllice-Go-Tns (p)
D.
IITo the town has been taken Dermnba"
a( ii)
*wuro
nal-l-aama
Demmba'
take-Tns(P)
D.
IITo the tot-m has been taken Dernmba ll
b(i)
nel-an-aama
~\\ali
.
tO'llm
send-Go-Tns(p)
'
h .
IITo the town has been sent Ali!'
nel-aama
Aali
town
send-Tns(P)
~
. .
\\
"to the town has been sent Ali"
*wuro
yah-d-'a.n-aama
e
Dermnba.
to~m
~o-Com-Go-Tns(p)
?ren
D.
"To the tol-m has been Gone l'li th
Dent!'1ba"
c(ii)
*Huro
yah-d-e.ama
. e
Dermnba
tO'llm
gO-Com-Tns(P)
Prep
D.
"To the tOl-m has been gone wi th Demmba"
:
,
301
!
1
'l1
1

---

Therefore, if we ~ostu~ate an optional aàvancement rule
for goal locati ves ~Te will have to aàà a condition on
tha.t rule sayin: something lilce:
an] 1!P to the left of
!!...1!..Oal-l~~tiv~_blocl~s its a7ailability toDO-hood.
Consequently, n rèlationally based analysis will have
shovm idiosyncrncies and ad hoc constraints thnt obscure
any attemnt at cenerality.
In R1.lITIITlnry of section 5.3.3, we have discussed several
motion verbs with emphasis on their ability to
(1)
to be able to taIce the goal locative
. -
extension an
(ii) to be passivized with or without this ex-
tension
(iii) to allow seriaI constructions
(iv) to allow a complement nre~ositional nhrase
The verbs discussed in this Dection fit into six classes,
as seen in the following chart:
302

---

transitive
takes an
passivizes
passivizes
uses
takes
uith locative
\\'li th an
vli thout an
serial
pp
Class
1.
ynh
-
+
+
-
+
+
'go'
2.
fay
-
-
-
-
-
+
'r,o'
3.
'tinnd
-
-
-
+
-
+
'heud'
VI
0
VI
4. huuc
-
'?
-
+
-
+
'Co'
5.
doC
, run'
moyl
-
+
+
-
+
'h6rry '
ya
's tep'
6.
nau
'taIre'" toi
+
-
-
+
-
+
nel
'send toi
yuh-d
'rro vli th'
--'-",,"..~-----,

---

Notice in the above chart that every clnss has a s~ecific
behavior.
Our discussion throughout these sections has sho~m
that Fula ~~P' s of different functions ma,. be p'assi vized.
'This is sununarized 'in (82).
(82) (i)
?atients
(ï)()'s)--~Subjects
(ii) Recipients (IO's)-~Subjects
(iii)Benefactives -----~Subjects
(iv) Locatives--~------~Subjects
Surely any relationallJ based analJsis will have to aSSQ~e
that all the non-basic DO's have been promoted to DO.
status at a certain point of the derivation before they
become subjects by pe.ssivization.
';le have shm-m tnp.t" this
object-creatin~ rule is not a unitary one.
It is an
oblieatory rule for some constructions; an optional one
for some others;
and it is so~eti~es blocked under certain
circ~tmstances.
It is also possible to add that not aIl
the advancement rules can be stated in terms of ~rammatical
relations only because a rule of the type LOC-+DO or
Ben-+DO is mixine both thematic and Grammatical relations.
Under the. transfomational analysis several of these
nroblems will not oceur.
For examnle, in (81), the loca-
tive N?'s are bloeked merelv becnuse of their
.
non-~ost-
.
verbal
nosition since onl] postverbal position NP's may
:?E\\ssivize.
'!'hus aIl th~ !'!P' s thnt ir.mtêdiately folloH their
verbs in (78), (79), (80), ~ay under~o passivization as
304

---

j',
seen in (81).
(83) a.
Dernmba
nall-arona
mIro
lo1uro
D.
t
take-Tns ( ? )
to',m
1
?reo
tOl·m Pos t J
"Denrnba has bfl fln tl'.ken to tOlm"
b.
A8.l i
nel-a2,ma
~
\\-turo
to
wu!'o
to}
A.
send-l'ns(i?)
to,m
1Preo tOlo1n
post}
"Ali has been sent'to tOl·m"
,..
Der.nnba
yah-d-aema
wuro
~.
l·turO
D.
go-Com-Tns(P)?rep to~mPost
"Demmba has been G'one wi th to to~m"
TIote that 83c (which is a passive of BOa) is the only case
of passivization directly from a prepositional phrase.
But, since the preposition must be ~ in this case, ue
su~eest modifyin~ our pas~ive rule to include this prepo-
sition.(see the~d~scussion belo~,).
Nonetheless, the
trensformational solution doesn't have certain -problems
which a relationally based analysis has.
This is mainly
,~. -""
due to the fact that, unli~e RG, TG does not claim the
existence of advancement rules.
1
305

---

/
So far, l have argued in favor of a transforMational
analysis of the passive constructions in fuIe..
This t-las
motivated by the fact that i t is ahTays the irnrnediate
postverbal rp of the active sentence that
May undergo
passivization, irres~ective of its sraMmatical f1L~ction.
Be have sho~'m that this is straig~tfo~Nard, especially
for Patient, Re~inient, and Benefactive NP's.
Eowever,
the apnlication of the transformational rule to goal
locatives needs further discussion.
The Question is:
Given rule (45) (modified as in (84)) how can we block
access to passivization of the goal locative~ which are
unmarlced or which are marked by aduositions as seen in
(85) e: (86).
(84) X
UTP)
V
( e )
!I?
"...
1
2
3
4
5
6
--~l 5 3+Pass 6
(85) a.
Aali
:reh-ii
Huro
- ;j
...
~o-Tns{~~)
tOl-m
IIAli went to totmll
b.
Aali
yeh-ii
to
t'TllrO
to
f\\..
'30-Tns ( .rI. ) Pren tot-m
Post
"Aali '\\-Tent to tO'\\om ll
c.
*',ruro
yah-aama
tOtm
go-'Tns-{P)
"'l'he tot-m has been (';one toll
306

---

d.
*to
Huro
to
yah-aaJ'llIl
Pren
toml
Pos t
go-fus ( p)
Il The
tOlm has been gone to"
( 86) a.
Aali
fay-ii
':TUro
A.
go to-Tns ( A) tmm
",ai Hent to tOl·m"
b.
Aali
fay-ii
to
wuro
to
A.
go to-Tns(A) Prep
town
Post
"Ali Hent- to to,m"
c.
*,TUro
fay-aama
town
go-to-Tris(p)
"The to,m has been gone to"
d.
*to
,TUro
to
fay-aama
Prep
town
Post
go-Tns(P)
"The to,m has been gone to"
The problem raised by these Goal locatives ties in nicely
with sorne other general issues concernins other unpnssiv-
zable verbs Hhich exist in Fula (see discussion below).
The second issue ,le 'Tant to discuss has to do ...li th the
level of explanatiory adequacy.
Hore s'Oecifically, ,Thy
can't He :nassivze an already "demoted" :1P, even vTheni'
urio:' to passive a'IJ'rJlication, this :TP is brought to
irnmediate 'Oostverbal uosition hy some kind of movement
. rule for eXB.l'IT!'le.
l
shall now first discuss the Droblem
. -
of unpassivizgble verbs.
,.'
307
_. __ ._. - . __
1;
_J

---

Fron a seman.tic T)oint of vieu, un?assivizable veres
are of tuo sorts:
the non-extended verbs of the 'ŒO'
tJl?e«85) and (86)), and another set of verbs '-Jhich
introduce the so-called ?redicate !Tominals.
The .laclc of
ability to nassivize the latter seems to be n universnl.
The former !'lay be a lan:uage specific phenomenon.
l'le
shall start uith the first one.
5.4.1.1
~?
comnlenents of ''!:o'
-- .....
--
~- ..
~.
- --- ..-. _.. -_._.- . - . - _._-
As it i5 stated, there 5eems to be no way to block
the nT)T)licnbilit~T
. .
,
of ~lle' (84) to sentences (85) Œnd (86).
ROl'lever, the un:rammatic(l.U t:; of( lOlc-d) El.nel (86c-d)
ShOHS th(l.t t~e comulement rp' s in these sentences cannot
be nassi 'lized.
One Hay to handle this, hm'Iever, is to
pro?ose that the unàerlyinf, forns of the a-sentences in
(85) and (86) is actually (850) and (86b), respectively;
,
and to pro~ose a io •••• to
deletion rule, Hhich optionally
deletes the adposit~ons.
The verbs '~o' and 'go to' them-
selves will be subcatesorized as takin~ PP's in the lexicon
as in (87) •
(87) a.
72,h,
V
fto-
~~p
to]
'PP
,.'
b.
fay,
Il
[to-
~!P
to]
P?
308

---

Given this su~:estion, nassive can be blocked if it is
ordered bp.fore the to~.-!..tQ. deletion rule.
Follol'1ing is a
enmule .derivation with !?h-
'~o'.
':'he bose ::n'ovides the uh:'ase Mar!{er (88).
(88)
1
1
D.
tJ
Given (88), we insert the lexical iteMs :rah '~o' and
~.r.2_ 'tolm', l·rhich 3ives (89).
s~
..-:>/
:
1J/ ."
11"0
;',.
pp
1
,
P
•
,'"
/ !'?
P
1
r
1
•
•
1
1
Â
:]'n.h
to
'\\oTUro
to
';"ie R!lply ?c.esive to (89).
Since it, does not meet the
Di)
of the P~ssive rnle (the verb is fol101.ed by a pp),
this one cannot a'Q~lJ.
~,1e
then aunl'T
. _ 0 '
the to ••• to• deletion
~~le which 3ives us (90).
(90)
,
Do
~'
309

---

(90) h['s the ri-:ht input
to the n~ssi'Te I"'lle but,
since the order is (1) Passive (2) 19~.. to deletion,
pe.ssive cannot a'I'Jply.
This is, of course, with the/
sti"Julntion that p8.ssive cannot occur t,·rice.
5.4.1.2
_
__
.. . -._.. ?redic~te
- - - - _.
noninals
..
Exam'I'Jles involvin~ predicate nominals are illustrated
by the follm·ring sentences.
(Cn) a.
omo
nannd-ii
e
g'.t.i j'o
he
resenble-~ns(~) ?re'I'J thief
"Fe resembles a thief"
b.
*~_tj jo
nannd-anma
thief
resemble-Tns(P)
"A thief if; resembled"
,·ron-i
kaangaado
o
Ll.
be-TnsUd crazy
Det
"~ernnba is the crazy onel!
o
HOn-allma
crazy
Det
be-'fus(P)
"The crazy one is been"
(93) a.
Aali
Hont-ii
!1'!baroodi
A.
become-?ns(A) lion
";Ui has become a lion"
310

---

b.
,fë1baroodi
Hont-'lana
lion
èecol'1e-~ns(P)
If:. lion has been become"
(94) a.
dum
jar-ii
teemedere
t~is
t·Torth-'.i:'nsL\\) hundred
"'l'hi sis t-Torth one hundred If
b.
*tee~edere
jar-aama
hundred
worth-lns(P)
The above examples contain a number of verbs that cannot
be passivized as seen in the b-exam~les.
Crosslinguistically,
several ~ro~osals hQve been sucgested
to
hnndle this t:?e
of verb;
anons theri is to add the feature -Passive
to
the entr;! of these verbs.
This does !lot explain t-rh:r
these verbs do not pnssivize howe7er.
Other solutions
have been mane elset-rhere.
In Anderson (1977), it is
su~:;;ested that r~?'s that iMl11ediately follot'T verbs lH.:e
!.~~emble, ~Ç!.ual , be, do not meet the seJ'~1:3.ntic condition
of IIt!1eMe ll •
'1ather, these ::?'s pre "chnracteristics •••
qualities or identities assigned to their subjects (p.
37d)lI.
For example, the readin~ of an Sn~lish sentence like
John_~~~'oles his_f~th~! includes D. fu...."'"l.ction liIre B3
(JO~~, FA?I~]), where the theme of the clause is JoP~
(Anderson, ibid.).
T~is is consiste~t with
the idea
that t:!1.e theme is to be fO'.l!'.d in the ..,ositio!l of t~1trisitive
direct objects or intransiti'le suh.iects.
The com!,lement
311

---

~!P's in eXBMnles (91)-(94) CRn therefore be treated
ns non-ttemrtic objects.
::owever, siven our defi"11·tion
of
passive ~iven st the besinnin~ of section 5.1, the
above b-sentences VIill beexcluded fro!"! the possible
uassive sentences in ?\\lIn, merely because the 'Terbs
involved ~re aIl one voice verbs.
5 .4..!-?~I')Motionl1 and_rule_ intere.ction
';le have shO\\·m in our discussion, that,
in ditrt'l.nsitive
sentences i t is only the Indirect Objects that may undergo
the rule of :"essivization.
'l'he innbility of the DO'S
(in this context) to be passivized was exnlained in
a relationaly based ar-alysis by the ~~L which states thnt
an lI? '"hose !!;r8lTlmD. tical rele. tion h?s been taken by ar..o";her
!~P will los e i ts orisinal GraT"J1'.~.t.ical reIn tion ann 'b~come
a IIchomeur ll •
The aues tion is nm·r, hO~'r fi. transforma tionlll
trpproach ~'rould deHl Hi th the fnct that J)()' s cannot be
passivized ~hen there is ~n indirect object in th~ sentence.
To answer this ouestion, '.re 1.ill examine the pronosed
transformational rule and its inter~ction with different
movement rules such as relative clause formation and
focus.
The f'olloHinG eXB1Tlples in'Tol'le focus cons tructions
where the focused ~plS are indirect abjects.
312

---

( 95) a.
(!co )
Derrunba
leeter
'?oe
D.
send-Tns(l) letter
!lIts to Derrunba that '\\li sent a letter"
b.
(ko)
Sir~_
su~caabe
be eopp-an-i
Foe
ehildren Det eut-Ben-CA)
ler1rl.e
Hood
IIIt's Sire thnt the children eut wood
fort!
e.
(lco)
Aal"1ndu
I:t:mmba
def-an-i
?oc
A.
i~
,
....
eook-Ben-?ns (A)
teeH
meat
"It 1 s ,\\mndu thll t Kur.unr.a cooked Meat for"
l~ote that Hh~n the ro's are fronted b:;- the foeus rule the
00 's surfaee QS iT."'.!1edia te ,",os t'rerbal 1:? 1 s;
and thus He
are left a",;::ün Hi th structures that satis fy the 3D of the
pRssive rule.
l:o':Tcver,
these DO's ep.nnot unèergo !'pssi',iza-
tion as seen in (9~).
-l:-(ko)
ûeT'UTlba
leet:er
neld-an
f.1oc
ù.
letter
send-'i'nz(?)
b.
-l:-{lco )
3ira
sukaabe
be
Foe
.7'
..J.
children
Det
ledJe
eonp-an-aa
\\-Jood
eut-Ben-Tns(P)
.'

---

c.
*Oco)
."' a!TIn du
teeH
def-an-s.:l
::'oc
::..
meRt
coolc-Ben-Tns(P)
3eel"1iI!(;ly i:1 the fo110HinG relative clauses (a-ext'll1l'!'les)
He car.not n~s:Jiv:i.~e the dir'3ct objects (b-e:mI'r.'11es).
(97) :? •
~eJdo
<10
Tr ~:lco
Hinnd-i
1eeter
nerson
:tI!:L
Ijl
- .
~'Tri te-Tns 1etter
0
yeh-ii
vet
80-Tn~
"':'he per50n to Hhor.l ?aldco ~'Trote the
1etter i5 gone"
!:10
leeter
o
~·Tinnr:l.-aa
nerson
R;~L
1etter
D~t
write-Tns(P)
yeh-ii
so-Tns (:\\)
"The ~erson to Hhom the 1ettp7'-~'es
Hritten·is ,!one"
(98) a.
hobbe
~e
r'''lhèo
0
roklr:-i
;~lests
:1~L
~ ~~~,pn
Det rive-Tns(A)
rlne.ro
1:0
m';)e1 t-iiMn.
ricl;!
Det
n1ellse-Tns(i!)
"'::'he -::uests the HOr.l:m sn.'Te the rice to
Here ,,>lee.sed ll
b.
be,
:'lllaro
rolck-aa
S'lests
:rSL
rice
Det
gi ve-( p)
mbelt-ii!"la
/
111ease-Tns(H)
314

---

Il~r.e :'_lests to ,·[tom the rice 'tTaS ,;iven
~'Tere ,!,le8sed"
(9?) a.
ra~·T?andu
ndu
suka
0
do~
~2L
child
Det
rrdd-an-i
ndi7.T?m
dam
yar-aan-i
brin s-3en-.l.
~'Ta t~r
Det
nrink-FBG-A
"The do~ t::'3 chilrl brouqht the- wa ter for
dic1n't drink ll
b.
*rawaandu
ndu
ndiyam
dp.n
doS
,Ta ter
Det
:ldd-an-aa
~Tr?r-aan-i
bring-:aen~?
érink-r:EG-A
"The dog thl1t the l-Tater wa.s brou:ht
for didn1t drink"
A relationall:T ba.sed analysis e::rnlain these facts by
sayine that the DC'~ in (97)-(99) are already "chomeurs"
a.nd therefore canno.t be p8.ssi vized.
This Ho,.tldn' t be
a major ~roèleM for the transforrnational analysis either,
"
if we an,!,eal to sone asnect of the ~xtendedStandard
Theorj" (2ST);
nemel:r t~e trace theorj".
,\\ccording to this
theory, every ~~le that movesan iten from an obli;atory
cate~ory leaves a trace;
and this trace behaves with
respect to ~lrther rules a.s if the item moved were present.
As Chomsley nuts it "the position vacated remains in the
abstract representation and influences subsequent rules
as p.n l~P l·Tith lexical items does."
(Chomsky, 1977b:15).
'315

---

HOH does this reIn te to the facts of ?ula?
:\\s l-le sugges ted
at the be~innins of this section, both focus and relative
clause fO!."!'lD.tion s.re r.lovem=mt rules in Fule>..
30, "Then these
rules a~:JlJ to s structure lilce (100) to :nove ?'TP2' He
assUr!e, f0110Hinf'; the theor:r of tr'lce, that the noved
~? s~ill ~e~?ins i~ tte abstr2ct r~n~esentation, as in (101)-
focus- :md (10~)-reIn ti ve c 130115 e- loTh er~ they nre re!Jres ented
by a t.
(100)
v
il?l
V
;, r>
~Tn
1\\.
.'. 2
" 3
,,-
(101)
(1co)
]T;">
y
]ln
Il
.. .., 1
t
"P
.. 2
... 3
(102 )
;T-;>
R::<:L
:<
~.T'O
Il
t
'.Tp
., 2
"'1
.', '3
Therefore, '..re cS.n see \\-Th"
.,
He cannot a~ply passive to MOTre
EP3 in st!"'lctur~s li1{e (101) and (102).In these
st::-uctllres jTP3 i5 not in i:-:rrnediate ;Jostrrerbal !Josi ti<"'n
since this nORition is still occupied by the trace of rP28.
':!e beç.;nn this chrl-cter b:y definin: fula -cessi ve
sentences.
rl'he imnortant thin::; He ha'le discoyered i5 that
a -pessi're senteT1ce should ahTf.l.~:"s co"t.:'lin l1 ?-inflected
verb Hhich ~lst he related to a corres!Jondin~ active and/
or niddle tre.nsiti're verb.
:'Te::<::t, our comne.rison betl·reen
e relationnl n~d a trnnsfomation.?l a;:>~r08ch' to Pula
passirres has lad to the folloHin~ conclusions~
316

---

'r~ouCh a rel~tio~ally hnBe~ anal~Bis succeeds
in ~~kin~ Bone
~00d nredictions ~bo~t the bRh~vior of
?u.lil. :;?lS (e •.~. ~~-::.tl'.ctic['ll~T,
rccinient ??'s function
as basic:: JC's and c:(moted -:)['..tient ;.7?'s c.".n !"l0 lonr;er
.unc1er-:o ~ost of the. s7rntnctic 1?rocGsses ~'lhich basic DG' s
norr,'nll~7 u.!:.('er~o •• etc.), l ,·!Ould lE:e to c1aim t;:at the
stntenent of the ?uln "pfl.ssi'Te'ru.le in relational tems,
as a r.tle l·rhich advances Direct Objects to subject
status
is toc strong, b3cause its 10:ic8.1 in:!)lications
incluèe se'TP-r~J.1 shortco!"lin:::-s.
1\\ n(>.1::sive ~üe of the
t:7'!'e DC--~.su îm"(Jli'ls indeed, as He ha,re s~mm for Pula,
the existe~ce of scenRrios like (103) involvins the ~osit­
in~ of l'.n internedi:üe str:'l.'3e of 00 cre8tinr; r'.l1es.
(1:)3)
o..
IO-otL:'O .•~Su
b.
"3en-"ùO-~0U
c.
Loc-.,OO-+,:lU
':le shoHed that the
above in termedia te :') t~.=es .Tere not
so
cler.r :mc1. indeed, invol ved s p-verl1l idios~rncracies.
In
:!,:.:o.rticulnr, the DO creatin-::; rule has to oe oblii!atory for
sorne verbs and orytional for sone others.
This indeed
Incks cener8lit~.
--On the other hand, a transfor~o.tional an~roach
clearly captures the f.<:lct. thnt, irresnective of the f1.1nc-
tion of the noun ,hrase, it is ahrays the immedie.te post-
verbal nosi tion l-1hich undersoes passi'Tization.
This. 'frees
.
317

---

U3
from the
obliGation or statin0 idiosJ~cratic inter-
Me~i~te sta~es in the derivation, as required by a rela-
tional a!1,!,roach.
;[oreo'rer, ~'rhen :o1e
llPoeal to sorne asnects
of
~3T, we can reuch a satisfactory desree of explanatory
adeQuac~r, as to Hhy s()!Tte I~F' S C9.nnot under(So passi vization.
"
318

---

- - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - -
?'OO'!::OT3S -
Chs:o ter 5
1-rot all nns'si ve-inflected 'Terbs carr~r a
~~~nin~, in the sp.nse nefi~ed in section 5.1.
This i5
tha case for nRssive-inflected v~rbs which Rre also one-
voice verbn RS i~ (104)
(lOt) a.
haanf,-ee-de
'to be foolish'
foolish-P-I:1f
b.
*ha~n~-aa-de
foolish-"j-Inf
c.
*haans-0-de
foolish-A-Inf
The a.bove verb l?11o\\-13 onl~ uas s i 're infle c tions •
Thus,
a sentence lÜ'.:e
(105)
'\\8.li
haan:;-aena ",ai becarne foolish"
\\..
foolish-P
does not im~ly an aô;ent, as tile sentences in (1) do.
There-
fore, our definition will exclude sentence (105) from pos-
sible Fula passive sentences.
3entences of this type,
however, have a stctive meeninG.
2- 2asic DO's are the sernantic ~atients found in ba9ic
sentences;
"ne.mely, affirnative neclarative ones contain-
ing only cOT".nonl~T occurrinc; ~'rords Ilnd nor~hernes and Hhich
contain LO other sentences as proner sub~arts and no
?TF' s as rro,!,er n,-~bn1.rts 0 f °";her I~P 1 Sil (Keens.n, 1'1.. S.).
3- The te~ hiera.rch~~ has to be unders tood in r:eenan
and Comrie's sense.
In Keenan ~nd r-onrie (1972) it i5
su~zested that syntactic ~rocesses be sensitiveto the
follo,·rinr; hierarchy:
SU~DO~IOqObj of ?r~"9qPOSS HF;}
Obj of con':1H!'ison (",here 9'
means f':!'eater or equal in
o.ccessabili t:r).
:;'or exar.mle, a'!'!Jlied to the issue of
319

---

Passive,
the hierR.rchy imn1ies tha..t the 10Her an KP i5 in
the hierarchy,
the h~rder it ls to subjectivize.
11._ 1 t
is C01'T'mon to finn a Il chone'.lr" which no lon,?"!r
under~oes the syntactic ~rocesses it used to un~er00 before
its deMotioT'..
For exannle, after Dp.tive has an!,lied in
Bnhasa. Inoonesi~n {Ghun~, 1976), the 'mder1~Ting De no
lonc:er beh:w~s li1<:e D. direct object.
It fails to under,,:o
aIl the sY:1.tnctic nrocesses suecifie to b['.sic DO'S, such
os ~D.ssivizntion, reflexivization, obj~ct prenosin~, rela-
tive c1a'lse formation,
etc.
Instead, it iD the nerived
DO (i. e. the orip;nnl la) whieh now lmder,:oes these -proces-
ses.
(;o1'T'nareo to this, ~-1e hnve to 8dmi t
that the stetus
of the "chomeur" in ?ula is l'ether loos~;
its crucial
ch9rBcteristics bein~ the 105S of the sbility to undergo
!,nssivization.
5-The indenendence of transformational rules from
gram.'l1atic::tl re18 tions is vridely ngreed upon.
HOl,rever,
i t is imnortp.nt to mention the reT!lsrlrs ma.de in !~nderson
(1977) (see also Chomsky, 19~) concernlng this matter:
in Chomelc:rl s '-Tork i t is cl~"r th'3.t the notion "Sllbject"
a-ppeers in the theory under the ":':'-pecifien Subject
Condi tion".
This,' hOHever, does no t ha!'T'1 our idea sinee i t
i9 'still t!".le thnt the notion II~~l1bj~ct;" doc.s not a:9!,82r
in the structur2.l 1~scrintions of 1ndividunl transforma-
tionsl rules, lil<e
the :2ule "pflssive rule.
6- The ontionality of the ~? in subject nosition
is l'1e~nt to t::p.nture innersona1 constructions
.such ns:
(i)
to~-ii' e
n--:es-nm
Pren fielr3.-my
.. ,
"It rained on MY field"
( ii) hirr-ii
ni~ht- 1.
"It 113 nisht"
320

---

7-~.ctua1l7! i t is believed th::>t 10~nti~Te I:? 1 S may
be subjectivized directly (in !'101"le lo!1[':unges
r·ri thout
PJl inte~~ediate st~r.e of ~ro~otion to direct objl'}cts.
8-CbTliously, i-t in 0.150 'Cossible to eXl')l~in the
1
same facta by siM,!,ly snyin::,: that rules c-pnly once ner
clc.use.
;,150, npszi'1e ~_ede~ relsti~Te clause fOrlation
~nd focus as it hp3 a s~Aller dorn~in (~, not 3).
321

---

On Cr.usp.tives
of exnressin[! cl1usntion: Eln"llytic (or syntr.ctic), :1loMholo-
gical (or s~~thetic), ~nà 1exicn1 (:hib~tDni,1975 ; Comrie
forthcoming) •
In r.m "nalyticnl c:msntive construction .<1 regular
s,.ntt1ctic device is :lsed to form ~om?lex sentence~ out 0:'
d::1?le;~ ones ~·}i thout f ...:sing ~c,~ethcr the predicatcs of these
sentences.
'i":1is is illustrnted in the fuI:" ex~mples belo"'.
(1)r>.
ni
Î
.. D
b
Hnc.- 1.1. ' am" ."l
hnn1- de fen~Ande
l
mr.ke-~ns
sr;er?k-Inf
lie
,. l
ffii'.de Demmb~ tell A lie"
b. r:{,l"'.ffiI"Ùi
\\'J.<,J- ii
Bilf181isood-
de mbabba
buy- Inf ,donkey
" 22r:lffiflè.i l':1:>de Bil~.".li bl,;.Y l''! donkey'~
c.
de
you n.'\\ke-'~ns me
ft'll-Inf
'You mp.de ::te f,"'ll"
In [1 nor,hologicel c.<1usetive the predicRte of A simplex
sentence under~oes some derivationp.l ?roces~es without a
sepnrately expresseà uredic[1te of cnus~tion.
'?hls ls i11us-
322

---

trnted in the ~~'.11r>. eX8n"!)les belol••
(2) c.
:~ori
hplj- in - ii
knn
bother-C~us-lns ~e
" ;)ori is botherin,s ~e"
b.~:>~r.1bf-l
y~r- n - ii
culcl1el n.:;el
ndiynm
~ri~c-C~u3-Tns child Jet
"5:<un."1.b~
r:lnde the child drilLe ':In ter:r
N
c. n ".1""1':'1- in
no
e8 t- C.".us
hi~
It is ~enerqlly t~te, crosslinguistic:,lly, th~t formAti0n
of nn:>lytic c:,us::lti ves like (1) above is cOMpletely p!'oduc-
tive while the deGree of ~roductivity of mornholoc,icnl
c~us9tives like (2) v~ries ~roM lansunge to l~nbURge ( cf.
Comrie,forth).
Lexical causatives are hy defin~tion non-
produc ti ve.
In this ch~'9ter l Hill examine the syntBctic r.nd se-
m~ntic properties of the ?uln cnusative constructions seen
in (1) and (2).
r~e first part copsists of two sections •
. First, we will e~am1n6 the constrnints on cpusative cons-
tructions: then, ~o[e ~'Iill discuss hoh' Fula c8usr>ti ves inval-·
idAte or support different clnims made in linguistic theory.
The second pt'lrt l-till discuss the ser:lantic difference between
the two strategies of caus8tion used in Pula.
323

---

6.1
.\\ syn tl1 c ti c antllysi s
In ch~pter 2 (section 2.4.1.2 ) we ~entioned
that
1
"
the putative c~usative mnrker in Fula is n/in
as seen in
the example (2) above.
'.Ie also shuweG. that, under certain
circumstnnces, the instrumental m3rker r/ir c~n have a
clilusative re'!dinr,:.
HOI'lever, this reading is V'3ry rnRrked
and only found in sorne focus constructions.
The causative
reading of instrumentaIs is nlso constrained by selectionsl
restrictions on the ir-mnrked HP's.
For nore detAi1 on this
issue the render m~y refer to chnpter <.
~s for the onalytic causntive, example (1) indicates
2
that they are formed by the juxtnpcsition of two or more
verb81 elements that are separable words ~s seen in the
structure in (3).
( 3)
Hal••••••• '/-::1B
( m:lk e. • • • • •• V3RB ).
Furthe~ore, the second verb~l elenent always ~pneprs in its
infinitivnl rom) •
In the remninder of this chapter we will concentrate
on the unrn8rl{ed affix:Jl ctlusll.tive n/in
and its perisphrastic
equivalent.
6.1.1
Constraints on c!>usp.tive constructions
~'le s('\\.iè. earlier thpt, crossli.'1i;Ui~ticn.lly, formation
of p.n~ljtic causativesis genernlly ~roductive but the pro-
ductivity of mo~holo~ical c~usatives varies from language
324

---

to l~neu~Ge.
?or ex~mple Sn~lish ?nd ?rench h~ve nroductive
.
::'!lrl.1ytic crustltives ( Ussen, 1974
, Givon, 1975 b). 'Iurkish
h~s p nroductive mornholo~ical c~usntive (~iseen, 19?u'. 3ut
in J~n~nese both the productive ~nd lexic~l cousntive Rre
mC"r:>holoCic:llly l"l~r!{eè (Shibatrmi, 1975 ).
In FuIs the
di'Tision bet;leen c:"'usrtives 'ihich r,re fJroductive/non-produc-
tive (i.e lexic::'1 4 ) is "98r~lleled by causatives
exnresserl
by :mc.lytic ::'nd :"1o!'1?r-olo~icc-l rlepns.
'~.e degree of proè.uc-
tivity of l:'tll~ cr'us!'!tives
'·lil1 be deter::J.ined b1 lookinr:
~t the constr?ints in~olved i~ their inter~ction with the
voice s:rstem, the vel'b~l extensions, cond the scope inter?re-
..
t~tion of ~dverbs.
é.1~1__
C"!.us:1tiviZ;[l.ti0!l &: voi~~
';", h?ve se:en in ch:'.T-Jter 1 thnt ?,.ü::t verb stems c:m be
clessifiod accordin~ to the ty?e of verb they mny tpke.
~or
eXf.l::lple, sone verbs cron occur in 211 three voices in their
bp.sic foms as see~ in (u).
U~)n. suud- (li - de
hid~- •
" - Inf
"';0 hide"
(tr:1nsitive)
b.
suud- Ml -
de
hide-
Inf
"to hiè.e 11 (intrRnsitiv~)
c.
suud-
ee
- de
"To be hidden"
hide-
-Inf
325

---

ochers 0ccur onl:r in t~!O voices "lS see~l in (5) •
( 5) [' • ..1
nr f11:1-
0-
de
e::>t- ,\\ - :nf
"To e~trl
,.,
.
b. n::'SM-
ee - de
e·:' t-
Inf
""
c.~:·nRam- an- de
ent- J.! - In:
ln (5) p,bove , the ste?TI n[!~m-
'eot'
~lloH only Active (511)
11.:1d paosive voice (Sb).
It does not :;110'''' ~:. Middle voice
ns seen in ~:'5c •
There :;.re ~.lso verbs thnt occur in one voice only:
(6)~. h:~n~ - ee - de
foolish-
f- Inf
;1 '::'0
be foolish"
b. hoo;t: ee -de
hun::;ry-ë=-Inf
rr '~'o b e hungry ,.
nicle- ~ -Inf
"~o he sicle"
(7)a. l.~an- ~a- de
sI ee'O- i :-Inf
"'j'o 81 eep '1
,. .
. 326

---

~~,~.. -~, ~
y
b. r.looyt- a.~ - de
s~oek-
- Inf
':.'0
stock;!
e. ciurr.'li t- ~n- de
clenr -
lf":'Inf
one':::
tr:ro::! t
;":10
cler..r one' s thro~t"
(8)~. hol- 0 - de
l ..... el~
Inf
elothes
"1'0 l:ocl<: clothes"
b. Mun- 0 - de
? 8 ti ent-.'.-Inf
f:~O be na.tient::
liGht- A-Inf
·'To be lirrht"
~ll the Rbove ex~nples contAin stems ~hieh only oeeur in
one voiee in their br-sic forms: the ~~ssive (6), middle (7)
l".Jld D.etive voiee (8).
It is interesting to note thf:.t~
e~uSRtion in ?ul~ is ~ensitive to the above subdivision
of ver:' steëls.::hile there i~ no problem in c11usativizinl3
1'l.etive verbéin their basic ster.tsHith both strA.tegies of
cnusation, cnusRtivizin~ mid~le ~nd ~a~sive basic stems
is only possible with periphrnstic crusative as will now
be diseus~ed.
327

---

6.1.1.~.~
Cnus~tivi~~tion & nctive voice
Active verbs can becnus~tivized by the morphologicel
and nnfllyticd c!)usr>tives.
This \\dll be illustrated below
by sentences cont~ining intr~nsitive ~nd tr~nigtive verb
stems.
(9):>.
Aali
hol
-ii
lAck clothes-Tns
!' ;'Ali
Incks clothes"
b. mi wad -ii
~ali
hol
-de
l
m~ke-Tns
lAc~{ clothes-Inf
"1 m~de :cli lack clothes"
c. mi
hol
-n
-ii
Anli
l
lock clothes-CRus-Tns
" l r:1t'de Aa.li 11.ck clothes"
(10) n.
':'akko
•
hllfll
-il
goongR
speak
-'Pns
truth
!'
Tl'!kko
told
the truth"
b.
mi \\~aJ-
ii
T:>kko
hanl-
de goonga
l
make-Tns
r
say- Inf
truth
:1
l made Takko
tell the truth"
c.
mi
haRl
- n
- ii
Takko goonge
l
speak- Caus-Tns
truth
rr
l made Takko tell the truth"
The above a-examples contain basic active sentences.
These
328

---

sentences have been cf.lusativized by the analytic strategy
in the b-exRmples; and, by the morphological
strategy
in the c-examples.
In aIl CAses both str~tegies produce
~rmnmatical sentences.
6.1.1.1.2
CRusqtivizAtion & non-qctive voices
Unlike active verbs, middle qnd
passive verbs cannot
becRusativized in their basic stems by the morphological
causRtive, i.e. there seems to be El total incomp~tibility
between the causative extension Rnd non-active inflections 6.
This
i5
discussed in the two follcwing sections by ~xnm­
inine
the inter~cticn of m1ddle ~nd pAssive voices with
cR.usation.
6.1.1.1.2.1
C~us~tivization & middle voice
In their simplex foms, the stems dnr- "stop' A\\}d
" . ,.:'
dRf.ln- 'sleen' c~n only oocur in the middle voice as seen
in (11) below.
(11) (i)a. de~m-
de
sleep- il -Inf
"To sleep "
b.·:~ dp.a.n- ee - de
sleep-
P - Inf
c • .;, d.'lan- ~
-de
l,
sleep-A - Inf
329

---

ston - J.l -Inf
"To ston "
b.-::- drr- ee - de
stop- 1'- Inf
c.-::- d:1r- 0 -de
sto'J- A-Inf
~e .,bove tl/O stems C!'~ only be C[-lu~::-tivized by the p<'ri-
,.'
phrl'stic cFiusa ti ve (while mdnt?ining
middle infl~ctions)
~s seen in the following exeMples.
(12)~. ARli
dar- iimn
11
·.~li sto'?'?ed"
b. mi
~'IPd- i i
~nli d~r- ~a - de
l
ëlpke-Tns
stop-:: -
Inf
C.
AC.li
d:::.nn-
iimr'.
sleep-
H
., .\\oli is sleepinr.;·'
è. mi
.·,l'>..d-
1
mske-Tns
sleen-l:- Inf
~r l l:ll).de ".nli
Jleep"
(13)a.* mi d~r- n - iinp
~Fli
stop-Cnus- H
,. l nnde \\Rli stop"
330

---

b."::" !hi
l
sI eep-Cpus- ';ns
" l
mrde ""li sIee;> 0'
:::X('l::l'Jle (1~)
s:'1o';s thnt i t is possible ~o c!'us::,tivize middle
verbs Hith the peri·~hrr..stic str1tl;S"'J H~1ile m~i::ltn.inin8
niddle inflections.
On the other hr.!1d, '.ve f,et u:1grn~'1I"1?tical
sp.ni;ences vlr.. en ,·:e use the norpholoCSicnl c~urr.'tive Hith rniddle
inflections ( cf • .::. (13)
).
The ser:.tences b
(13) becone
. gr~'lr.t~t:l..csl hOVlever, Hhen ':Te s':bsi;itute ~ctive tenses for
the niddle ones,
~s seen in (1u).
( 1IL) n.. mi
dar-
n- U
"'lli
l
sto~-' Cnus-Tns
:.
l
~n.de ,\\ ," li stop:'
b. ni t~l".l1 - in - ii
·',n.li
l
sleeo- Cp.us-~ns
" l
nade '.8::'i sleeo"
c. ~:. mi
cf.um-
n - i i
ARli
l
sleep-Caus- ~ns
" l made :'.~li sl eep ll
-:ote in the .'3bove e:~::'m"oles that the ste!7l for sleep cf'!~n-
hr?s under!!,one some mOI'T-'holoSic,~l ch:once foll01o/ina; i ts•
causp..tivizntion (cf.
1~b
);
thllt is, i t cn.nnot op',:-e3r in
i ts original s";ïnpe ':,'i th a lon,ç vowel (cf. ,:. 14c).
7his
sort of ~~~nge is not soecific to middle verbs only however,
.'
fiS
~-!ill be sho~m 13ter.
331

---

6.1.1.1.2.::
Cnus~tiviz~tion & n,s~ive voiee
1ike niddle verbs, verbs that oeeur in the nrssive voiee
ennnot be e~us~tivized by the morpholo~ie~l str~te~~.
~~ey
enn only be c:JUsf'tivized by the ,eri:Jh!'''!.stie e:-,us!Jtive as
seen beloN.
hc.nnr:--
n,~.M~
foolish- P
",l'li beearne
foolish"
'0. roli Hr>d-
ii-l".li
h~['nR- ee - de
l
mnlce-'Ens
foolish- P -!nd
:'I eeused Aali to beeome
foolish"
o
•
"A:üi is hungry Ir
~'
r " . l'
.~. nJ.
"'flC1-
1.1. '.:J
1.
hooy - ee - de
l
~r>ke-'ms
hun.7;ry- r -Inf
" l e.'1used .... di to te hungry .,
( 16 '• ~. ..",<
'
::11.
hn~n~-
n
- ~'1n~
Adi
l
foolish-C~us- P
"
QS
in 15b"
b. ~~ mi
hoo] -
n - ~l1m2
~91i
.J.
hW1gry-C~us-
::>
l '
35
in 15d '1
332

---

:.!hile the ~n~lytic cnUS:'\\.tivp- is veT"":J 9roducti'Te Hith
P-inflected verbs (cf. (1S) ), the nOT?hologic~l c~us~tive
is incor.t?n.tib:ie uith these ( cf. -::-( 16) ).
':'he sentences in
(16) beco!te srr-runn.ticü hONe'Ter, Hhen ~re substitute active
inflections for the 1')f'.ssi ve ones DS seen in (17).
(17)~. ni h,,?ngd - in - ii
A~li
l
foolish- Caus- Tns
" l cDused Anli to become
foolish"(cf.1Sb)
b. mi hoo:r- n - ii
A.nli
l
hungry-CQU3-Tns
:r
l C:1US ed ,~"li to be hungry " (cf. 1Sd )
A.f.<'lin note thnt ::> sim"Çlle causative derivt'.tion from the bp.sic
stem h:".~n"- "be foolish ,: is not ?~'_':7litted.
'l'bis process
reouires 8. [ - insertion ~s lleen in 17a.
'.le hp.ve e.lready
"
mentioned a similar irre~~l~rity Hith bRsic middle 1c~bs
(cf. (14)).
~e Hill come bnck to this issue in ~ l~ter
section.
6.1.1.1.3
Discussion
The precedin~ sections have shown that the analytic
strategy is totally productive with respect to the Pula
voice system. On the other hand, the use of the morpholo-
gicnl causative is restricted
'"
despite its ap~arent pro-
ductivity N'ith sorne active verbs.
333

---

'rhe previous cn3lysis revea1s t~o ns~ects about
~o~ho1o~icR1 causation:
-
~
(1)- There nre verb st3ms th~t recuire adài~ional moroho-
logical ?rocesses l'lhen cn.usativizerl .ri th the morpho~
logical strnte~J.
(ii)-Hidd1e rT'J.d pr.ssive
inflected verbs 2nd :!ffixnl causrrti-
ves Rre incomp~tible.
We shG11 no~ look rt these noints sep~r~tely.
' .
,,;"
6.1.1.1.3.1
::oroholordc::Jl irreml1r->rities
'='he i::,reGUlaritiee •encountered Hith some midè1? and
passive ve::,bs nre not restricted to these verb Zorr.ts on1y.
Indeed, simil."r irrer:;u1nrities are found in nctive cRusative
verbs ~s ~ell, JS exenrylified be1ow.
( H3) rt.
hu1
- rt - de
nfNid- A - Inf
To become f!'i[':hteneè."
b. .::. hul-
n -u
de
~fr~id-CRUS
- In~
n""o fr i cht en"
c.
hu1b
- in - de
n.frr-id-Cnus-Inf
'To fri8hten"
,y
n:<1'.l
-
il! - de
el?t - A - Inf
"
'1'0
e
/
11. t
,.
334

---

b •.::.
-in -Inf
el)1; - Cous -Inf
"
'.:'0
feed "
C. nrrrl -
in - de
e~ t- C".us- Inf
"<::'0 fep.à "
o - de
ste; over ni~ht- A -Inf
':~10 stf'.] over nir.rht "
-n -u - de
st~j over ni~ht-C~us- Inf
"'='o c~use to st:oy over ni~htll
c.
~::111 - in
o - de
- C~.us- A
-In:'
"
" '~o lenve (:' mei'l ) over nie;ht"
(21)[\\.
hpd -
o - de
SDe~;{-
A - Inf
" ~o sT)e~l::: rr
b. h~~l-
n
- u -
de
sne~k-Cpus-
-Inf
c •.;:. h··.H
- in
o - de
speck- Cpus- A ~
!nf
335

---

f:111-A - Inf
Il '1'0
f :111 11
b. '::-;[::-.11- n - u-
de
t~ll-CHus-
Inf
"To cpuse to fRII"
.
"
c. ynr.d
- in -
0 - de
f~ll- C~us-
A - Inf
"
'::'0 cause to f~ll'!
Hote that aIl the above exam':)les contain acti're verbs.
Yet,
sever~l unpredictable ?rocesses are involved in the deriv~­
tion of morphologicnl cnusatives from ~implex verbs.e.g.,
consonrunt insertion (cf. 18c ~.11d L2c), vowel reduction
followed by u consonnnt geninntion (cf. 19c and 20c).
The
~~predictability of these ~roces~es is even more pp?3rent
,:hen tore COT1o.~re 20b/20c to 21 n/.?1 c.
The stems waal-
'stt'tj' overnir;:ht' and halll-'speak' bnsically hDve the
sane syllnble structure.
Yet, Hhile tHO c8usative for::1.s
may be deri ved f!'on the former, i t is not Dossible to do
so from the lntter (cf.,:· 21c).
'l'herefore, He conclude
that
the seening~y ~roductive n-forrJ c~us:1tive Must in
mnnJ cases indic~te lexic~l cnus~tives. 7his 13 fi confi~ntion
?f the hypothesis th~t 18nrrup-ges cont~in both lexical ~nd
non le~ic~l c~us~tives which ~~y be norpholo~icnlly in-
distinct, i. e. rei)resented b:r :? ~inslè '~."9ûnrently productive
,..
morpheme ( Cooper, 1976).
"·.ctu~ll7T we ".;ill suggest in l'.

---

/
- ,..
l!':ter section th~t these irrei7UIG!'i tiez te h"ndled by
enter:'n.s ~ulr !"o~holo,":ic~l c.".us:,tives in the lexico!l.
Their relrtio!lsai? to the corres?ondinG non- crus~tive veres
~dll :,e c~utured b:,r qer'nc of le;dcr-l redunè.."ncy rules
(cf. section 6.Î.~.3.1.~ ).
6.1.1.1.3.~ Cri the non-caus~tiviz~tion o~ ~!'~sive 0:
~ctive sentences
':'he i:"'.'"Jossibili t~! to c~:1Us!1tivize middle rnd "9"sd \\"e
inflected veè'os :,1::0 reve~ls the non- ··')roducti vi ty of the
. :.ï'ul"'. :-:10!"')t1010r;ic:cl strnte·:;-::.
nOHever, this restriction on
non-?.cti..,e verbs c:-n he sho~"n to be indo~en.den'C of the voice
system itself sinc3 there :J.re r.ctive sentences lThieh c~nnot
be c:'.usr'tivi::eC: (cf. s:::ction 6.1.1.1.3.3).
In :'~.ct, the
~bilit7 of a verb sten te underco cPUS:-ti7i~~tion fenends'
I)~l tl'e number of ~r:U::lents i t cnn t:'!ce.
'.L'his 'Till be r1.is-
c'.lsred in ;'lore è.eT)t~1 in se~tion 6.1.1.3.4 •
On the non-cousativizrtion of so~e
.. -- '"T-----.--
.-
n.ct~'Te se,·ltences
. l n ~
~':J. l Ft,
~h
u
e e
r "re
"
sorne c1·;tr".n~;tive
_....
_...
sentences th~t
c~nnot be c~us~tivized by the ~o~r-ological strGtegy. These
p.re Cl'!.se~ of "hr:tt hr,3 boen cnlled 'c!'1.ts".tiva blockr'.~e'
( COl'lrie, 1976 ), G. '0henomenon ",hich He Hill disctlss It'.ter.
Por now, let me illustr~te it ~s follo"s:
,. -,../
337

---

(23) ....
A.... l i
M~~ro
;;ive-'~n~
:-ue s ts
r:'e e
Il
:.·1i s~.,e the ["lests riee"
holl- i i
.:"1i
shm'~-'::1S
"".':".1i sr_ol'Ted ~; ·....1 i the ~.loon~:
'. ~ 1 i ro::::u-
de hobb e
n!"'.n.ro
l
~ive- Inf
fUests riee
~:T r.1:1de ',:>1i :'Tive the ':11ests riee ll
b. r;1i lj ....d- i l ·.nU hollu- de
;;:,2i le1'lru
~ho~r-Inf
noon
"1 n~<le ',:,1 i ShO~l :):,li the r.loon"
(2.5):,. ..;:.. ;;'li
ro!c!{-
in
- ii 1.['li hobbe m!,;1.ro
1
:~i ve- Cnus- l';ns
,?Ues ts
riee
:t ... f'lI
,'.v
in 24:1 "
b. .;:.. ~'1i holl- in - ii
l e1'1!'U
.,
ShOil- C""ls-'.!.'ns
-
r.loon
Il
r:s in 2!'.b fl
'l'he unrr ~~':l"r' t i e ['1 i ty of the se;}tenees in (;:.5) sun~orts the
hynothesis susgested in the -ryreeedinr:- 36etion thR t· ",oi l"e
i5 not the deter::linin~ f'?c~or of e~us'?tive b1oekar,e.
':'he
eXf:l:71,les in (23) eontnin b~sie ditr:,nsitive sentences. 'de
~lrendy ~now th:,t the verbs in these sentences recuire
n fixed Hord order.
The ex.:>..."1ples in (.24) shoH thnt the
sentences i::1 (?3 ) c:m be c'?u5:"tivi~ed by the Rnr.':':ytic
strrte3Y'
In (25) hOHever. it i5 seen that
i t i5 not
338

---

,ossi'ole to c~usntivi=e the sentences by ~e~ns of the Bf~
::'i:~n.1 c:1us.-,tive. ':"'his can oe e:ql1'1Ïi1er c..s fo:!.lot-ls:c~usr!ti-
vi~ation is ::>loc!~ed in (2$) oecr'tlse ';he .:tem rokJc- 'gi ve'
r.nd hol1- 'seou'
'1110ï'1 only t~l.L'ee r,r'":'UI.1ents.
r~"his constr"int
is violnted in (~$) hOllever, 'oecnuse the cnusative extension
recuires t'.n "ddi tion::-l '1r(P..U"'!ent ,;hich ':ot".ld incre~se the
n:I!!ber o~ f'.!'?1-'1.e!1 ts to 1'our.
Further evidence in sU"J"1ort of our clnin ma,. 'oe found
in the cnusativi~r.tion of intrnnsitive sentences (27) which
~ay be considered ns c~usative en~ni1r.1ent
of transitive
ones( 26).
(26):,\\. 0en'7''o1?
l·rar- ii soondu
kill-'l'ns
bird
" DetnT:lbn hns killed ;:1. 'oirdll
b.
:.["li
he1- i i
knll.s
bre~c-Tns
glo.s~
'·\\ali hns broken a glass ll
( 27) R. sonndu
ndu
r.w.a~;·
-ii
::Jird
Det
die- ':':'os
"The bird is deadll
b. !mas
o
hel-
i i
::rlass Det
'orenk-Tns
" The glass is 'oroken!'
Sementically sentences 27a and 27'0 can be analyzed as the
logica1 entailments of 26~and 26b respective1y.
Note that
339

---

~ll the above eXQ~oles contain A-inflected verbs.
However,
only the sentences in (26) mey be causRtivized with both
s tra tegies:'\\s seen in the follo\\oling E'xP.r1ples:
( 28) a. r:'li
-,n r
. ...' c1-
ii Dem.":'lbl'l l.pr- de sonndu
"
- ,.-
l
~,1rtke-rl'ns
ldll-Inf
bird
" l
mnde Del':'l.mba killr hird"
b. mi wal -ii ~ali
hel - de kaas
l
mn.ke- '!.'ns
break-Inf gl:ls~
(29),. ni
"TP.r
n - ii De~~b~ soondu
l
kill- C~U3~rrnS
bird
"1 np,de Dem!'lbt> lci:t1 ~.l bird"
b. mi
hel-
n - ii
~nli
kBSS
1
break-Cnus-Tns
"1 made \\p.li break , Gl~.ss"
(30):1. mi ·,md- i i sOlmdu
ndu
ml:'.ay-
de
l
!1r'l{e-':'ns bird
Det
è.ifr- Inf
":i: .caused the bi:::,d die"
b. mi t-ml- ii ]:~as
0
hel- de
l
::l~ke-'I'ns [?,ll?ss Det brenk-Inf
"I
cnused the glrs" to breF.~"
(31)~. -II- ni mr,y - n - ii
soondu
ndu
l
die-Crtus-T:1s
bird
Det
" l caused the bird to die"
340

---

.. ,
b • .::. mi hel
- n - 11 ,e :'Il' s
o
Il
l c.'1used the.:l~.ss to brer.'.':"
Sentences 28c. r.nd 28b are :Jnélytic c"usntive counterparts of
sentences 2b~ ~nd 26b resnectively:
3entences 29~ nnd 29b
l'Ire the "ffi::f'.l counte!"'1'l~t3 of tr-e sr'ne senten,ces.
::!:n
r.ll c.?ses :'oth str"tesies ,rlJduce "rr-Tl:ltic:ü sentences.
On the other h~d, o~ly the neri~hr~~tic str~te~ C:1n be
used to cnusDtivize the sentences in (~7) (cf. (30) & *(31)).
Perp. n[;:lin,
the un.cr"pn"'tict'.li ty of -::.( 31) cnn only be
e:c;>l?ineè. by the f"ct th.ct the stem n."~;r- 'die' l'lnd
hel-'brc~kl
(in context (~7) ) ?llo~·l onl:-r one?r'3'U-'"1ent,
ni?';1ely :> nOl1il1:"'l su'bject Hhich i5 ~ sen~ntic pntient.
6.1.1.1. 3.h
Generr-lizf'tion
So f:'!r in section 6.1.1.1.3 'ie hf've discus~ed different
ty?es of verbs and sho~m that not every verh steM allo\\o1s
n cnus:'.tive derivt"tior. '..le sUI3'::;ested thr-.t the 'lbility of a
verb to underco iTlo~holoGic~,l c!"usrtive derivntion de'Pends
on Hs sllbc[lte~orizotion (cf. section ~.1.1.1.3.2).
In
thi~ section this cLlin l'iill be exmT'!ined in .-:.n ottemnt to
dr~w a nore ~r~cise Gener~lization.
';Je ~lre::'.dy ~mo\\~ th'.t the pu!'?o::;e o f , c~us~tive ex-
tension i5 to 31101; the ['.M.i tion of one o.r0'.l.'7lent le' to 1\\
se':ltence ?nd, further:nor?,
that the nu..nber or argument 7'!,' s
,.'
341

---

allowed by sorne verbs cannot exceed 3.
This explain why
causative verbs cannot be derived from such ditransitive
verbs like rokk- 'give' and holl- 'show (cf.*(25) ).
Now we shall try to capture the behavior of the fol-
lowing series of verbs.
Class 1: strong transitive verbs.
strong transitive verbs
are verbs allowing 2 argu-
ments and not less as seen in (32).
(32)a. Aali
jagg
- ii
ngaari
catch-Tns
ox
"Aali has caught an ox"
b. mi
war-
ii scandu
l
kill- Tns
bird
" l have killed a bird"
We have seen that this type of verbs can undergo passiviza-
tion (cf. 29a ).
Class II: weak transitive verbs
This class of verbs may take 2 arguments as in (33),
but rnay also take 1 argument as seen in (34).
(33)a. Aali
hel-
ii sawru
break-Tns
stick
"Aali has broken a stick"
b. Aali tay- ii boggol
cut-Tns
rope
'IAali has cut a rope ll
342

---

c. Aali ruf- ii
ndiyam
spill-Tns
water
"Aali has spilled water"
(34)a. sawru hel
- ii
stick break-Tns
" The stick broke"
b. boggol
tay -li
rope
cut-Tns
"The rope tore"
c. ndiyam ruf
- l i
- ,
water spi1I-Tns
" The 'Ws.ter spilled"
Note that the above veI-bs are essentially composed of ,r~rbs
\\\\.Y-\\JV' .
which take patient subjects.
He already know that \\pausa1 ,/(IJ-~ ".
tive sentences can only be derived from sentences (33)
(cf. discussion in section 6.1.1.1.3.3).
Class III: Intransitive verbs
These verbs allow only 1 argument as seen in (35)
,
(35)a. Aali
haang
-aama
foolish-Tns
"Aali has become foolish "
b. Aali dar-
iima
stop- Tns
"Aali has
stopped"
c. Aali hoy
-ii
find out-Tns
"Aali has 'teen found out"
343

---

The above type of verbs have been discussed with regard
to the voice system.
We showed that, under certaiù'èircums-
tances they can undergo causative derivation (cf. discussion
of examples (14) and (17) ).
Therefore, aS9 general rule,
given a Fula verb, if
the; maximum valence is 3 (i.e. if the verb does not allow
more than 3 arguments), it cannot be causativized.
If the
valence is 1, the verb may be causativized only if there
is no valence 2 form of the sarne verb root (this captures
the phenomenon seen in class II and III ).
To summarize, we have explained the interaction between
causativization and volee system.
~le have found.·that the
seemingly productive causative extension must in many cases
indicate lexical causative verbs.
Furthermore, while all
the basic sentences discussed may be causativized by the
analytic causative, morphological causativization is cons-
trained by verb subcategorization.
The following section
will investigate the constraints on the causativization of
extended verbs.
6.1.1.2
Causativization of extended verbs
In the previous sections we have discussed some cases
of 'causative blockage' which have,to~do with thè sub~
6atego~iza~ion of verbs. 'In the following section we will
diseuse further cases of 'causative blockage' by exarnining
344

---

the constraints on the cooccurrence of the causative
extension with other types of extensions such as benefactive,
instrumental and simulative.
6.1.1.2.1
Benefactive & Instrumental
He already have seen that the benefactive extension
-an- must apnear on the verb when a benefactive object
-
-
nominal is present.
For example, sentences (36) are simplex
ones.
(36)a. Demmba
add- ii ndiyam
bring-Tns
water
"Demmba brought.water"
b. Takko
am- li
dance-Tns
"Takko danced"
\\fhen the benefactive extension is present in the above
sentences we will get the following sentences (37).
(37)a. Demmba add -an - ii
Aali ndiyam
bring-Ben-Tns
water
"Demmba brought water for Aali"
b. *Demmba
add-
an - l i ndiyam
Aali
"as in 37a above ll
c. Takko
am
-an - l i
Aali
dance-Ben -Tns
,
"Takko danced for Aali"
345

---

Sentences (37) show that benefactive NP's are unmarked
for case and must immediately follow the verb( cf. *37b ).
UOloJ,
let us causativize
the above sentences by bath
the periphrastic (38a & 38b) and the morphological strategy
( *38c &*38d ).
(38)a. mi wad-
ii Demmba
add -an -de Aali ndiyam
l
make-Tns
bring-Ben-Inf
water
"1 made Denunba bring water for Aali Il
b. mi
wad -ii
Takko
am
-an - de
Aali
l
make-Tns
dance-Ben-Inf
"1 made Takko dance for Aali"
c.* mi
add-
in - an- i i
Demmba Aali ndiyam
l
bring- Caus-Ben-Tns
water
lias in 38all
d.* mi am-
n
-an
-ii
Takko
Aali
l
dance-Caus-Ben-Tns
11
as in 38b 11
These examples show that only the periphrastic causative
is compatible with the benefactive extension (cf. 38a-b ).
"
"
The causative and the benefactive extension cannot be suf-
fixed to the sarne verb (cf. *38c-d).
This is true even if
we change their order as in *(38 )e-f.
(38 le. *mi
add-
an - n- ii Demmba Aali ndiyarn
l
bring-Ben-Caus-Tns
water
11
as in 38c"
346
1

---

f. *mi
am- an -n - ii
Takko
Aali
l
dance-Ben-Caus-Tns
"as in 38d"
The ungrammaticality seen in *(38)c-d-e-f seems to arise
from the fact that benefactive objects must come directly
after the verb and the object of CAUSE must also follow the
verbe
These two conditions are met in 38a and 38b; i.e.,
the objects of CAUSE Demmba (38a) and Takko (38b) come
after the verb, and the benefactive objects Aali (38a) and
Aali (38b) also come after the verbe
In *38c-d-e-f however,
8
the two conditions are in direct conflict
•
The validity of the above explanation can be confirmed
by the behavior of instrumental-marked NP's.
We know from
chapter 2 (section 2.4) that an instrumental NP occurs in
immediate postverbal position only when it is the only
complement NP in the sentence as seen in (39) and (40).
(39)a. gujjo
o
dog-
r
- ii
pade
thief
Det run- Inst-Tns
shoes
"The thief ran with shoes"
(40)& Aali jagg- ir - ii liingu wannde
catch-Inst-Tns
fish
fishhook
"Aali caught a fish with a fishhook"
b. *Aali
jagg- ir - ii wannde
liingu
catch-Inst-Tns
fishhook
fish
11
as in 40b "
,.
-il·· "
•
347

---

Uote that the instrumental NP is the only complement in(39).
In (40), where it apnears with a patient HP, the instrumental
NP must be shifted to second position (cf. *40b).
Therefore,
since it does not require Immediate postverbal position, the
instrumental NP should be able to co-cc~ur with either the
causative or the the benefactive extensions.
Thefollowing
examples show that this is indeed the case.
Thus 41a has
a causative and an instrumental, and 41b a benefactive and
an instrumental.
(41)a. Aali
dog- n - ir - ii gujjo
pade
run-Caus-Inst-Tns thief
shoes
IIAali made the thief run with shoes"
b. 0
am- an - ir -ii
Takko
pale
he
dance-Ben-Inst-Tns
shoes
"He danced for Takko with shoes ll
However, there are cases of double causatives like (42)
which seem to consti tute a problem for our analysis.,/
(42 )a.
mi
diw- n - in - i i
baanoowo colli
l
fly-Caus-Caus-Tns
hunter birds
"1 made the h:u:lter make the birds fly"
b. mi
jal- n - in - ii
Aali
Sira
l
laugh-Caus-Caus-Tns
"1 made Aali make Sira laugh "
In the above examples there are causative NP's which are
not in immediate postverbal position, namely the second ones.
"
348

---

This problem has a semantic explanation, howeveor.
For, i t
can be shown tha t :~p 1 s following the verbs in 420. and 42b
do not really bear the sarne semantic relation to their
predicates as the NP's in second position.
This will be
illustrated in the following structure of sentence 420..
(43)
mi
diw- n -in- i i
baanoowo
col11
hunter
birds
+agent JtPatientj
+causer
causee
[+causee ° :,-
In the above structure (43), there are two N'P's associated
with the causative morphemes, namely the agents mi'I'
and
baanoowo 'hunter', as the arrows indicate.
Furthermore,
the two NP's are both c~user themes as can be seen in their
semantic features.
But besides being a ~auser, baanoowo
'hunter' is also a causee (Le., "I caused the hunter to •• ).
As for the second corrrolement NP colli "birds" it does not
bear a causer relation; 1t does bear a causee relation
however, and a patient relationship to the double causative
verb.
\\'le already Imow tha t pa tient NP' s appear in immedi-
ate postverbal position if and only if there is no other
complement HP in the sentence (cf. chapter 2, section 2.2).
Accordlwgly, we suggest that the cooccurrence of two causee
NP's in double causatives is possible because one of the
causees functions as a patient.
349

---

Simulntive
Except with transitive verbs which are basically middle,
when a simulative Is added to a verb stem, the verb loses.
its ability to bear the active and passive voices 9 • A
simulative-extended verb can only be in the rniddle as seen
in the following illustration with the stem naam- 'eat'
(see also chapter 1, section 1.4.3.1 ). The stem naam -'eat'
cannot bear the middle voice in its basic form as seen in
exemple (44).
...
(44)a. naam - ~
-de
eat -A -Inf
"To eat Il
...
b. naam-
ee -
de
eat - P -Inf
"To be eaten"
,./
c.* na am- aa - de
eat - II - Inf
However when the simulative extension is added to the stem
naam- 'eat' we get the opposite of (44) as seen in example
(45).
(45)a. naam- kin - aa - de
eat- Sim - M -Inf
"To pretend to eat"
.'
i;
350

---

,.,
b. * naam- kin - 0
de
-
eat - Sim - A- Inf
..,
c. * naam - kin - ee -de
eat-
Sim -p
-Inf
!lote in the examples above that only the middle voice
may cooccur with the simulative extension.
Therefore,
we should eX?ect simulative verbs of this type to be
incompatible with the causative extension.
Indeed, a sen-
tence which contains a simulative- extended verb may only
be causativized by the ~eri~hrastic causative extension
as seen in (46).
,.,
.
.
(46)a. mi
li
ma
na am-
kin - aa- de
l
make-Tns
you eat- Sim-
1'1- Inf
Il
l
made you pretend to eat"
b.* mi naam-
kin - in- lima
ma
l
eat-
Sim-Caus - H
you
"as above ll
The restrictions in 46b on simulative verbs is consistent
with our findings.
They can be explained sim~ly as follows:
thesimulative extension causes i verb to in the middle and
because Middle voices and causative extensions are incompa-
tible (cf. discussion in section 6.1.1.1.2.1 '), sentences
like *46b
cannot be allowed •
The cooccurrence of the causative morpheme with
other extensions has revealed two phenomena.
First, there
351

---

are extensions like the benefactive that require that the
corresponding RP be in immediate postverbal position.
This
condition has been shown to be in direct conflict with the
requirement that causee NP's be directly after the v~rb.
Therefore, extensions which share the properties of bene-
factive cannot cooccur with the causative extension.
This
claim has been further supported by the instrumental which
does not require such constraints.
Second, we have shown
that sentences which contain the sinulative extension
cannot be causativized with the morphological strategy.
~v'e
have explained this constraint by-the fact that simulatives
require the Middle voice which, in turn, is incompatible
with the causative extension.
In the next section we will persue the issue of produc-
tivity with regard to the scope interpretation of adverbs.
6.1.1.3
Scope Interoretation of Adverbs
In the previous sections we have shown that, if there
is any restriction on causativization at all, this will
always be associated wi th the morphological causative.
\\~e
can therefore draw the conclusion that Pula periphrastic
causatives are more productive than the morphological ones.
The degree of productivity of causative constructions can
also be defined by looking at the scope interpretation of
adverbs.
Thus, Shibatani (1975) has shown that with
352

---

productive causatives, adverbs can be nssociated either
with the caused event or with the causing event, hence the
ambiguity theambiguity of adverbs in these constructions.
Shibatani has discussed this matter with respect to the
claim that adverbs can only be shifted within their own
clause ( Keyser's convention, Keyser,
1968).
For example,
the En~lish sentence 47a may mean either that John was
ailent when he .made Hary come ipto the room, or that John
instructed Hary in such a way that Hary came into'tti'~ room
silently.
(47)a. John
made Hary come into the room silently
b. John
made Hary s·top suddenly
Lexical causatives, on the other hand, do not exhibit the
sarne ambiguity; the adverb modifies only the activity on
the part of the causer theme.
Thus 48a cannot
mean that
Mary was silent when she carne into the room, while John was
making noise.
(48)a. John brought Mary into the room silently
b. John stopped Mary
The ambiguity of sentence 47a and 47b disappears however,
whenthe adverbs are shifted as seen in the examples in (49)
taken from Shibatani (1975).
(49)a. Silently, John made Mary come into the room
b. with the knife, John made Mary eat
c. at ten o'clock, john made Hary go upstairs
d. at the corner, John made Mary stop
353

---

Keyser's convention accounts for the fact that in (49) the
., ~"
the adverbs modify only the causing event, i.e., the clause
whose main verb is'make'.
The reason why the adverb' in 49a
cannot modify the caused event is that such an interpretation
goes against this eonvention. In this section it will be
shol-m that, in Pula, the preceding claims are supported
only by Time and Place o.è.verbs.
';Ji th Hanner adverbs,
the
situation is more complicated because they are coded by an
instrumental marker on the verb which they modify.
Though
the implication of this coding isnot predicted by Shibatani's
description of adverbs movement they may not be a major
problem if manner adverbs are analyzed as instrumental NP's.
Let's first consider Time and Place adverbs.
(50) Place
a. Aali
tiad- i i
Demmba
yaa- de
Aali
make--Tns
D.
go-Inf
e
dow
hubeere
on
top
building
IIAali made Demmba walk on top of the
building ll
b. Aali
yaa- n - l i
Demmba
go- Caus-Tns
e
dow
hubeAre
on
top
building
Il
as above ll
354

---

(51) Time
a. Aali wad- ii De~ba
yaa-de
wenndoogo
make- Tns
go-Inf
dawn
"Aali made Demmba vTalk nt dawn"
b. Aali yaa- n - ii
Demmba
wenndoogo
go- Caus-Tns
dawn
" as above"
In sentences (50) and ( -1)
., any adverbial expression (Time
or Place) in any of the constructions (periphrastic or
morphological) is interpreted as either being associated
with the causing event or the caused event.
Furthermore,
. the ambiguity disappears (as predicted by Keyser's convention)
when the adverbial expressions are fronted as in (52) & (53).
(52)a. e
dow
hubeere, Aali wad- ii
on top
building
make-Tns
Demmba
yaa-
de
go-
Inf
"On top of the building Aali made Demmba
wallr ll
b. e
dow hubeere,
Aali yaa- n - ii
Demmba
on top
building
go -Caus-Tns
"as above"
(53)a. wenndoogo, Aali
wad- ii Demmba
y~a-
de
dawn
make-Tns
go- Inf
"A t dawn, Aali made Demmba ,,,alk"
355

---

b. wenndoogo,
Aali
yaa-n - ii
Demmba
dUlm
go-Caus-Tns .. ,./
lias above"
Because of the fronting processes, the adverbial expressions
in (52) and (53) a~eall associated with the causing event
only.
This is not the case with Hanner adverbs however, as
seen in (54).
(54)a. Aali
wad- ii Demmba
naat- ir- de
seese
make-Tns
enter-Inst-Inf
slowly
":\\::I.li made Dem!'1ba enter SlOHlyll
1
.
Il.'\\ali fi lowly made Demmba en ter ll
b. Aali
naan -n - ir - ii Demmba
seese
enter-Caus-Inst-Tns
slowly
IIAali slowly made Dernmba enter"
c. * Aali
wad- ii
Demmba naat- de seese
make-Tns
enter-Inf slowly
fias in 54a"
d.* Aali
naan- n - ii
Demmba
seese
enter-Caus-Tns
slowly
lias in 54b"
In the above examples the Manner adverbs must be coded
(on the verb they modify)with the instrumental extension
(cf. the starred sentences *54c and *54d where there is no
instrumental marker ). Note that in 54a the adverbcan only
be associated with the caused event'enter'.
With the
morphologieal causative however, the adverb is ambiguous
356

---

(cf. the two translations of 54b).
?eripherality also plays
an important role in determining",the scope of Hanner adverbs.
That is, the adverb must appear closer to the verb it is
modifying (i. e., the verb which is marked '-lith the instrumen-
tal extension).
This is clearer in the following examples.
(55)a. Aali
wad- ii Demmba
naat- ir - de
seese
make-Tns
enter-Inst-Inf slowly
" Aali made Demmba enter slowly"
1
ob.
seese
Aali
wad- ir -i Demmba naat- de
slo\\-1ly
make-Inst-Tns
enter-Inf
'IIt 'is slowly that Aali made Demmba enter"
c. seese
Aali
wad -ir -i Demmba
-
slowly
make-Inst-Tns
naat- ir - de
seese
enter-Inst-Inf
slowly
"It is slowly that Aali
made Demmba
enter slowly"
In 55a the Manner only modifies the coded verb'enter'
which happens to carry the caused event.
In 55b the Hanner
adverb only modifies the causing event because the auxiliary
verb associated '-Ii th i t is the one which is coded.
In 55c
we have tried to modify both the causing and the caused events.
This is only possible when both predicates are individually
marked, hence the double occurrence of both the ad~erb
seese 'slowly' and its instrumental marker •
357

---

Now consider 54b which contains the morphological causative.
In this exarnple the adver is associated with either the
causing or the caused event.
It is also interesting to note
that fronting does not disambiguate the sentence as seen
in (56).
(56)a. seese
Aali
naan- n - ir -i
Demmba
slowly
enter-Caus-Inst-Tns
"It is sloloTly that Aali made Demmba enter"
If we adopt the claim that one of the ways to disting~
ish productive causatives from lexical ones is that the
former allow
an ambiguity of adverb scope while the latter
does not, we might conclude that Pula affixal causatives
are more productive than periphrastic causatives (cf. the·
ambiguity of 54b & the non-ambiguity of 54a).
However,
this claim cannot be maintained for three reasons.
First,
the theory of scope interpretation of adverbs associated
. ,
with productive causatives is supported by data on Time and
Place adverbs.
Secondly, the idiosyncracy of Pula Manner
adverbs is not predicted by this theory. Third, and most
importantly, the adverb seese 'slowly' may not be an adverb
at aIl.
It is the only adverb with a manner reading which
11
appears in a nominal-like form
•
Generally, adverbial
notions which express manner
are conveyed by verbal ex-
pressions. For example, to translate the English sentence
'he walks fast', Pula uses the expression
omo yaaw-i yaadu
(he
fast-Tns walking), literally 'he is fast in walking'.
358

---

This suggests that seese'slowly' in aIl the previous exam~les
could be analyzed. as a 't"egular ins trumental IrP, jus t like
ua~{a 'knife'
serves as an instrt'~ental NP in the sentence
mi taV'
~aaka (1 cut- Inst-Tns meat knife)
I l
-ir• -
_ _.i
: : .i
: : : . . . . - _
" l cut the meat with a knife".
In fact the following
examnles with this instrumental NP perfectly parallel the
paradigm in (55) whieh eontains seese 'slowly'.
(57) a. Aali
l-rad- i i
Demmba
taf -ir -
de
make-Tns
eut-Inst-Inf
teew
~aaka
rneat
knife
"Aali made Demmba eut the meat with a
Imife"
b. oaaka
Aali
wad-
ir- i
Demmba
knife
make-Inst-Tna
ta,! -de
tee,.
eut-Inf
meat
"It's with a knife that Aali made Demmba
eut the meat"(i.e 'Aali used a knife to •• ' )
e. ~aaka
Aali
,.ad- ir - i
Demmba
knife
maice-Ins t-Tns
taf-
ir- de teew paaka
,
eut-Inst-Inf meat knife
"It's with a knife that Aali made Demmba
eut the meat with a Imife"
359

---

Note in the above 3xamn1es that the instrumental
neaka
'knife' requir~the same coding properties as the adverb
seese 'slow1y' in (55). That is, the instrumental NP is on1y
asssociated with the verb which is coded. Thus, in 57a
naaka paaka is on1y associated with the caused event ~
'eut'; in 57b the instrumental is on1y associated with the
causer event; and in 57c where we want to associate the
instrumental NP with both events, it is necessary to code
bath verbs and to repeat the instrumental NP.
This is on1y
possible in focus constructions 1ike 55c and 57c.
To summarize section 6.1.1, we have discussed sorne
constraints on Fu1a causatives.
We have shown that periphras-
tic
causatives are fu11y productive.
On the tiift~r hand
morpho10~ica1 causati~ization is constrained by severa1
types of restrictions when it interacts with the Pula voice
system and verbal extensions.
This is a1so ccnfirmed by
our discussion of adverb scope, assum~ng as proven that
manner adverbs 1ike seese 'slow1y' are in fact instrumental
NP's.
6.1.2
Pula causatives and 1ingu~tic theory
In the previous section, we have examined sorne syntac~
tic constraints which affect main1y morpho10gica1 causatives.
In the fo110wing discussion we will be concerned with sorne
360

---

other issues raised in linguistic theory and will atte~t
to de termine how Pula causatives confirm or invalidate
sorne pro?osed liguistic universnls.
6.1.2.1
Predicate Raising versus Comnlement ca~satives
In her thesis, Aissen (1974b ) distinguishes wh~t
she calls Predicate-Raising (PR) causatives from complement
causatives.
~his distinction may be illustrated as follows
with examples taken from English, French and Turkish
(Alssen, 1974a & 1974b).
(58) the President made the lawyers prenare
the brief
(59) Jean laisse sa femme travailler
'1
Jack let his wif~ work
(60)a. Jean a fait chanter l'hymne par les
John has make sing
h~mm
by
the
gendarmes
policemen
..
"John
made the policemen sing the hymn"
b. nous laisserons partir
Pierre
we
will- let
go
Peter
"'..le will let Peter go"
(61 )a. Hasan
v
ben- i
agla -
t- t~
me -acc
cry-Caus- Past
" Hasan made me cry"
361

---

b. Hasan
kasab -
a
et- i
kes- tir- di
butcher-Dat meat-Ace cut-Caus-Past
"Hasan
had the butcher
eut the meat"
Examples (58) and (59) illustrate constructions of the
'complement causative' type.
In these examaples the sen-
te~~es describing the caused actio~s(underlined) are syn-
tactically subordinated to verbs of causation whose subjects
('President' & 'Jean' ) are the agents of the causation.
The constructions in (58) and (59) are syntactically dis-
tinguished from those in (60) and (61).
Describing these
latter, Aissen states as a univers al principle that:
" there is no evidence that any part of the S expres-
sing the caused action is superficially subordinate
to the causative verb" L\\issen, 1974b: 2 ).
In other terms Aissen proposes as a univers al that causa-
tives of the (60) and (61) types (i.e., Pfi- causatives)
consist of an
underlyinG simplex S.
She uses various
synt~ctic tests to de termine that this is indeed the case.
In this section we will use sirn1lar tests, namely Passive
and Reflexivization to show that the Fula periphrastic
causative is complex in the surface whereas the morphological
causative is simplex.
~fuether this implies that Fula mor-
phological causatives are cases of PR-causatives or not
will be determined in later sections.
362
,". .
,../

---

~..!..? .1.1
Pula l'lornholog.,.ical causatives,~e simulex
That ~la morphological causative sentences
behave
like underlyin~ simplex ones can be supported by the rules
of Passi7e and Reflexivization.
Passive
- - -
In chapter 5 we have restated the rule of ~~la Passive
as follo'TS:
(62)
x (NP) v (e) H? y
1
2
3
4
5
6 ~1
4
3+ Pass 5
This rule places first postverbal R?'s in subject position
and leave the original subject unspecified •. The following
sentences show that causative sentences (64) and simplex
ones (63) behave alike with resard te the rule of Passive.
(63)a. Takko.
jabb
- aama
t.
1.
1.
"rTelcome- P
IITakko has been welcomed ll
b. hobbe i ndokk - aama
t
maaro
i
guests
give- P
rice
IIThe guests have been given ricE;/)"/
(64)a. Takko i
dog-
n - aama
t.1.
run- Caus- P
Il
They
made Takko
run 11
b.
ullundu
yar-
n - aama
i
t
kosam
i
cat
drink-Caus-P
milk
IIThey
made the cat drink milk ll

---

Next, it is interesting to note that Reflexivization
also applies to both causative
and simplex sentences.
,.;
(65)a. mi
toon -
i l
hoor-
am
l
hurt-
Tns
self-1st.5ing Poss
"I have hurt myself"
holl- i l
Demmba j "hoore-
mumi j
show-Tns
self- 3sg.Poss
e
daarorgal
Prep
mirror
"Aali
showed Demmba to himself in the
mirror"
" Aali showed himself Demmba in the ,mirror"
... ,..,.
(66)a. mi
yar - n - ii hoor-
am
,
l
drink-Caus-Tns self-1st sing.Poss
" l made myself drink"
~uuc- in - ii Demmba
hoore
mum
i
ij
pinch-Caus-Tns
self-3sg.Poss
" Aali i made Demmba pinch himself
j
j "
• Aall
had himself
"
i
i pinched by Demmba j
Examples (65) contain simple transitive (65a) and ditransitive
"
sentences (65b). Note that in 65a the reflexive NP can only
refer to the subject
~ 'l'; whereas in 65b the reflexive NP
ls amblguous between the subject and the object of
the verb
"h211 'show'.
Fur~hermore , the causative sentences in (66)
.'
, perfectly parallel the simplex sentences ln (65). That ls,
.-
._-----------_.
__
__._---- -- - ---.~_---_.
... ---_.- _.-

---

just as in 65a the reflexive NP in 66a refers to the subject
of the ~ausative verb; and, like in 65b, the reflexive NP
in 66b refers to both the subject and the object of the cau
sative verbe
Therefore, the rules of Passive and· fieflQxi-
vization treat causative sentences exactly like simplex ones.
We then conclude that morphological causatives are in fact
structurally simplex in the surface.
6.1.2.1.2
Fula periphrastic causatives are comnlex
The. complex nature of Fula complex causatives is
obvious.
Nonetheless we will show it in regard to the rule
of Reflexivization only •. As in French and Turkish (Aissen,
1974) Reflexivization in FuIe is clause bounded and cannot
apply between matrix subjects and embedded direct objects.
(cf. chapter 3, section 3.2).
The following exemples show
that
Reflexivization treat Fula periphrastio :causatives
and other complex sentences in the sarne way.
"
wopp-
ii
Demmba j
let -Tus
hud
-a
hC)~re
mum'j
curse-Tns
self-3sg.Poss
"Aalii let Demmbajcurse himself j "
b. sammba
wii
Maa
Takko
jal
hoore mum
i
j
say
will
laugh self-3sg.Po:~s
" sammba
said ,'that Takko
will laugh at
i
j
herself "
365

---

(68) Aamadu.
wad- i i Sali j ~uccu-
de hoore mum
1
j
make-Tns
pinch-Inf
self-3sg.Poss
Il
Aamadu
made sali
pinch herself
i
j
j Il
Examples (67) contain complex sentences and (68) contains
a periphrastic causative.
In aIl cases the reflexive NP can
only refer to the embedde subjects, and never,to the matrix
ones.
This is enough to confirm that Fula periphrastic cau-
satives are complex on the surface.
•
Il. .. "
;.
~ ..
'~
........
-"
Therefore, if we consider only the IIsurfac·e",reali.,.-- :'
zation
criterionll we Jllight want to consider the Fula morpho-
logical causativ~s as cases of PR-causatives.
However, this
seems to be a premature conclusion.
Thus, in the following
section we will examine other predictions associated with
PR-causatives to show that a PR analysis is not always
applicable.
6.1.2.2
Object relations in Fula causatives
A theory of PR analyzes causative sentences under-
lyingly as containing a higber verb of causation which unites
with a verb in a lower complement sentence (Aissen, 1974;
Hodges,1976; Cole, 1976 ). This process can be illustrated
in
thefollowing trees taken from Comrie(1976).

---

(69)
,,/1_______
-,
M,S
CAUfE
/SI~
1
1
E,S
V
EDO
Ela
,
l "
1
,
,
,
,
,
,
John
c~use r-iary hve b60k
Fr'ed
(70)
S-....;;::-~
~I~
HS
CAUSE-V
ES
i
i
j
,
l
'
,
' .
1
John
cause-g~ve Mary
In the above trees the ~l1atrix sentence has a subject noun
phrase (MS), corresponding to the causer of the action;
the
embedded sentence has a subject noun phrase (ES) (corres-
ponding to the person who carries out the action) plus one
or more object noun phrases, according to the valency of
the verbe
EDO = Embedded direct object;
Ela = Embedded
indirect objecte
If the lower clause is to be united with the higher
clause (as in (70)), the immediate problem is what relation
to assign to the arguments of the lower clause.
In his 'paradigm' case, Comrie (1976) makes the
, following predictions:
(71) (i)
Doubling on the syntactic positions
Subject, Direct abject, Indirect
abject is forbidden ..
(ii ) Where the restrictions on doublihg
require that some constituent be
removed, it is always the embedded'
367

---

subject that is so removed, either by
being omitted or by being demoted(down
the hierarchy).
(iii) \\ihen the embedded subject is demoted
down the hierarchy, it is demoted ste~­
wise,i.e., always to the next highest'
, position in the hierarchy that has not
already been filled.
In the following sections we will test the above statement
by examining the causativization of different types of
sentences.
6.1.2.2.1
Causativization of intransitive sentences
Consider the following examples with intransitive verb
stems.
(72)a. Aali
. am
-il
dance-Tns
"Aali danced"
b. Aamadu am- n - 11 Aali
dance-Caus-Tns
"Aamadu made Aali dance"
r(7;)a. Takko
dog- ii
rtin-Tns
"Takko
ran"
b. rawaandu
dog - n - ii Takko
dog
run- Caus-Tns
" a dog
made Takko run"
:368

---

j'
72a and 73a are basic intransitive sentences.
These sen-
tences are embedded under CAUSE
in the b-examples.
This
process causes two effects noticeable in the derived cau-
sative sentences.
First, causativization has a transi ti-
vizing function.
Second, after clause union the original
subjects Aali" (72a) and Takko (73a) have become direct
-
.
objects.
Both nouns now occupY immediate postverbal
position and undergo the object strategy of pronominalization
as seen in (74) and (75) •
(74)a. 0
am- i!
he
dance-Tns
"He danced"
b. Aamadu
am - n - l i
mo
dance-Caus-Tns
him.
• Aamadu made him dance"
(75)a. 0
dog - i l
he
run-Tns
"He ran"
b. rawaandu
dog - n - i l
mo
dog
run-Caus-Tns
him
" A dog made her run"
The pronominal reference
used to refer to Aali and Takko
are different in the ~.&'b-examples. In the a-examples
the subject strategy is used; whereas in the b-examples
."
an object atrategy is used.
Therefore this confirms the
predictions made by Comrie in (71)(i), i.e. there is no
369

---

syntactic doubling, and the ES ia demoted to the highest
position which is not filled (i.e the DO position).
6.1.2.2.2
Causativization of
transitive sentences
Conaider the following examples containing transitive
sentences.
(76)a. Aali hocc - ii paaka
pick-Tns
Imife
"Aali picked a knife up"
b. Aamadu
hocc- in - ii Aali paaka
Imife
" Aamadu made Aali pick a knife up"
(77)a. ullundu
ndu
yar -ii
kos·aIl!·J(~
cat
Det
drink-Tns milk
Det
"The cat drank the milk"
b. Takko
yar -
n- ii ullundu
ndu
kosam
dam-
drink-Caus-Tns cat
Det
milk
Det
"Takko made the cat drink the milk"
Note in the above sentences that after cause union, the
original subjects Aali (76a) and ullundu 'catI (77a) are
moved to direct object position.' Subsequently, the original
direct objects paaka 'kndfe'(76a) and kosam 'milk'(77a)
are displaced (cf. 76b and 77b).
;70

---

Therefore, the behavior of argument NP's in transitive
sentence~ provide both support and counterevidence to
Comrie's predictions.
Supporting his-argument is the fact
that, syntactically the two arguments which:follqw-the cau-
sative verb do not bear the sarne erammatical relation to
this verb; i.e.,there has been no doubling of grammatical
functions as predicted by (71)(i).
However, these sentences
also provide counterevidence to Comrie's claim.
For, the
original subjects were not expected to displace the EDO's
as predicted by (71)(iii) which states that embedded subjects
are demoted to the next highest position in the hierarchy
that has not already been filled.
That is, since the DO
position is already'filled in 76a and 77a, the ES's should
occupy other position (and the only other position available
in these sentences is the'chomeur'position).
This is not
the case in (77) however.
So far we have seen that after clause union has taken
place, an ES always becomes a derived syntactic DO.•• ,What
happens inthis latter case is that, once the ES has become
...a..DO, the EDO ie shifted to the 'ehomeur' position. This
phenomenon does not support Comrie's predictions. However,
we must admit that this is a complex situation beeause
of the structure of Fula ditransitive sentences.
Thus, in
chapter 2
we have shown that Fula has indirect objects of
DO and oblique types.
.~
371

---

Therefore, if Comrie's statement (71)(iii) is viewed in
this perspective, the data discussed so far will not cons-
titute strong counterevidence in so far as the positions
occupied by the nominals Aali (76b) and ullundu'cat'(77b)
are IO (of DO type) positions.
It is therefore possible
to claim that the embedded subjects have occupied the next
highest position that is not fi1led.
However, there is
1
'clearly sorne displaced NP in the sentences 76b and 77b.
In.
1
both sentences the displaced NP is the original DO rather
than the ES.
In this sense Comrie's prediction (71 )( Hi)
'is indeed violated.
In the next section we show pow this
.
".
iis confirmed by arguments in ditransitive sentences •
.
.:6.1.2.2.3 Causativization of ditransitive sentences
.
. :
Following are three ditransitive sentences.
(78)
Aali
holl- i l
Demmba
natal
show-Tns
picture
"Aali showed the picture to Demmba"
(79) Sammba
winnd- i f
Hammadi
leeter
write-Tns
letter
"Sammba wrote a letter to Hammadi"
(80) Sira
takk- ii fenaande
e
Pennda
stick-Tns
lie
Prep
"Sira accused Pennda of lying"

---

We have seen in chapter 2 that, though they are àll ditran-
sitive , the above verbs vary as to the freedom of movement
of their arguments.
For example, holl- 'show' requires a
fixed word-order.
On the other hand, sentences C7~) and
(80) can be paraphrased as in (81) and (82) respectively.
(8t) Sammba
winnd- i i
leeter
faa· de e Hammadi
write-Tns
letter
go-Inf Prep
nSammba wrote a letter to Hammadi n
(82) Sira
takk- i i
fenaande
e Pennda
stick-Tns
lie
Prep
"Sira accused Pennda of lying"
Sentence- (81)·has been·analyzed previously as a type of
beginning serialization (cf. section 2.3.1.4 ) and (82) as
a dative construction of the English type (cf. section 2.2.2).
Now let us try to causativized (78), (79), and (80) using
the morphological strategy as in (83), (84), and (85)
respectively.
(83) * mi
holl-
in -ii
Aali
Demmba
natal
l
show- Caus-Tns
picture
nI made Aali show
Demmba a picture n
(84) mi winnd- in - ii Sammba leeter
l
write-Caus-Tns
letter
faa-
de
e
Hammadi
go- Inf
Prep
n l made Sammba write a letter to go to H. n
·i. e. "I made Sammba wri te a letter to Hammadi Il
373

---

(85)a. * mi takk- in - i l
Sira Pennda fenaande
l
stick-Caus-Tns
lie
"I made Sira accuse Pennda of lying"
b. * mi takk- in - ii Sira fenaande
e Pennda
l
stick-Caus tns
lie
Prep
-
"as above"
Note that in the above examples containing ditransitive sen-
tences, morphological causatives are possible if and onl] if
the sentences can be paraphrased in seriaI constructions as
in (84).
In aIl other cases we get a causative blockage
(cf.(*83) and (*85) ).
We have already auggested an expla-
nation for this type of blockage in chapter 2( section
2.4.2.2).
There we have suggested that the ungrammaticali-
ty of sentences like *(83) and *(85) is due to the fact that
there is more than one NP competing for immediate postverbal
position (here a causee and a recipient NP ). And since the
verbs cannot be used in seriaI constructions, this require-
ment cannot be fulfilled.
In (84) on the other hand,
causativization is possible because of the possibility of
having both the causee and the recipient immediately fol-
lowing a verb as a consequence of serialization.
To come back to Comrie's 'paradigm case', we can note
in:(84) that the ES Sammba is a aèrived syntactic DO (or
an IO of DO type), thus , shifting the EDO to a prepositional 1
phrase.
Therefore, like transitive sentences, ditransitive
.~374

---

sentences both support and countradict Comrie's predictions.
They furnish support in the sense that the NP's in (84) bear
different grammatical relations to their predicate.
They
are counterevidence because the ES has shifted the EDO to
a pp rather than getting demoted as predicted in (71)(ii).
To summarize, we have seen that causativization not on-
ly affects the grammatical relation of the complement subject
as Comrie's univers al (71)(iii) predicts,. but al:fc'EDO's •
Based on these findings we can rnake the following genera-
lization for Pula.
(86)a.
A subject of a complement sentence (whether
this sentence is intransitive, transitive
or ditransitive) always becomes the syntac-
tic direct object of the causative sentence
after clause union.
b.
After clause union, an EDO is demoted to
a 'chomeur' position Ina transitive
complement sentence, and to prepositional
phrase in a ditransitive sentence.
,
It has been shown that the above generalization does not
fully support Comrie's
'paradigm case'.
Therefore, given
all the facts discussed in sections 6.1.1 and 6.1.2, there
seems to be no general and satisfactory way of capturing
the behavior of Pula morphological causatives.
We have
pointed out the non-productivity of morphological causatives
in section 6.1.1.
In the two first parts of section 6.1.2
we ahowed
the limitations of a PR ananlysis of morpholo-
gical causatives • Now, an alternative analysis ia in order.
375

---

6.1.2.3
An alternative to a PR analysis
In the two previous sections we examined two charac-
terizations linked withPR-causatives.
The first one
(discussed in Aissen, 1974 ) is stated asa .universal and
simply says that PR-causatives are surface simplex sentences.
Weshowed that when we consider this criterion alone, we May
want to analyze Pula morphological causatives as cases of
PR-causatives since they are in fact simplex in the surface •.
Considering the criterion mentioned above insufficient, we
tested some other predictions stated in Comrie (1976), and
found that Pula only partially conforms to these p~edictions·.
That is, we have shown that although Pula does not allow
.
a doubling on the syntactic positions 'subject', 'direct
object', and 'indirect object', a demoted ES shifts EDO's
down in the hierarchy of grammatical relations.
In the remaindér of this section, it will be argued that
the Fula morphological causative is best handled in the
lexicon rather than transformationally.
The first piece of evidence in favor of a lexicalist
approach can be found in the previous discussions. For exam-
ple, it is obvious that the idiosyncracies described in
section 6.1.1 do not favor a transfo~ational approach to
Pula causatives • . Furthermore, we have shown in section
6.1.2.2 that all the predictions associated with a PR
"
analysis do not apply to Pula causatives.
516.

---

Second, one of the most important pieces of evidence
in favor of a PR-analysis of Fula causatives must involve,
in my opinion, the relationship between morphological
and periphrastic causatives since both constructions are
attested in the language syncronically.
l will intréduce
this point by an illustration from Italian.
(87)a. Haria fa
si
che
Gianni(.subj)
scriva
makes that
John
write!
1
b. Haria
fa
scrivere Gianni (DO)
makes
write
Johny
"Haria makes John write"
(88)a. Hariafa
si
che
Gianni(Sùbj)
makes that
Johny
scriva
la lettera (DO)
write
the letter
b. Haria
fa
sc~iverela lettere(DO)
makes write
the letter
. a
Gianni
to
Johny
i
"Maria makes Johny write the letter"
1
The above examples are talken from Cole & Shridhar (1976). ,
There, these authors have also tested Comrie's 'paradigm
1
Icase' in a variety of languages.
More specifically, it wasl
1
:shown that Italian supports the Comrie's claims summarized 1
lin (71).
As can be seen in the above examples, the ES of
1
.... ,...",
377

---

an intransitive verb becomes the DO after PR (cf.(87",) );
whereas in 88b the ES (of a transitive verb(cf. 88a) becomes
an la after PR (cf. 88a).
But what is most interesting
for us in the Italian examples is that the phonetic shape
of the vord for'màke'
fa
remains the same after clause
has applied. Thus, there is adequate syntactic 'evidence that,
synchronically fa 'make' is derived from a higher verb fa
in the b-examples.
This cannot be said of the Fula examples,
however.
If we compare the phonetic shape of the items carrying
the meaning CAUSE in the following two constructions, we see
no phonetic resemblance between wad 'make' (cf. (89) land
B 'cause, make' (cf. (90) ) .
(89)
Aali
wad- i i
Demmba
haal-de
fenaande
make-Tns
speak-Inf
lie
"Aali 'l13.de Demmba tell a lie"
. (90) Aali
haal- n - ii Demmba fenaande
speak-Caus-Tns
lie
"as in (89)
Il
It might be argued that the morphological causative n is
a remnant of a higher verb which no longer occurs in Fula.
A similar scenario has been proposed for some latin causa-
tives by Vromen (1976):
. . ~".

---

" Periphrastic. forms give rise to bimorphemic
forms and such bimorphemic forms May lose
their superficial ~orphological evidence of
such bisentencial origins while retaining
their semantic and syntactic properties
related to such origins" (P. 134).
Though this is
a·plausible scenario we find it rather
speculative with regard to Fula.
The third piece of evidence (and MOSt imuortant of aIl)
is provided by the so-called 'causative blockage'.
We have
seen that the morphological causative is not as fully
productive as the periphrastic one. Unlike Turkish (Aissen,
1974).ror instance, it is not the case that, given any verb,
one May add a suffix n and change its meaning rrom 'X'
to 'CAUSE to X'.
We showed that the choice of a morpholo-
gical causative is not allowed for some types of verbs
(cf. section 6.1.1.1.2).
Furthermore, the causative mor-
phological causative is incompatible with some verbal
extensions.
In other words the Fula morphological causative
involves several lexical irregularities; and these, we
know, constitute strong evidence in favor of a lexicalist
approach.
6.1.2.3.1 The generation of Fula causatives
Given aIl the racts described so far, we propose that
Fula morphological causatives be introduced in the base
component of Fula.
Causative verbs will be introduced in
.... ;
379

---

the lexicon and their relationship to non-causative verbs
will be captured by means of lexical redundancy rules.
6.1.2.3.1.1
The base component
We already know that a causative verb has always one
more argument than thw corresponding non-causative verb.
This is apparently a linguitic universal.
In some languagues
however, the presence of an extra NP may complicate the
phrase structure rules if causative sentences were to be
introduced in the base. Thus Aissen (1974) reports that
Turkish needs PS-rules like (91), among others.
(91 la.
S~ NP
VP
b.
VP--+ (NP)
(NP)
V
However, she says, there are causative verbs (in Turkish)
which take two dative objects and one accusative object.
"Thus, if VR 14 causatlvas are genera ted as simple
Ss by the base rules, an additional optional
unmarked NP is needed in the expansion of VP"
(Aissen, 1974a: 333 )
(92) VP~ (NP)
(NP)
(NP)
V
Furthermore, she notes that when aIl three NP's in (92)
are expanded, the only verbs that can satisfy V are ones
with the causative suffix.
This, she concludes, is an
accident under the phrase structure analysis.
380,

---

The complication created by an additional rule like (92)
has been used (among others) as evidence that Turkish
VR-causatives are derived from bisentencial structures.
A similar a~gumentation does not hold for Fula, howe-
ver.
For, though Fula causative verbs always have one more
argument than the corresponding non- causative verbs, this
does not affect the base component of Fula at all.
This
language needs PS-rules like (93) to generate causative
as
well as non-causative sentences.
(93)a. S-~~NP VP
b. VP
,.( NP)
(NP)
( PP )
That is, when the complements of 93b are expanded, V is
satisfied not only by verbs with the causative extension
but by non-causative verbs as well.
Thus, consider the
followingsamplesentences which contain causative sentences.
(94)a. Aali
dog-
n
- ii
Takko
run-Caus- Tns
"Aali made Takko run"
b. Aali yett- in - ii Tnkko
cukalel ngel
take-Caus-Tns
child
Det
" Aali made Takko take the child"
c. Aali winnd-iri- 'ii Takko leeter faa-de e Sali
write-Caus-Tns
letter
go-In! Prep
"Aali made Takko write a letter to Sali"
381

---

.'
The above types of sentences have been fairly well'dis-
cussed in the previous sections.
Rote, however that 94a
involves a causativization of an intransitive verb stem;
94b a causativization of a transitive verb stem and 94c
is
a serial construction15 , which is the only possible
construction obtained when ditransitive sentences are
causativized.
,
It is interesting to note that the above type of sen-
tences are not specifie to causati7es only.
For example,
when we substitute the causative suffix in (94) for the
benefactive, the sentences will be perfectly grammatical
with a benefactive reading as seen in (95)
(95)a. Aali
dog- an - ii
Takko
rtm-Ben-Tns
"Aali ran for Takko"
b. Aaliyett -an- ii
Takl,:o
cukalel ngel
take-Ben-Tns
child
Det
"Aali. took the child for Takko"
c. Aali winnd-an-ii Takko leeter faa-de e Sali
write-Ben-Tns
letter go-Inf Prep S.
"Aali wrote a letter for Takko to Sali"
In fact, the Pula causative extension must not be isolated
from the set of Pula extensions, i.e., like most of these
the causative extension has a transitivizing function.
We
do not want to derive the causative extension from a higher
382

---

verb for the sarne reason we do not want to derive, say,
the benefactive extension from a higher verb 16 •
Let us
then pursue the similarity between the causative and the
benefactive extension by some illustrations about the
syntactic behavior of benefactive and causee NP's.
Benefactive and causee NP's behave exactly the
sarne with regard to major syntactic processes.
For example,
the causee NP in 94b (underlined land the benefactive NP
in 95b (also underlined ) seemingly undergo the rules of
passivization, reflexivization, pronominalization, and
relativization, as seen in the following examples:
Passivization
(96)a. Takko
~ett-in- aama
cukalel
ngel
take-Caus-Tns
child
Det
"Takko was made to take the child"
b. Takko fett- an - aama cukalel ngel
take-Ben - Tns
child
Det
"The child was taken for Takko"
Pronominalization
(97)a. Aali
fett- in -11
mo cukalel ngel
take-Caus-Tns him
child
Det
- /
,..
"Aali made her take the child"
b. Aali fett- an - 11
mo cukalel ngel
take-~- Tns him child
Det
"Aali took
the child for her"
383

---

Reflexivization
(98)a. Aali yett- in -ii hoore mum cukalel ngel
take-~-Tns self-3sg.Poss child Det
"Aali made himself take the child"
b. Aali fett- !n -ii hoore mum cukalel ngel
take- Ben-Tns self-3sg.Poss child Det
"Aali took the child for himself"
Relativization
(99) a. Takko mo Aali -_yett-in-i cukalel
ngel
REL
take-Caus-Tns child Det
"Takko whom Aali made to take the child"
b. Takko mo Aali yett-!n-i
cukalel
ngel
REL
take-Ben-Tns child- ,Det
"Takko for whom Aali took the child"
What is interesting in the above picture is that causee
and benefactive Npls all behave like DOlS of basic sentences
(cf. chapter
2, section 2 .. 2.1 ).
There are also in Fula simple sentences with non-causa-
tive verbs (or more generally, with no extended verb at all)
whioh involves the sarne number of arguments as the causative
sentences (94) and the benefactive sentences in (95).
,
These are the following types.
( 100 ) a. mi yim- i i
lee1e17
l
sing-Tns
leele
"1 have sang the leele"
384

---

b. Demmba
holl-ii Aamadu natal ngal
show-Tns
picture Det
"Demmba showed the picture to Aamadu"
,..
c. mi winnd- ii Takko leeter faa- de e
Sali
l
write-Tns
letter
go-Inf Prep
S
"I wrote Takko a letter to go to Sali"
The above simplex sentences perfectly parallel causative
(94) and
benefactive (95) ones.
Therefore, we suggest
that causative sentences be generated in the base component
of
Fula, just like simple sentences (cf (100) ) and
benefactive sentences ( cf. (95) ).
Since causative sentences are generated in the base
just like non-causative ones, there will be no transforma-
tion to link them. Accordingly, we propose that their rela-
tionship be handled in' the lexicon.
The Fula causative
verbs will be enteredin the lexicon and their relationship
to non-causative verbs will be captured by means of lexical
redundancy rules.
So, the causative verbs in (94) will be
linked to their non-causative counterparts by rules of the.
following type.
/
•... \\
.' .•
385

---

( 101)
/dog-/
/dogn-/
'run'
'cause to run'
+verb
(
)'
+verb
+causative
NP
}TP
NP
x
x -
y
xran
x cause y to run
(102)
/iett-/
/fettin-/
'take'
'cause to take'
+verb
+verb
(
)
+causative
NP
NP
NP
NP
NP
x
y
x
y
z
x took y
x cause y to .take z
(103)
/winnd-/
/winndin-/
'write'
'cause to write'
+verb
~
+verb
+causative
NP
NP
NP
NP
NP
NP
PP
x
y
z
x
y
z
w
x wrote y to z
x cause y to.write-z to w.
The above rules link an intransitive verb dog- 'run' to
the corresponding causative verb dogn- 'cause to run' (cf.
101); a transitive verb fett- 'take' to the corresponding
causative verb fettin- 'cause to take' (cf.102); a di transi-
tive verb winnd-'write' to the corresponding causative
verb winndin- 'cause to write' (cf.103 ).
To summarize, in section 6.1.2.3 we have suggested
a lexica1ist alternative to a PR ana1ysis of Fula causatives
on the basis of several tacts.
First, morphological causa-
tivesinvolve several irregulari ties.
Second, the-rff ls no
..
386

---

evidence that the phone tic shape of the morpheme for rrAUSE .
is related to the verb for CAUSE in periphrastic causatives
to motivate a syntactic relation between the two oonstruc-
tions.
And thirdly, morphological causatives are not so
productive.
We have also shown that a PR-analysis fails to
account for the behavior of ES's.
Furthermore, there is
enough evidence that morphological causatives are struc-
turally
similar to simplex sentences, and like these, mor-
phological causatives must be generated in the base and
the relationship between causative and non-causative verbs
will be captured by means of lexical redundancy rules.
The
flrst part of this chapter has discussed some
syntactic aspects of Pula causative constructions.
The
emphasls has been mainly on the nature of morphological
causatives since periphrastic causatives pose no problem
as to their bisentencial !Jtatus. \\oJe showed that the,seeming-
ly productive
causative morpheme n must in many cases indi-
cate lexical causatives.
We have provided several arguments
to show that this is indeed the case. In the following
last part of this chapter we will be using semantic evldence
to again distinguish the two strategies of causation used
in Pula.
387

---

6.2
On the semantics of causatives
In part one '\\-le tried to capture the syntactic differen-
ce between periphrastic and affixal causatives.
At one
point, we appealed ta such semantic notions
as 'patient'
and 'agent' to explain syntactic constraints (cf. section
6.1.1.1.3.3 ). In this section we will show how other
semantic notions help define and differenciate th~,two
strategies of causation round in Fula.
For, though ana-
lytic causatives could be roughly characterized as a peri-
phrastic variant of the morphological one, several pragmatic
considerations allow us to make semantic distinctions bet-
ween the two.
For example, one factor determining whether
a periphrastic or morphological causative will be used is
18
the extent' to which the causer theme
is involved in car-
jing the caused event.
We will capture this meaning diffe-
rence by refer~~ng 'to the semantic notions 'coercive',
'manipulative', 'directive', and 'indirect' causation.
These notions will be defined latar in our discussion.
Throughout this section, starred sentences must be taken
as semantically anomalous,i.e., they would not be used
or Wbuld rarely be used for pragmatic reasons.
6.2.1 Coercive, maninulative, directive, & indirect causation .
A causative can be defined as eoercive when a causer
theme uses a certain amount of force in order to.reach a
;88

---

a causative phase.
Cases of this situation can be illus-
trated by imperative sentences containing coercive phrases
(underlined below).
(104)a.
dun
Aamadu
njalt -in - aa
'Dush Aamadu
go out- Caus-Tns him
"Push Aamadu to make him go out"
b.* dun
Aamadu
mbad- aa
Jum yaltu- de
push Aamadu
make- Tns
him
go out-Inf
. "as above"
( 105) a. fii
mo
kaal - n - aa
mo
goonga
beat him
speak-Caus-Tns
him
truth
"Beat him to make him tell the truth"
... "
~.
b.* fU
mo
mbad- aa
mo haal-de goonga
bellt him make-Tns him speak-Inf truth
"as above"
( 106) a. jood - n -u
mo
hay
soo wel-aaka
sit - Caus
him
even
if-he want-Nep;
"Hake him si t do\\om
even if he doesn' t
want to"
b.* wad mo jood- lla- de
hay soo lofel- aak- a.,
make him sit- M-Inf
even if-he want-Neg-
Tns
"as above"
•
.'
389
- - ------- .-- --- .- -- _.- - --_... _-.
- - ---

---

The above examples show that the morphological causative
is preferred over the periphrastic one in cases of coercive
situation.
(i.e. when the causer theme utilizes direct
force on the causee).
Note that the examples contain
animate NP's.
We will later show what happens with in-
animates.
Manipulative causation (without coercion) can also
be used to differentiate Fulacausatives as can be seen
below.
(107)
a.
mi
umm-in-il
mo
1
get· up-Caus-Tns
him
"
"I caused him to get un Il
or
"I helped him getup (by raising
him up) Il
(107)
b.
Hi
wad-ii
mo
umm-aa-de
1
make-Tns
him
get up-M-Inf
"I caused him to get Up"
but not *111 helped him get Upll
(by raising
him up)
(108)
a.
mi
fin'd-in-ii
mo
law
l
wake up-Caus-Tns
him
early
"I caused him to wake up earlyll
or
III woke him up (by touching him) Il
b.
mi
wad-ii
mo
fin- de
law
l
make-Tns
him
get up-Inf early
390
---c-~._ .. - ' . - - -

---

"1 caused him to wake up early"
but not
*"1 woke him up (by touching him)"
As Can be noted in the above examples, the periphrastic
causative cannot be used when a physical involvement of
the causer theme,is understood.
(c.f. the starred
translations in l01b and l08b.
Here are sorne contexte where the unstarred sentences
in l01b and l08b are used. The
unstarred sentence l01b
ie used, for example, when a school teacher tells chil-
dren to get up when he enters the class room.
In this
context, the teacher is not physical1y involved and the
causation is more directive (involving the volition of the
students) than manipulative.
The same can be said of sen-
tence J08b.
This sentence can be used when the individual
wakes up by himself, without another person touching him.
He can simply be requested the night before to get up
earlier in the morning.
This also involves the volition
of the caused theme and hence, is a case of directive
causation.
In aIl these sentences, the periphrastic
causative has an abetract meaning similar to the meaning
of the English word 'cause".
On the other hand, the
affixal causative involves the causer's intent to perform
a causative situation.
Thus, when a causative event acts
as a complement of verbs of intent such as 'want' only
the affixal causative can be used as seen in thà·t~llow-
391..

---

ing examples.
(109 )
a.
mi do
yid-i
dog-nu-de
mo
l
want-Tns run-Caus-Inf him
"I want to make him run"
,b.
*mi do
yicf-i
waJ-de
mo
dog-de
l
want-Tns make-Inf him
run-Inf
lias above"
( 110)
a.
mido
sokl-i
hoy-nu-de
ma
l
need-Tns find out-Caus-Inf
you
"I need to cause you to be found outil
b.
*mi do
sokl-i
wad-de
ma
l
rieed-Tns
make-Inf you
hoy-de
find-out-Inf
lias above"
(111)
a.
mi do
tuuy-aa
jal-nu-de
:ma
l
miss-Tns
laugh-Caus-Inf you
"I miss making you laugh"
b.
*mido
tuuy-aa
wad-de
ma
l
miss-Tns make-Inf
you
jal-de
laugh-Inf
lias above"
•
In aIl the above kind of sentences, we cannot use the.
periphrastic causative (c.f. the starred b sentences).
The dichotomy between directive versus manipulative
392..

---

found so far is, in fact, consistent with our findings
in the first part of this chapter.
Indeed, we have ana1yzed
Fu1a morpho10gica1 causatives a~ cases of lexical causa-
tives (c.f. section 6.1).
It is in fact common in languages
to find lexical c'ausatives in manipu1ative causative
situations.
"Thus, one of the major semantic differences
between the productive and lexical causatives
is that whi1e the former invo1ves directive
causation, the latter invo1ves manipu1ative
causation."
(Shibàtani, 1975:
53)
This statement is confirmed by the Fu1a data.
The dichot-
omy directive/manipu1ative can be again best i11ustrated
by the fo110wing causative constructions invo1ving inanimate
caused themes.
(112) a.
mi
dir-n-ii
tabaa1
nga1
l
move-Caus-Tns
table
Det
"I moved the tab1el!
b.
*mi
wad-ii
taaba1
nga1
dir-de
l
make-Tns
table
Det
move-Inf
"1 made the table move"
(113)
a.
mi
rutt-in-ii
deftere
nde
l
go back-Caus-Tns book
Det
"I brought back the book"
b.
*mi
wadkii
deftere
nde
l
make-Tns
book
Det
rutt-aa-de
gO,back-M-Inf
393

---

"I made the book go back"
Because periphrastic causatives invo1ve more directive
causation, they cannot be used in the above examp1es.
This fo11ows from the fact that,in directive causaation,
the caused theme must be able to carry out an action by its
own will, which is not the case of the inanimate caused
themes in (112) and (113) above.
However, we find cases
where inanimate caused themes appear in both constructions
as seen in the fo11owing pairs of sentences.
(114 )
a.
mi
di11-in-ii
njamndi
ndi
l
shake-Caus-Tns meta1
Det
"I shook the meta1"
b.
mi
wa[-ii
njamndi
ndi
di 11u-de
l
make-Tns meta1
Det
shake-Inf
"1 caused the meta1 to shake"
,
(115 )
a.
mi
yan'd-in-ii
tumude
rtde
l
fa11-Caus-Tns
ca1abash Det.
"I caused the ca1abash to fa11"
b.
mi
waJ-ii
tumude
nde
yan-de
l
make-Tns ca1abash Det
fa11-Inf
"as above"
( 116)
a.
mi
yoor-n-ii
berem1efi
di
l
dry-Caus-Tns 1eaves
Det
"1 dr1ed the 1eaves"
b.
mi
wad-ii
berem1efi
di
yoor-de
l
make-'I'ns 1eaves
Det"dry-Inf
----
-------.
--._-- ._.-.
-394-

---

"1 caused the leaves to dry up"
(117 )
a.
mi
samm-in-ii
bibbe
lecfJe
l
fall-Caus-Tns children trees
Det
"1 caused the fruit to fall"··,
b.
mi
wad-ii
ledcfe
de
l
make-Tns children trees
Det
saron-de
fall-Inf
"as above"
~fuile the rnanipulative reading of the above a-sentences
is certain, it dces not seern that the b-sentences involve
'directive causation', as definep above (since the causees
cannot perform the actions by themselves).
Subsequently,
we suggest that the b-sentences be analyzed as involving
'indirect causation', i.e. the agent NP's in these sen-
tences do not act directly on the caused themes.
Thus,
below are some sample contexts explaining the use of
these sentonces.
The a-sentences definitely involve manipulative causa-
tion, where the causer thernes are physically involved by
touching (intentionally or
not) and consequently moving
the metal (114a), causing the calabash fall (115a), inten-
tionally taking the leaves, say, to the sun so they may
dry up (116a), or throwingrstones at the fruits so they
will fall (117a).
395

---

In the b-sentences, the causer theme is indirectly
responsible for the caused events.
For instance, he May
forget to look after the elements, and
because of that,
a child shook the Metal (114b), lor touched the calabash
causing it to fall (115b).
He May forget to water the leaves
and
cause them to cl!'y up (1l6b), or fail to protect
the fruits and wind Mede them fall down (117b).
In aIl
these cases, the causer theme is indirectly involved.
To summarize this section, we attempted to briefly
point out the semantic differences between periphrastic
and affixal causatives in Pula.
rTe have done so by showing
that periphrastic causatives pressuppose less involvement
of the causer themes.
The following chart summarizes the
semantic notions discussed. (*= semantically anomalous;
x =frequently used).
morphological
periphrastic
causatives
causatives
Coercive manipulative
causation
x
*
non-coercive manipula-
tive causation
x
*
directive causation
*
x
indirect causation
*
x
~.
..... ,..'
396

---

Conclusion
In this chapter, we have attempted to cover several
aspects of causatives in Pula.
First, we discussed the
constraints involved in analytic and morphological
causativization.
One of our important findings is that
analytic causatives are almost totally productive, which is
quite a univers al phenomenon.
Analy~ic causatives may,
however, be constrained by semantic restrictions (c.f.
section 6.2).
On the other hand, we pointed out that morphological
causatives are not cases of PR-causatives;
rather, they
must be approached from· a lexicalist point of view if one
wants to account for the irregularities and idiosyncracies
associated with affixal causatives.
Second, we briefly showed tha t the dichotom"y bè:tw'een.··
productive and
lexical'causatives is supported by seman-
tic differences;
i.e., while the periphrastic call1Hfti.ves
in Fula (i.e. the productive ones) involve directive and
indirect causation, morphological causatives are more
coercive and manipulative.
397

---

FOOTNOTES - Cmapter 6
1- Actually, we can assume that ~ is the basic
form of the Fula càusative morpheme, in being its phonetic
variant.
The i-epenthesis is found "rhen n is added to·
a verb stem which ends in a cluster of two consonants,
following a general rule which can be grossly stated as
(118)
~
----,
i
I ... CC
+C
(stem]
For exemple, mi diw-n-ii
colli
(I fly-Caus-Tns
birds) "I made the birds fly", but mi dill-in-il
nilr-am
(I shake-Caus-Tns tooth-my)
"I shook my tooth".
The causative morpheme can also be followed by u-
epenthesis, following a different rule:
(119)
~----,u/...cC
C
[stem]
For exemple, the infinitiveform for 'make-fly' is
diw-n-u-de (fly-Caus-epen. u-Inf) and the imperative
form diw-rr-u (fly"'Caus-epent u) "make fly".
2-
We can find a juxtaposition of more than
one verbal element in sentences like:
(120)
mi
wad-ii
mo
yaa-de
""
naam-oy-de
l
make-Tns him go-Inf
eat-Mvt-Inf
III made him go eat"
3-
Quite a few verbs behave like waJ- 'make' by
requiring that the following verb be in its infinitival
forme
l will give sorne exemples without further discussion.
(121)
a.
mi
yid-ii
yaa-de
l
want-Tns
go-Inf
"I want to go"
398-

---

b.
mi
jogor-ii
yaa-de
l
may-Tns
go-Inf
"1 might go"
c.
mi
suus-aa
wullu-de
l
dare-Neg
shout-Inf
1'1 dare not shout"
d.
mi
suwaa
gayrt-u-de
l
not-yet
finish-Inf
"I haven't fini shed yet"
e.
mi
fot-ii
ar-de
l
must-Tns come-Inf
"1 must come"
4-
We will argue in later sections that n-marked
causative verbs are lexical causatives.
However, because
they are formed through derivational processes, n-causative
verbs must be distingui~bedfrom true lexical causatives like
~ "kill" (Le. cause to die) etc. which happens to be
a rather universa1 phenomenon.
5-
'ibis is true, except in a few cases found·.;ln
the causativization of ditransitive sentences cc:'ltâilling
verbs that require a fixed word order;
or'which'allow'
patient subjects (c.f. discussion in section 6'.1.1.1.3).
6-
In fact, this incompatibi1ity will be shown
to be independent of voice in a later section (c.f.
section 6.1.1.1.3).
7-
More specifica11y, it will be shown that
only ditransitive sentences that have corresponding peri-
phrastic seria1 constructions al10w affixal causatlvization.
8-
It may be suggested that an 'benefactive' and
.
-
n'causative' cannot co-oocur to avoid cacophon~n-sounds.
However, this cannot hold since'it is possible to get
double causatives (c.f. section 6.1.1.2.1).
Therefore,
"
the 'direct conflict' seems to be the only adequate
exp1anation.
In fact, a similar situation is also found
399

---

in Bantu (Givon, 1976).
In his peper, Givon explains the ungrammaticality
of the Bemba sentences in (122) by a conflict originating
from case marking.
(122)
a.
Paa-leenga
Mwape
uku-tem-ena
Hutumba
iciimuti
"I HADE Mape cut a stick for l-iutumba"
b. *Naa-tem-en
-esha
Mwane
Muttimba
I-past-cut-for-Cause M.
M.
iciimuti
stick
1
(example from Givon)
In (122b), where the morphological causative is used,
Nwape.(the causee NP) and Hutumba (the benefactive NP)
are competing for immediate postverbal position, hence the
ungrammaticality of the sentence.
9-Since simulative extensions have the property
of supplying the Middle voice, the rule will apply
vacuously to verbs that are basically Middle verbs.
For
example,
liilaade 'to look for' is basicnlly a Middle
verb;
when we add the simulative to this form we
get the simulative form yiilkinaade 'to go for a walk'.
Therefore, the effect of the simulative rule is only
transparent with verbs that do not allow the Middle voice
in their basic forms (see discussion below).
10-
The exc'eption to this is found in frozen
forms like ~kinde cukalel 'to take a
child for a walk'
which has an active voice.
Il-At least seese
'slowly' has sorne noun proper-
ties, such as requiring an instrumental marker like
instrument NP's.
However, it does not fit into any noun
class.
12-
In his paper, Comrie (1976), states that
"there are no syntactic restrictions on the formation of
..
..400

---

causative constructions (though there May, of course be
semantic restrictions, and, in Many laneuaGes, morphological
or idiosyncratic lexical restrictions.
More specifically,
no
matter how Many arguments a given non-causative verb
has, there will be an equivalent causative verb with one
or more arguments~
Exceptions to this rule are called
'causative blockage' by Comrie. '
(123)
a.
mi
wad-ii
;\\ali
hollu";de
l
make-Tns
A.
show-Inf
Demmba
natal
D.
picture
(c'.f. *S3)
b.
mi
wad-ii
Sira
takku-de
l
make-Tns
s.
stick-Inf
Pennda
fenaande
P.
lie
"1 made Sira accuse Pennda of lying"
(c.f. *S5b)
c.
mi
waJ-ii
Sira
takku-de
l
make-Tns
S.
stick-Inf
fenaande
e
Penda
lie
on
P.
"same as b"
(c.f.
*S5b)
l3-In fact this should be a first synchronie
evidence for PR in languages (Vroman, 1976):
"the first piece of syntactic evidence for the syn-
chrnnic analysis that the future endinss (in
Y.S.):dèrive from a main verb is that there is a
paraphrase of
the future which consists of the
'verb haver followed b1 the preposition de plus the
infinItve • "
(p. 77 ).
Though this citation is not about causatives, we think it
is a principle which should be takeninto accountin
the treatment of any PR issue.
14-
VR (Verb-raising) is another term for PRe
401

---

15- Reca11 that the second verb in seria1
constructions has a prepositiona1 meaning (c.f. Chapter 2) •
Therefore, we can assune that the comp1ex
faade
e
'go to' is a comp1ex preposition.
16-
In fact, though this issue has not been
emphasized nt any point of our discussion, we want to
generate a11 extended verbs in Pula in the 1exicon.
Thus,
causative verbs will be treated just 1ike any other ex-
tended verbe (see more arsuments in favor of this analys~
be1ow).
However, the reader may consu1t Givon (1971) for
a dirferent approach to what l ca11 extensions.
In his
paper, Givon c1aims (among other things) that Bantu verb-
deriving suffixes arose from main verbs.
17-Lee1~ is a type of love song sung in the
Fuuta Tooro region.
18~Causer th~~ refers to the entity that
functions in the causing phase and that initiates a
causative situation.
Caused theme: refers to the entity that either initi-
ates an activity or undergoes a change of state that con-
stitutes the caused phase.
The above terms and definitions are taken from Shi-
batani (1975).
"
402

---

CHAPTER VII
On the Nature of Grammatical Relations:
Concluding Remarks
The main focus
of this thesis has been the study of
the behavioral properties of noun phrases in Fula and the
major syntactic processes which affect them.
Most of our
description has centered around the notion of grammatical
relations.
We will now conelude our discussion by making
sorne observations about the general nature of grammatical
relations.
The notions of 'subject', 'direct object', 'indirect
object', and 'oblique' have been discussed on the basis
of saveraI.criteria, including case-marking, the position
of NP's within a clause, their s7ntactic behavior and
samantic properties.
In so doing, we have given support
to the now weIl known claim that grammatical relations
cannot be defined in positional and/or morphological terms
only.
However, the behavior of Fula NP's also shows that
there is no strong evidence for distinguishing
most of
the above gr8Jllll1aticaI relations from each other.
Rather,
our analysis shows that Fula syntactic processes refer to
403

---

more generaldistinctions which can be described as follows:
1.
Subject versus non-subjects
Instead of distinguishing 'subjects', 'direct objects',
'indirect objects', and 'obliques' from each other, Most of
the
Fula syntactic processes refer only to subjects as
opposed to non-subjects.
This is the case of processes like
Reflexivization, Equi NP deletion, Conjunctive Subject
Deletion, Topicalization, and movement in focus constructions
(c.t. Chapters 3 and 4).
2.
Terms versus non-terms
The term/non-term distinction was mainly discussed
with regard to the process of Reflexivization; i.e. NP's
that are objects of a preposition are pronomina11zed by
a possessive pronoun whereas those which are not objects of
a preposition are pronominalized by a regular class pronoun.
Also, when objects of a preposition are relativized, they
leave a resumptive pronoun behind;
non-objects of a
preposition don't.
1
The above distinctions can be explained by the very
nature of Fula non-subject NP's which we will now discuss.
It is not possible to identity DO's in transitive
sentences with DO's in intransitive sentences, nor can we
f
404

---

detine Fula IO's in a unitary way.
For example, in ordinary
transitive sentences patient NP's are basic DO's character-
ized by the tollowing teatures:
(i)
They occupy immediate postverbal position
(li ) They are unmarked tor case
,.
(lii) They May undergo several syntactic processes
including Passivization, Retlexivization,
Pronominalization, and Relativization.
However, when either ot the three NP's (recipient, benetac-
tive or causee) is present in a sentence, patient NP's
no longer cao occupy the position immediately atter the
verb (compare structures (1) and (2) belowl:
(1)
Ag
Pred
f!!
(2)
Ag
Pred
{R~C JPat
Ben
Causee
Noreover, patient NP's in (2) tail to undergo such processes
as passivization (c.t. Chapter 5).
On the other hand, Reci-
pient, Benetactive, and Causee NP's in (2) retain Most
ot the teatures associated with basic DO's (c.t. Chapters
2, 5, and 6).
The notion ot Indirect Dbject cannot be detined in
a unitary tashion.
This has been shown in Chapter 2.
There, we arrived at the conclusion that Fula IO's (i.e.
real recipients) behave syntactically like basic DOlS when
the word order is tixed as in structures like (2).
But
405

---

there is also evidence that there are IO's which are case-
marked like goal locatives.
This, therefore, suggests
that there are IO's of oblique type in Fula.
As for 'obliques', the facts of Fula show that this
notion cannot be defined in mere semantic terms.
That is,
,
it is not the case that thematic relations like 'benefactive',
'instrumental' and 'locative' etc. correspond to oblique
NP's which are low in the hierarchy of grammatical relations.
We have shown that benefactive NP's have several properties
(positionally and syntactically) associated with basic
DO's.
And, to some extent, they may be higher than, say,
. patient NP's in the hierarchy of grammatical relations
(c.t.
discussion of (2) above).
Finally, instrumental
NP's are like patient NP's in both transitive and ditransi-
tive constructions as seen in the following structures.
( 3 )
transi tive
a.
Ag
Pred
Pat
b.
Ag
Pred
Inst
-
(4)
ditransitive
a.
Ag
Pred
Rec
~
b.
Ag
Pred
Pat
Inst
-
As we have shown in the previous chapters, patient and
instrumental 'NP's have DO properties in ordinary transitive
sentences like (3), but fail to maintain these properties in
ditransitive sentences like (4) (c.f.discussion in Chapters
2 and 5).
406

---

Thus our study on Fula has shown that describing syn-
tac tic processes in terms of grammatical relations is both
effective and revealing.
407

---

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