ri'
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LAMA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
,1
_.-_.,..",,-~-
\\
'-~'~N;~~~--A~RIC'A'NET MALGACHE'
• POUR l'ENSEIGNEMENT SUPERIEUR
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\\. C. A. M. E. S. -
oU1§~goUGOU \\
t Arrivée. 0 k..OeI .. ~
......,. :\\
1
\\ Enregistré sous ,~:,1t.[d~·~a:s--~
BY
1
METERWA OURSO
Lic., University of Benin, 1975
tl
M.Ed., University of Exeter, 1981
'1
1
THESIS
1
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degreê of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics
1
in the Graduate Collage of the
University of Illinois at Urbana~Champaign, 1989
,1
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, ;,
Urbana, Illinois
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© Copyright by
Méterwa Oursa
1989
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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN
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THE GRADUATE COLLEGE
1
1
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WE HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS BY
Meterwa Ourso
1
Lama Phonology
ENTITLED
& Morp~~~y
_
1
BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
1
THE D EG RE E 0 F
D_o_c_t_o_r__o_f__P_h_i_l_o_s_o--=-p_h--'-y
--.-.
_
1
~W~
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Charles W. Kisseberth
Head of Department
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t Rcquired for doctor's degree but not for llIaster's.
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iii
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LAMA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
1
Méterwa Ourso, Ph.D.
Department of Linguistics
1
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1989
Charles Kisseberth, Advisor
1
Lama is a Gur language of the Oriental Subgroup spoken in the districts of
Kéran and Doufelgou (Défalé) as a native language. It has received liUle attention
1
in the field of Iinguistics and particularly within the framework of generative
1
grammar.
This dissertation is a detailed description and analysis of the interaction
1
between phological rules and morphological rules in Lama.
The dissertation consists of 5 chapters. The first, introductory chapter
1
locates the language ln terms of' geographical and typological affinities with the
1
other Gur languages of the Central Gur language family. In Chapter 2, we
provide a description and an analysis of the sound system. Of particular interest
1
are the sections on consonant alternation and Advanced Tongue Root (ATR)
vowel harmony. Chapter 3 considers syllabification rules in the light of CV-
1
phonology. Chapter 4 gives a detailed account of the general tone rules in the
1
language (high tone spread, contour tone simplication, low tone deletion), and
concentrates on the tonal rules of noun morphology. Of particular relevance is
1
the interaction between the tones of noun roots and the tones of noun-c1ass
suffixes. Chapter 5 is an analysis of the tonal system in the verb morphology. It is
1
shown that while Meeussen's rule applies in the language generally, its
1
application in noun morphology differs from its application in verb morphology.
Another important section in Chapter 5 is the section on the interface between
1
phonology and syntax particularly in the perfective aspect.
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Dedicated to
1. The memories of
1
R.P. André Prost
Papa Emmanuel Técro
Ayékim Kolou
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2. My father, Samon Kadjou
My wife and Children-
1
3. Pam Lindell
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ACKNOWLEDGEME NTS
It would take me another dissertation to acknowledge ail the wonderful
1
people who have supported me throughout my initiation rite as a PhD. candidate.
As 1 have no intention of writing another dissertation may ail the people who
1
helped me know that 1 did not forget them, even if 1 did not mention them by
1
name. 1am, however, compelled to mention a few names here.
1 am indebted to my dissertation committee, and 1 would like to thank
1
Professor C. C. Cheng and Professor J. Morgan for their academic and moral
support. No word is adequate enough to express my gratitude to my advisor and
1
my mentor, Professor C. W. Kisseberth for ail he did for me during my whole
1
PhD. program. He provided me with everything 1 needed and wanted for my
academic and psychological fulfillment. 1am indebted to Professor M. Kentowicz
1
for his time, his academic expertise and his patience throughout my work. 1am
indebted to my friends C. Ulrich, D. Evans, J. Gothard, R. Treece, P. Lindell, E.
1
Sutton, C. Saldeen, N. Kamwangamalu for their invaluable technical assistance,
and particularly to Ella O. Yu for her friendship, her continued assistance, her
1
criticism, suggestions and encouragement throughout the whole manuscript.
1
1 am also thankful to ~he staff and personnel in the Department of
Linguistics, the Language Learning Laboratory, the' Rectorat de l'Unversité du
1
Bénin', and the Office of International Students Affairs.
The Fulbright program provided ail the financial support for carrying out
1
my studies at the University of Illinois at U-C. Through Ms. Hazel Greenfield, 1
1
would like to thank the Institute of International Education in Chicago, my
sponsors and the American Cultural Center in Lomé.
1
This work would not have taken its present shape without the friendship of
the following people: Amadou Cissé, Poovi Abaglo, E. Platt, S. Mmusi, Dorothea
1
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vi
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Milton, Z. Branstine, E. Bedou-Djondo, M. Carrera, L. Downing, J. Ohk Cho, S.
1
Siang, Kudzo Djantor, Hyoung Y. Kim, Ed. Kovach and family, the Amaté family,
the Kamwangamalu family, the Yu famllYi the Sarr family, the Singo family, the
1
Adjalimbassé family, the Nubukpo family and the Lama community in Lomé. 1
1
appreciate the patience of Akossiwa, my beloved wife, for putting up wlth the
lonely nights and the whims of an on-moving husband. 1 hope this quest for
1
knowledge is the last one that involved family splitting.
To everyone, my profound gratitude.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1. LAMA IN THE GUR LANGUAGE FAMILY
1
1
1.0.
Introduction: on the origin of 'Gur'
1
1.1. Central Gur
3
1
1.2.
Lama: language and dialects
3
1.2.1.
Previous research on Lama
8
1.2.2. The present researcll
12
1
CHAPTER 2. THE SOUND SYSTEM OF LAMA
16
2.0.
Introduction
16
1
2.1.
Identification of the consosnants
, 16
2.1.1.
Stops
16
2.1.1.1. The labial stops p and kp
18
1
2.1.1.2. The alveolar stop t
22
2.1.1.3.
The retroflex stop d
23
2.1.1.4. The velar stop k
23
2.1.2.
Fricatives
24
1
2.1.2.1. The fricative sound f
25
2.1.2.2. The fricative s
25
2.1.2.3.
The sound h
26
1
. 2.1.2.4. The sound hy
27
2.1.3. Affricates
,\\,::'A.I~J~~.,•••••••••••••••••••• , 29
2 1 4
L'
'd
~~
~/'1~
29
. ..
'quI S
'i>~~• • r,';,
.
1
2.1.4.1.
The sound 1 •••••• §'l_' .: :,'
f>\\
c' \\ .
29
2.1.4.2. The sound r
,.5 . c'';'' M .E. ~ ~ .S-; .....•..•..•..•.. , 30
2.1.5.
Nasals
u.\\~ ..~,
30
2.1.6.
Glides . . . . . . . . . . • ':;.\\.
J.li
32
1
2.1.7.
Phonetic classification of lama consonâMts
35
2.1.8. Alternation ln con~onants :':f>'~-f,f~""""""""""
37
2.1.8.1.
The p/w alternatlons
";-;
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
1
2.1.8.2.
The r/d alternation
49
2.1.8.3.
N-assimilation
56
2.1.8.4.
Alternation in fricatives
60
1
2.1.8.5.
Consonants in the UR
69
2.2.
The vowels
72
2.2.1.
Identification of the vowels
73
2.2.1.1.
Front vowels
74
1
2.2.1.2.
Back vowels
76
2.2.1.3.
Central vowels
78
2.2.1.4.
ATR classification
, 83
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2.2.2.
ATR vowel harmony
86
2.2.2.1.
Facts related to [+~TR] high vowels
86
2.2.2.2.
Facts about the [-A rA] vowels
88
1
2.2.2.3.
Facts about the mid [+ATR] vowels
89
2.2.2.4.
Root control, underspecification and ATR harmony.
92
2.3. Conclusion
102
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CHAPTER 3. SYLLABIFICATION PROCESSES
104
3.0.
Introduction
.
104
3.1 . Syllables at the surface level
. 104
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3.1.1 . Monosyllabic types
..
105
3.1.2.
Polysyllabic types
. 108
3.2.
Syllable building strategies
.
110
1
3.2.1.
Principles of syllabification
.
111
3.2.2.
Syllabification rules and consonant c1usters
. 113
3.2.2.1.
Syllable trees and consonant c1usters
. 114
1
124
~:~:2'6'on~r~~~~ t~e.e.s.a.n~ .o~~e~ :~~~o.l~g.i~a.1 ~.I~s
. 139
CHAPTER 4. TONAL INVENTORY IN NOUN MORPHOLOGY
140
1
4.0.
Introduction
140
4.1.
Basic morphology of the noun
141
1
4.1.1.
Segmental alternationin some NC suffixes
142
4.1.2.
Tonal structure of the NC suffixes
, 153
4.1.2.1.
The category of falling tone suffixes
155
1
4.1.2.2.
NC suffixes of three tonal patterns
159
. 4.1.2.3.
NC suffixes of four tonal patterns
163
4.2.
Tonal configuration in noun morphology
167
4.2.1.
Toné in the suffixless Noun Class
168
1
4.2.2.
Noun roots and category i suffixes
87
4.2.3.
Noun roots and category ii suffixes
194
4.2.3.1.
The low, high, and fallin~ tone alternations
, 195
1
4.2.3.2 .. The high, falling, and rismg alternation
206
4.2.4.
Noun rootsand category Hi suffixes
209
4.2.4.1.
High tone realisation in the suffixes
209
1
4.2.4.2.
Low tone realisation in the suffixes
212
4.2.5.
Exceptions in tonal alternations
216
4.3.
Conclusion
221
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CHAPTER 5. TONE INVENTORY IN VERB MORPHOLOGY
223
5.0.
Introduction.
Background to verb morphology
223
1
5.1.
Segmental and tonal structure of incompletive verbs
, 228
5.1.1.
Morphology of the infinitive verb forms
229
5.1.1.1.
Segmental structure of the infinitives
230
1
5.1.1.2.
Tonal alternation in the infinitive suffix
233
5.1.2.
Morphology of the progressive verb form
245
5.1.2.1.
Segmental alternation ln the progressive suffix
245
1
5.1.2.2.
Tonal realisation ln the progressive suffix
258
5.2.
Segmental and tonal structure of perfective verbs
275
5.2.1.
Segmental alternation in perfective verbs
276
5.2.2.
Tonal alternation in perfective verb forms
;1, • • • • • • • • • • • •
277
1
5.2.3.
Tonal and morphosyntactic behavior of W8.
285
5.2.3.1.
Morphosyntactic distribution of W8.
285
5.2.3.2.
Tone realisation in the complete perfective VP
293
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5.3.
Conclusion
303
1
REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
305
VITA
310
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CHAPTER 1. LAMA IN THE GUR LANGUAGE FAMILY.
1
1.0. Introduction: on the orlgln of 'Gur'.
1
The aim of this study is ta provide a comprehensive description and
1
analysis of the phonological and the morphological system of Lama, a Gur
language of West Africa.
1
The recognition of Gur languages as a family goes as far back as 1854
when Koelle published his Polyglotta Africana. According ta Bendor-Samuel
1
(1971), Koelle included twelve languages and dialects of Gur in that publication.
1
However, it was not until 1913 that a c1ear picture of the Gur language
family was established through the works of Delafosse (1911) and Westermann
1
(1913). Meanwhile, Krausse and J.G. Christaller are reported ta be the first
scholars ta introduce the term 'Gur' in the linguistic literature between 1886 and
1
1889 (Bendor-Samuel, 1971). Bendor-Samuel (1971 :141) rightly suggests that
1
"the term 'Gur' is based on the fact that the syllable 'gur' occurs in names such
as Gurma, Guren, Guresha, Gurunsi, Guri, Liguri, and Guruba". But most of
1
the languages c1assified in the Gur language family do not have the syllable 'gur'.
Geographie and typological affinities might have also contributed in the general
1
classification of what is known today as the 'Gur Language Family' within the
1
grand ensemble of the Niger-Congo.
Although there is still a debate as ta which languages should belong ta the
1
Gur Family proper, c1assificatory works by Greenberg (1966), and Bendor-
Samuel (1971), Fivaz et al (1977) among others are agreed that the Gur
1
Language Family has ten
main branches. The overall picture of these
1
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c1assififcatians is shawn an
Fivaz et al
(1977:311)
Language
Charts
1
repraduced here as 'Table 1'.
Table 1. Fivaz et al (1977:311).
1
Gur 323
language [harts
1
c
o
~
o
o
1
1
o
.0-
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
i
1
~
0
~
1
~
î
~
i
o "
- A
il
0
O-Z
~
3
~ ~:~i!
~
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3
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Table 1 shows the ten branches of the Gur family, with two major
1
branches: the Central Gur and the Senufo Group. Of interest to us is the Central
Gur to which Lama (referred to as Lamba on the chart) belongs.
1
1.1. Central Gur
1
As the language ch art shows, the Central Gur is subdivded into three
branches. The major branches are the Moore-Gurma Group and the Grusi
1
Group. Lama belongs to the latter group. Geographically, as the ethnolinguistic
map 1 will show, Lama of the Grusi Group is found side by side with Somba (also
1
known as Tamberma) and Gangam of the Moore-Gurma Group. The three
1
languages belong to the same political district (of Kéran) and yet they do not
belong to the same language group for typological reasons.
1
The Grus i
Group is further divided into four subgroups, the fourth one
being the Eastern Subgroup. The Eastern Subgroup further ramifies into four
1
branches: Lamba (Lama) subgroup, Tem, Oelo subgroup, and Bago.
ln the Lamba
Subgroup, we find Lama, the language of the present
1
study, Kabiye which is one of the two national languages in Togo, and Oompago.
1
Personal knowledge of most of the languages in the Lamba Subgroup indicates
that Lama, Kabiye, and Tem (Kotocoli) are c10sely related languages in that they
1
are mutually intelligible to a certain extent. Linguistically, their grammatical
systems are also similar in many ways. It wou Id therefore seem inaccurate to
1
exclude Tem from the Lamba Subgroup as Fivaz et al (1977) did on the chart
1
presented here.
1.2. lama: language and dlalects.
1
Lama, also called Lamba by the Togolese administration, is spoken by
1
approximately 60,931 people in the districts of Kéran (Kantè) and Ooufelgou
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(Refal) and also in Massedina. Its close relation to Kabiye can lead to the
1
speculation that both languages undoubtedly descend fram a common ancestor
1
which can be traced back to the Proto-Lama-Tésî (Lama-Tésî literally means
. home of the Lama'). But synchronically Lama and Kabiye are two different
1
languages even though they remain c10sely related in many respects. Brinneman
(1980) convincingly shows the linguistic (phonological and syntactic) differences
1
between the two languages. The following ethnolinguistic map (Lafage 1978)
1
shows the different languages spoken in Togo and particularly the linguistic area
of Lama in the Gur family in the northern region.
1
Map 1. Ethnolinguistic Map of Togo.
1
""UII vuLT;,
1
1
00'
1
8EMN
1
1
lAfIGU(S VOlI.aIQutS
1
'"
1
c=Jt.NGUES RESIOU!llES
1
L=~= \\
1
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1
,-
~-----
- - - -
"
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5
1
As the map shows, Lama (Lamba) is isolated from the rest of the Eastern
1
Subgroup (Kabiye and Tem) by Naudem, a language from the Moore-Gurma
Group. If the speculation that Kabiye and Lama were originally dialects of the
1
same ancestor language is accepted, their identity today as different but closely
related languages might be explained by their geographical isolation arising from
1
ethnie movements from one place to another.
1
Lama, which is the language described in the present dissertation, has two
main variants and several dialects. We can clearly distinguish between the
1
variant of Refal and the variant of Kantè on the basis of phonetic (pronunciation)
and lexical indicators. We will give a detailed example of the differences between
1
the two variants. For instance, where a speaker of Kantè variant would say hô
1
'dog' (with an optional nasalisation of the vowel), the speaker of Refal variant
n./
would say 'hâ 1 (with a compulsory nasalisation of the vowel in this specifie
1
example). Here, we observe the application of two different phonological rules.
The underlying representation (UR) of this sam pie element is nha-on where the
1
vowel/ol is a noun c1ass suffix. As it will be shown in chapter 2, the speakers of
Kantè variant apply a vowel truncation rule whereby the final vowel of noun root
1
drops in front of the suffixal vowel. The sample example shows that the speakers
1
of Refal variant apply a syncope rule whereby the class suffix is dropped instead.
For certain elements within the same noun-c1ass, the speakers of Kantè variant
1
will apply the syncope rule (#re-o# => ré 'home') while the speakers of Refal
variant apply the truncation rule (#re-o# => r6 'home'). In the reverse application
1
of the two rules in the second example, we also observe a difference in the
1
values of the Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) feature. In Refal variant of Lama, the
root vowel of the word r6 'home' is underlyingly specified as [+ATR] (vowels in
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6
1
bold face are [+ATR]) whereas in Kantè variant that vowel is not specified for that
1
feature. In chapter 2, we discuss in detail the ATR system in Kantè variant.
Although this sketch gives an idea of the difference between the two major
1
variants of Lama, the two dialects are mutually intelligible since they are spoken
by the same cultural ethnie group which, for admistrative reasons have been split
1
between two districts: (1) the district of Kéran, where Kantè dialect of Lama
1
shares the geographical area with Ngangan and Tamberma; (2) the district of
Doufelgou, where Refal dialect of Lama and Naudem are found side by side.
1
This dissertation focuses on the Kantè variant of Lama. Kantè is used
here as a cover term to refer to Lama spoken in the district of Kéran as opposed
1
to Lama spoken in the district of Doufelgou (Refal variant). The decision to
1
restrict the description here to Kantè variant of the same language stems from
the
fact
that
our data do
not
cover the
two
variants.
Consequently,
1
overgeneralisation about the whole language might be analytically misleading.
We do not deny the fact that within Kantè variant itself there are dialectal
1
variations which should be taken into consideration, since Lama is spoken on a
g
wide scale in the district of Kéran as the following map shows. Where necessary,
we point out certain facts which differentiate one dialect from the other in Kantè
1
variant of Lama.
1
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7
1
Map 2. Lama in the District a'f Keran.
Adapted fram Assamela (1976).
1
1
1
-----::>--
- - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - -
, ---- ---~
1
't>--
o
_ --
~
-..
u>
-----..
~
C
_______
-
Q..
" ' - -
;...
1
:z: - -
- -
3 -- -
-
0
- -
-
c ,
-~
~-.--
1
...::::----.........
1
1
( l
;.
"
0
:J
<J'
n
,
1
-cJ
~
ô'
::l
GJ
Cl-
1
c·
'"
a
3
o
:;
A
3
<J'
~
-;
1
IY
13 r-<
.z:. r:>
1
/
I~ a..-'"
1
o
1.
,
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B
1
1.2.1. Prevlous research on lama.
1
Serious Iiterature on Lama is next to nothing. To the best of our
knowledge, two documents of ethnographie studies and three sources of
1
linguistic investigations are available.
The two ethnographie studies consist of a theological thesis by Assamela
1
(1976) and a doctoral dissertation by A. Aïssah-Assih (1986).
Assamela's work gives important information on the laws of traditional
1
marriage and their impact on Christian laws of marriage in relation to the who le
1
Lama speaking community.
Aïssah-Assih's dissertation gives a detailed analysis of the traditional laws
1
regulating widowhood and how they affect the woman who marries within the
Lama community.
1
The linguistic relevance of these sources is that they relate to the
1
ethnography of speaking. Of particular interest are the examples that illustrate
the use of linguistic registers in ceremonial rituals related to birth, marriage, and
1
death. For a linguist working in the area of language and culture, these works are
important sources for understanding basic aspects of Lama culture. Although not
1
trained linguists, the two researchers who are native speakers of Lama, have
1
painstakingly transcribed the illustrative Lama words and expressions as they are
spoken.
m
The first comprehensive liguistic study on Lama was carried out by Prost
(1963). The study which is about 78 pages covers phonology, morphology, and
1
syntax. In Prost's inventory of Lama phonology, there are eight vowels among
1
which the vowel schwa is described as toneless although he does not recognize
tone in other vowels. The main problem with the inventory of the vowels is that
1
Prost might have failed in part to distinguish between high lax vowels and mid
1
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9
1
tense vowels. As the present study will show, Lama has eleven vowels in the UR.
1
We will show how easy it is to confuse these vowels when the feature ATR
(Advanced Tongue Root) is not taken into consideration. And Prost does not
1
include this feature in his description of the vowels.
Prost, however, provides a systematic inventory of the consonants of
1
Lama. But in his inventory, the voiced dental stop Idl and the velar nasal ITlI, in
1
Prost's description, need reconsideration. What Prost (1963:5) describes as a
voiced dental stop contrasting with the voiceless dental stop Itl is actually a
1
retroflex stop [0'] which, like the velar nasal [Tl], is derived by rule in our analysis
(cf chapter 2).
1
The tonal system of the language has not been analyzed nor mentioned in
1
Prost's analysis.
Nevertheless, Prost's pioneering work on Lama remains to date the most
1
authoritative c1assic in the study of Lama. It has inspired a typological study
involving Lama and other Gur languages (Manessy 1969). Other studies,
1
including the present dissertation, have been carried out in the Iight of Prost's
invaluable work.
1
Manessy's (1969) typological work on several languages of the Grusi
1
branch includes Lama. His source of information was Prost's work considered
above. The problems related to Manessy's generalisations are fully discussed
1
and illustrated in chapter 2 of this dissertation.
It has come to our notice quite recently (Iate April 1989) that a doctoral
1
dissertation in linguistics has been devoted to the study of the Refal dialect of
1
Lama
(Groupe
d'Etudes
et
de
Recherches
en
Linguistique
Afr icaine:
1988
#1). According to that journal, the study Le
Lamba
de
1
Défalé,
phonologie
et
morphologie by Adji Sardji Aritiba is in two
1
1
1

---

1
1
10
1
volumes (478p) and covers phonological, morphological and syntactic aspects of
1
that dialect. Unfortunately, we have no access to that work and we cannot make
any accurate comments on it in this literature review. However, an article
1
published by the same author (Aritiba 1988) gives a morphosyntactic analysis of
one of the many homophonous morphemes ka in Lama. That article considers
1
the syntactic function of the morpheme ka which is used to connect two
1
complements of the verbs.
Another important source of information on the Iinguistic study on Lama
1
comes from a team working with the Summer Institute of Linguistics (S.I.L.) in
Togo. Brinnemann, who heads that team, has".alr<eady produced an alphabet, two
1
Lt.~cAlf"t er~
readers Re kal Lama (Let us read Lar:tia),/â1irïY'ba'ma~French dictionary of 396
If!
\\~\\\\
entries, and a translation
(nOn-advsn\\~dA owersion) ~9f the bible in Lama:
1
'\\1
"-
n'"
'GOOO N\\El!W~S~U
d
B,#i/
,
'd
TENT1:NTE
SARTEr'lENTE
" " "
n er
JIAneman s gUI ance, we
'~/'
'-)iY
1
assume, two Iiterary works are written diré~~~àma: a collection of folk tales
Mera
Mera
Wuu by Kaiiosa Alakum and a collection of proverbs Wute
1
Kpisasi i1lustrated by Akparsipa Toma.
This shows that the team Brinneman is quite advanced in their studies
œ
which are mostly pedagogical oriented.
1
Apart from the preceding investigations, there are two other sources we
are aware of. One of them is the vocabulary Iist published in Listes
1
Lexicales
du
Togo by the National Linguistic Committee of Togo (1983),
That publication includes 126 Lama words.
1
The other source is the studies carried out on Lama at the University of
1
Illinois, Urbana, by the department of Linguistics as part of the field method
program during the academic year 1986-1987. That program has led to various
1
1
1·
1

---

1
1
11
1
individual interests in the language. As a result, several papers have been
1
presented at conferences, and a couple of papers have been published.
Kenstowicz and Ourso (1988) investigates the tone ru/es in the noun
1
morphology, namely tone polarity between the noun root and the suffix, and tone
interaction in the associative construction. Kenstowicz, Nikiema, and Ourso
1
(1988) gives an autosegmental analysis of noun tonology contrasting Moore and
1
Lama. Ourso (1987) considers the various criteria which regulate the processes
of borrowing in Lama and other Togolese languages. Ourso (1988) is an analysis
1
of the vowel harmony within the theoretical framework of underspecification.
Ourso and Ulrich (1989) considers sonorant hardening in Lama from a generative
1
perspective. Ourso and Yu (1987) is a preliminary analysis of the noun c1ass
system of Lama. Yu (1988a) discusses morphological aspects of the noun c1ass
1
system. Yu
(1988b) gives a syntactic analysis of left dislocation where
1
topicalisation of coordinate structures in Lama are discussed. Yu's (1989?)
forthcoming dissertation deals with the theoretical aspects of the noun class
1
system in Lama. Yu and Ourso (1989) discusses noun c1ass specification in
Lama from a morphological, phonological, and semantic perspective.
1
Other relevant preliminary papers from the field method program include
1
L.
Downing
(1987) and D.
Evans (1987).
L.
Downing
(1987) offers a
comprehensive description and analysis of verb tonology. D. Evans (1987) is a
1
preliminary investigation in the vowel harmony based on the features tense/lax.
The relevance of the findings in this paper are mentioned in chapter 2.
1
This survey shows that there is not much done on Lama and that
1
investigation in several areas of Iinguistic analysis is needed to fully understand
this language of the Gur family.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
12
1
1.2.2. The present research.
1
Linguistic studies on Gur in general, and on Lama in particular are scarce.
As Bendor-Samuel (1971 :142) notes:
1
.. .for no language in the Gur group is there yet an
adequate overall phonological and grammatical descrip-
tion... .The great need at present is for substantial
1
studies in a number of representative Gur languages.
Il is hard to see how Gur studies can progress much
further until such studies are available, since without
1
them further comparative and typological discussion can
hardly be more than speculative.
The total lack of illustrative data fram the Eastern Subgraup of the Grusi
1
branch in Bendor-Samuel's typological study justifies his concern.
1
The present dissertation sets out to contribute to the understanding of the
Eastern Grusi branch by praviding a phonological and morphological analysis of
1
Lama.
Apart fram the motivation derived fram the lack of adequate linguistic
1
description of Lama, this study is also motivated by pedagogical reasons. Togo
1
has moved towards the total implementation of a language planning pragram
which seeks to make the national languages (Ewe and Kabiye) the media of
1
instruction. Since Lama is c10sely related to Kabiye, a c1ear insight into the
linguistic similarities and dissimilarities of the two languages might undoubtedly
1
help in designing the teaching material geared towards Lama speakers. This goal
1
can only be achieved if descriptive and analytical works are available on these
languages.
1
This dissertation is within the theoretical framework of generative
grammar. But we will cali upon specifie concepts of this theory as dictated by the
o
data. In chapter 2, for instance, we use underspecification to account for the
o
alternation between certain consonants; within the combined appraach of
U
1
1

---

1
1
13
1
underspecification and root controlled ATR vowel harmony, we adequately
1
explain the vowel harmony system in Lama. To understand the general principles
which underlie the syllable structure in Lama, we use CV-phonology as
1
developed in Clements and Keyser (1983). The analysis of Lama tonology in
chapters 4 and 5 are carried out within the general framework of autosegmental
1
phonology with particular use of multitierred levels.
1
Throughout this dissertation we will cali upon various sources for data,
mainly previous works on the language as presented in the Iiterature review. We
1
will also rely on the intuitions of native speaker knowledge of Lama. These
sources have led to the compilation of a working data sheet comprising 657
1
verbs and 1043 nouns. The dissertation is divided into four main chapters.
The first main chapter, chapter 2, is a segmental survey where the
1
consonants and the vowels are fully described. The first section in this chapter
1
establishes the consonantal system in the UR of the language. From the
segmental alternations observed in the data, it is shown that Lama has 15
1
consonants in the UR. The second section of the chapter describes and analyzes
the vowel system. The analysis establishes 11 vowels in the UR. It is also shown
1
that Lama has a root controlled ATR vowel harmony. The analysis distinguishes
1
between [+ATR] high vowels and [+ATR] mid vowels which act as transparent
vowels in that they neither trigger nor block the spreading of the feature value
1
specified for the feature ATR in the UR.
The third chapter considers syllabication principles and rules. It is shown
1
that segmental rules interact with syllable building rules. The main argument in
1
this chapter is that in Lama the syllable does not allow consonant c1usters either
in the onset position or in the coda position unless the segment is a geminate.
1
Furhtermore, it is argued that the consonant of the syllable coda must be a non
1
1
1

---

1
1
14
1
palatal sonorant.
Depalatalisation (or palatal deletion) falls out from this
1
restriction on the consonant of the syllable coda.
Chapter 4 is a survey of the tone rules and principles in the noun
1
morphology. It is shown that Lama has two tones, a low tone and a high tone
which interact to give two contour tones: a falling tone and a rising tone. While
1
the falling contour tone is tolerated at the phrase final position, the rising contour
1
tone is allowed nowhere and must simplify to a levellow tone whenever it occurs
in the phonological phrase. It is shown that, in the medial position, the falling
1
contour tone simplifies to a level high tone; the delinked low tone causes a
following high tone to be downstepped. Apart from these general rules, chapter 4
1
shows that noun tonology is a complex phenomenon which distinguishes
between free (unassociated) tones and prelinked tones both in the noun roots
1
and in the noun c1ass suffixes. High tones of the roots and high tones of the
1
suffixes interact and we observe a phenomenon generally referred to as
Meeussen's rule.
1
The last chapter, chapter 5, focuses on verb morphology. It completes the
segmental and the tone rules introduced in the previous chapters.
1
The segmental alternations show that there is another type of vowel
1
harmony other than the ATR harmony considered in chapter 2. That harmony is
related to vowel height and vowel roundness. A round and high suffixal vowel
1
loses its roundness in the environment of unrounded vowels of some verb roots.
ln other verb roots, it is observed that the suffixal vowel triggers the unrounded
1
vowel of the root to assimilate in roundness and in height. For instance, the low
1
vowel/aJ will be realized as a mid back vowel in the environment of the high back
vowel.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
15
1
The tone rules in verb morphology inc!ude the deletion of the root low tone
1
and the deletion of the high tone of a specifie suffix. In one category of verb roots,
we observe a mirror image of Meeussen's rule where the high tone of the verb
1
root is lowered before the high tone the suffix. This chapter also discusses the
interaction between phonoiogical rules and morphosyntactic rules. The behavior
1
of the perfective suffix for instance, it is argued, cannot be handled by
1
phonological rules alone. Furthermore, it is shown that postlexical rules must be
introduced to account for the implications related to the behavior of that specifie
~
suffix.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
16
1
CHAPTER 2. THE SOUND SYSTEM OF LAMA.
1
2.0. Introduction.
1
This chapter is a survey of the sound system of Lama. The organization of
1
the consonants and the vowels into the phonetic and the phonological system of
the language is explored. In the first part of the chapter the consonants are fully
1
described and analyzed; this leads to a comprehensive chart of the consonants
in the underlying representation of the language. In the second part of the
1
chapter, we describe and discuss the vowel system.
1
2.1. IdentificatIon of the consosnants
1
For an adequate approach to the phonetic description of the consonantal
1
system of Lama, we will use both the place of articulation and the manner of
articulation as guidelines. The identification of the various consonantal sounds in
1
the language is based on the general descriptive framework proposed in
Kenstowicz and Kisseberth ( hence K&K (1979)), and mainly the phonetic
1
framework in Ladefoged (1964,1971, and 1982).
1
ln terms of the manner and the place of articulation, the following groups
of sounds can be identified and described.
1
2.1.1. Stops.
1
ln Lama, obstruents are excluded in the syllable coda position, as the
1
syllabyfication ru les in chapter 3 Will show. For this reason, the stops, p,
kp,
k
and t, identified here are illustrated by the initial sound in the following words.
1
1
u'
n

---

1
1
1
(1 )
1
pelù
name of fish
kpelù
side
k6016
worm
1
tâa
antelope
Another
stop,
d,
is
only
found
in
word
medial
position,
either
1
intervocalically or after the sonorants \\, m, n. The following illustrates this stop.
1
(2)
,
1
kpéd3
stool
\\3d3
scab
yad3
egg
1
m3d3
millet
S3d3
corpse
131d1
one who gives birth
suld3
,
,
one who carries on the head
1
m31d3
one who drives
péld3
one who cuts
p~ld3 ,
one who goes after women
1
homd3
one who pulls
camd3
one who Incites
tamd3
one who attaches
t3md3
one who weeds in the rice
1
samd3
one who praises
cond3
trader in caUle
sênd3
song
1
kànd3
lamp
mand1
....
...
okra
tund3
fish
1
From the preceding illutrations, five stops can be identified according to
their place of articulation; these are the labial sounds p and kp, the alveolar t, the
1
velar k, and the retroflex stop d. Let us consider each of these sounds.
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
18
1
2.1.1.1. The labial stops p and kp.
1
The labial stops p and kp contrast in the following way; p ;s produced with
1
the fwo lips tightly c10sed and then parted to release the air imprisonned in the
mouth. The stop kp is a combination of two stops, the velar stop k, and the
1
bilabial stop p. In the production of this sound the soft palate and the two lips are
1
simultaneously set into activity. The back of the tongue root is raised towards the
soft palate as in the production of the velar sound k while at the same time the
1
two lips are tightly c10sed as in the production of the bilabial sound p. The sound
kp is produced when the back of the tongue and the soft palate are in contact
1
while, at the same time, the two lips open to release the air involved in the
articulation. Following Ladefoged (1964a, 1971), we characterize this sound as a
1
labial velar stop, generally symbolized by kp to show simultaneous articulation.
1
But for simplicity in our transcription, we will ignore the tie-bar as there is no
contrasting sequential kp c1uster in Lama. The following shows the contrast
1
between the two labial stops.
1
(3)
Word initial position
1
kpaa
keep c1imbing
paa
keep cheating
kpee
cast, unplug
1
pee (t3tee)
underrate someone
kp3r
finish, surprise
p3r
pour
1
Word medial position
1
akpar
working club
apa
mom
akpê
name of a mouse
ap'era
cow kicks
1
c3pa
wealthy person
c3kpa
name of millet"
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
19
1
yapaar
road
r3nmkpaar
knee
tapo
pipe
1
Neither p nor kp occur in word final position at the surface javel. The
1
status of these two sounds as phonemes in the UR of the language is
established through the contrasting illustration presented in (3).
1
The distribution of the sound p within Lama and across related languages
1
(Kabiye, Tem), however, is limited and therefore deserves some attention at this
point.
1
Many Africanists specializing in West African languages are agreed that
the sound p has a marginal phonological status. For Houis (1974) the occurrence
1
of this sound is very Iimited in Susu, Bambara, Songay, Fo, Ewe and Anyi. In
relation to Gur languages, Delord (1977) and Tchagbale (1977) have come to the
1
same conclusion, respectively, for Kabiye and Tem, two languages closely
1
related to Lama. Manessy (1969:29) claims (mistakingly) its total absence in
Lama, where, he argues, w has synchronically replaced a diachronie p. The
1
following table gives a general view of Manessy's reconstruction. The sounds
preceded by an asterisk on his table are the Proto-Gur sounds synchronically
1
illustrated in each language he studied. Note that in Lama, p is nowhere to be
1
found on Manessy's chart.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

.,.
.. y
.J(M
li
Ill:
l/<B
"f
"'f
I*N ·T *D
lI's
'NNY
lI'K
'll.KP
*s 1"'8
~L
1
"c
*K
1 *K
TlM
~'W \\
BI
B2
3
l
2
l
2
3
l
2
3
k
ID
kp
'W
kabrè
m
p/b
h/f
h
h/f
h
n
t
d
9
a
a
l
ny
c
y
k
k
-en
k
Tlm
gb
IV.B.I
m
p/b
h
h
h/f
h
n
t
d
a
6
B
l
ny
c
y
k
k
"
C\\J
en
ta
B
'W
1V.B.2
m
p/b
h/f
h
h/f
h,...,rn,.",
t
d
a/!
B
j
B
l
ny
c
y
k
k
k
gb
"..,.,,-_,.1
~
- - - -
.rio
""
l '
-
4{
en
llamba
ID
\\/,
h
h
hi!;"
K....-I-!.!....~t~~d
a
a
a
l
ny
c/j
y
k/ky
k
k
m
kp
'"
...--
/
Tlm
kp
'W
-
tem
m
b
f
f
f f
/ f 'h
')'PdJ~ a
a
a
l
ny
c
y
k
k
,~
1
~
>.
CI)
k
Tlm
gb
CI)
~?,.<lJf( f~~~n
IV.B.3
m
b
f
f
t
<li,,"?'
a
a
a
l
ny
c/j
y
k
k/g
'"
CD
ca 1a
m
b
f
f : ; f
p "", n
t
&Ij a
j
a
l
ny / Tl
C / j
y
k
k / g
/
Tlm
gb
'"
C
-
<"
0. 1
Cl:l
delo
m
b
f
f
& b (; n t .!:.~} a j a
l
nY/Tl
c/j
y
k
k/g
/
Tlm
gb
'"
~
\\.""'&. ""-- '- J
/.,< :fi
bago
m
b
f
f
/
m
gb
/
f~);;. V---n....... ,j.' f'd
B
a
a
l
nY/Tl
/
y
k
/
CI)
"1l ~fv( )')"~Ov~
..-.
h
Tlm
kp/gh
'W
Isala
m
b
p
P
f
v.... ~n""'''''i'''
d
a
j
c
1/1y'
ny
c/j
y
k./ky
k/g
C
Cl:l
h
Tl ID
kp/gb
/
IV.C.I
m
b
p
P
f
v
n
t
d
a
c
/
l
nY/Tl
c
y
k.
k/g
c
o
h
TlID
kp/gb
'W
CI)
IV.C.2
m
b
p
P
f
v
n
t
d
B/!
j
/
l/ly
ny
c
y
k.
k/g
o
C\\I
c
h
b
p
/
f
/
n
t
d
a
/
c
1
ny
/
/
//
/
/
/
/
o
gouressl
/
Ü
h
TlW
gb
wl nyè
m
b
P
P
f
v
n
t
d
a
j
c
l
ny
c
y
k.
k/g
'"
Cl:l
h
TlW
kp
'W
phwo
m
b
p
p
f
v
n
t
d
a
z
c
1
ny
c
y
k.
k./g
c
h
Tlm
kp
'W
vagala
m
b
h
p
f
v
n
/
d
a
z
c
1
ny
c
y
k
k./g
"'0
h
"-
b
p
/
/
/
n
/
d
a
/
/
/
ny
/
/
/
/
/
kp
'W
si tl
m
o
b
P
/
f
/
n
t
d
a
j
c
1
ny
/
y
ky
/
/
TlW
Ikp
degha
m
'"
~"-
m'W
b
P
P
f
v
n
t
d
a
j
c
1
ny
c
y
k.
/
/
kp
'W
ma
m
::J
C)
g
h
b
P
/
f
v
n
t
d
a
z
c
l
ny
ta
y
k
/
kp
tamprusl
m
'"
o
b
P
/
/
v
n
t
d
B
Z
c
1/1y
ny
ta
y
/
/
h
/
kp
chaka Il
m
'"
"0
"-
g
k/ky Tl'W/ Tl
k'W / ES"
kasem
m
b
P
v
f
v
n
t
d
a
z
z
1
ny
j
y
k/ky
0...
"
g
k/ky
TlW
k'W
1V.O.I
m
b
P
v
f
v
n
t
d
a
z
z
1
ny
j
y
k/ky
N
"
g
k/ky
Tl'W
k'W
CD
IV.0.2
m
b
P
v
f
v
n
t
d
a/!
z
z
1
ny
j
y
k/ky
"
.0
b
P
v
f
v
n
t
d
a
z
z
1/1y
ny
j
y
k/ky
g
k/ky
Tl'W
k'W
Cl:l
nuna
m
'"
f-
g
k/ky
'W
ES"
Iyele
m
b
P
v
f / !
v
n
t
d
6/!
Z
Z
l / l y
ny
j
y
k/ky
'"
- - - - - - - - .. - - - ... - - - - - - - -

---

1
1
21
1
Although Manessy makes the right prediction that p has weakened to w at
1
word initial position (as will be shown later), his daim of its synchronic absence in
the language is a mistake. The distribution of the bilabial stop Ipl is, however,
1
Iimited and restricted in the lànguage, particularly at word initial position where it
seems to be in complementary distribution with the labiovelar stop Ikpl in some
1
environments. To establish the fact that both Ipl and Ikpl are sometimes in
1
complementary distribution in Lama, we try to contrast them in minimal pairs at
word initial position. Consider the following data where a star (*) preceding a
1
word shows ungrammaticality (cf the data in (3) where kp and p do contrast).
1
(4)
*pa
1
kpa
catch
*pal
kpal
sharpen grinding stone
p6
pray
1
*kp6
*pol
kpol
grow
1
pur
shake head
*kpur
*pl
kpl
panther
1
pi
grow old
*kpi
p3
it Noun c1ass 10 pronoun
1
*kp3
1
The data in (4) show that, in monosyllabic words, the two sounds are
mutually exclusive in some environments. For instance Ipl does not occur with lai
1
and [+ATR] III as a word whereas Ikpl does. Note sirnilar cases throughout the
data. Furthermore, in the lànguage, it is possible to find p and kp in free
1
variation. For instance, the words .ID! "silo" and Pantaku (farnily name) can be
1
respectively pronounced "kpu" and "Kpantaku" without changing their meaning.
1
l,,
1

---

1
1
22
1
Similar examples include the word kpol 'much, enough' which can also be heard
1
with an initial p in some idiolects. This is true for the variant of Lama under
investigation here. But the cases where p and kp are in free variation are very
1
limited. In spite of this limited variation, this shows that both sounds are related to
each other. But synchronically, there is no c1ear evidence that either /p/ or /kp/
1
underlies both [pl and [kp]. From a diachronie point of view, there are no data
1
available to indicate that both /p/ and /kp/ developed as phonemes from a single
*
proto-labial sound, say P, through a process of sound split.
1
However, the process of weakening and strengthening of the labial /p/ is
synchronically attested in the language. The weakening process explains its
1
restricted distribution in the language; but the process does not imply its
1
exclusion as a phoneme. The weakening of the labial stop /p/ to [w] in the
syllable coda position is fully discussed in the p/w alternation in a different section
1
of this chapter. Before we move to that section, let us consider the other stops.
1
2.1.1.2. The alveolar stop t.
1
ln the production of this sound, the tip of the tongue is pushed against the
alveolar ridge and the inner side of the upper teeth. The following shows a
1
contrast between this sound and the labiable sounds.
1
(5)
ta
spread
1
kpa
climb
taa
keep spreading
kpaa
keep c1imbing
1
paa
keep cheating
t3
it (noun class 9 pronoun)
p3
it (noun class 10 pronoun)
1
1
1
1

---

1
23
1
c3tâar
piece of broken pot
1
C3paar
a big one (noun c1ass 7 agreement)
kp3kpaar
nut
1
2.1.1.3. The retroflex stop d.
1
This sound is produced with the tip of the tongue slightly curled against the
roof of the mouth and quickly pushed forward. We characterize this stop as a
1
retroflex stop.
As already mentioned and iIIustrated earlier, this sound is restricted to the
1
medial position within a word. Because of the close relation between the retroflex
1
stop d and the retroflex sonorant r, we will not consider this stop as a sound in
the UR of Lama. Its phonological status will be discussed in the section of
1
consonant alternation where it is shown that d derives from the sonorant retroflex
Irl by a rule of sonorant hardening.
1
1
2.1.1.4. The velar stop k.
The production of this sound involves the.tongue and the velum. The back
1
of the tongue is raised towards the velum, and the air pu shed out. This sound
1
can be contrasted with the labial velar stop kp as shown in the following.
1
(6)
ka
be tired
§;â
catch
1
koor
niédidne
EEôor
name of a fruit
kat3r
courageous person
1
REat3r
many, most people
akâtû
big huht
akpâm
a seer
r3kuur
the killing place
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
24
1
I"3tEaar
the catching place
1
CjkO
alittle
C3kp601
big
1
Apart from the retroflex stop 9, ail the other stops presented so far are
voiceless. Though not contrasting, the voicing of the stops p,
kp, and k, (and
1
the affricate c as weil) is optional in the intervolic position or after a homorganic
1
nasal sound. Consider the following.
(7)
1
apàal/abàal
a man
akpand3/ agband3
a spear
1
akând3/ agâ'nd3
a bride
acaro/ ajaro
a trade
mpar/ mbar
some people
ànl1)kpemal ànmgbema
thick (plural)
1
s3k3lânc6/ s3k31ànj6
squirrel
1
From the data considered so far, we conclude that the value [+voiced] is
not a contrasting feature for stops in Lama. Note that the alveolar dental stop t
1
never undergoes voicing assimilation either in the intervocalic position or after a
homorganic nasal sound. This restriction on the stop t wililead us to consider the
1
phonological status of the stop d which
has been described in earlier
1
investigations (Prost 1963, Manessy 1969) as a voiced alveolar stop constrasting
with the voiceless alveoar stop 1.
1
Apart trom stops, fricative sounds are also attested in Lama.
1
2.1.2. Fricatives
1
Ladefoged (1982:9) describes fricatives as sounds made with "Close
approximation of two articulators so that the airstream is partially obstructed and
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
25
1
1
turbulent airflow is produced". In Lama, there are four surface sounds produced
in this way; these are f, s, h, and hy.
1
2.1.2.1. The fricative sound f.
1
The articulators involved in the production of this sound are the lower lip
1
and the upper front teeth. The lower lip is curled in and slightly touches the upper
1
front teeth. The air is pushed out in a hissing-like sound. The fricative f is
illustrated in the following.
1
(8)
1
fét3rU
fan
fesà
denial
fisù
breath
fala
nothing
Il
fèer
shame
f31a
vegetable
afè
Indian millet
1
afàl
son
tuf31êm
truth
afaka
quiver
1
afat3
beauty
nafat3
fear
c3fat3'
new
1
The term labial-dental fricative, used in Ladefoged (1964) to describe
1
similar sounds in West African languages, is adopted here to refer to the /f/
sound in Lama.
1
2.1.2.2. The fricative s.
1
This sound can best be described as an alveolar sound since its
1
production involves the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge as articulators.
1
1
0,
l'

---

1
1
26
1
The interaction between these two articulators produces a friction-like sound. The
1
following shows the contrast between the fricative s and the fricative f.
1
(9)
sa
scratch
fé
begfor
1
sé
plant
fe
give way
sai
be absent
1
fal
lift
sér
stick under
fér
pay debt
fèer
shame
1
sèer
field mouse
1
2.1.2.3. The sound h.
1
Ladefoged (1964) describes h found in most West African languages as a
"voiceless approximant". In Lama, the production of this sound involves the
1
pharyngeal wall. The motivation for classifying this sound as a fricative here
comes from the hissing-like noise involved in its production. The air is pushed out
1
against the pharyngeal wall and a friction is heard as it flows out along the mouth
cavity. The "voicelessness" in Ladefoged's description cannot entirely apply to
1
the Lama h which is context sensitive to this feature .. In Lama, the fricative Ihl is
1
voiced in the environment of [+ATR] vowels. In the environment of [-ATR] vowels,
Ihl is voiceless. Consider the following contrasting pairs where the set in (10b)
1
shows a 'voice-colored' fricative Ihl which ;s absent in the other set.
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
27
1
(10)
1
a.
b.
1
h6
fit in
h6
pregnancy
hu
judge
hu
wowa boil
hi
urinate
hi
ind something lost
aho
yes
aho
right
1
ln (10b), the [+ÂTR] vowels, discussed in the second part of this chapter,
1
affect the quality of the fricative /h/ (as weil as that of other consonants) which
1
becomes voiced. In (10a), the sound h is hardly audible. The fricative h contrasts
with the other fricatives in the following.
1
(11 )
1
ha
give
sa
scratch
fa
b~g for
he
plck
1
se
greet
fe
give way
hér
cut open
1
sér
stich under
fér
pay debt
aho
night
aso
rabbit
1
caho
leaf of bean
cas6
hoe
1
2.1.2.4.The sound hy.
1
ln the production of this sound, the root of the tongue starts in the
production of the pharyngeal fricative /h/, while the body of the tongue is
1
simultaneously pushed against the palate as in the production of the first sound
1
in the English word "yet". The result is the combination of both the fricative h and
the palatal y. This sound differs from the fricative /h/ and the palatal /y/ as the
1
following data show.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
28
1
(12)
1
hO
termite
hyu
ten
yu
broken calabash
1
hyada
river
yakar
hat
h~ëfdo
last breath
1
yam
bury
hyal
make stew
yan
heavy
1
hY31
cement
Y311n
horns
hr-a1u
stomach
YI,~u
to sing
1
hllu
to urinate
hy§m
urine
ahinô
urinal
1
hfir
bed wetter
yllr
singer
At the surface level, h and hy contrast as the data in (12) show. However
1
this contrast is misleading. An indication that the contrast between h and hy is
misleading is the alternation between the two sounds in the related words for
1
'urinate' (cf the last but four words in (12)). This alternation between between h
1
and hy is fully discussed in the section related to the consonant alternation. At
this point, let us just assume that the occurrence of the sound hy can be
1
predicted. Later on, it will be shown that this sound is phonologically derived from
the fricative /h/ by a palatalisation rule. Consequently, hy cannot be considered
1
as a sound in the UR of Lama. We will therefore characterize h Y as a palatalized
1
/h/.
1
1
1
1
1·
1

---

1
29
1
2.1.3. Affrlcates.
1
Affricates are described as "sounds produced like stops except that the
1
release of the c10sure is slow, not sudden. As a result, there is a period of time
after the release of the c10sure during which the articulations are in close
1
approximation as in the fricatives" (K & K 1979:15). In Lama, there is one sound
1
produced through this type of double articulation: the sound c. To produce this
sound, the front of the tongue starts as in the production of the stop Itl and ends
1
as in the production of the fricative Is/. The result is a sound characterized here
as an affricate. This sound contra~ts with the stop It! and the fricative Isl in the
1
following.
1
(13)
c6
Iisten
1
t6
catch in the air
s6
lift
cu
backbite
1
tu
eat
su
take
cas3
ti"
tas3
add
1
/
sas3
incite
kpac6
scorpion
kpat6
bag
1
kpas6
mat/door-blinder
1
2.1.4. lIqulds.
ln Lama, two sounds, 1 and r, can be characterized as liquids.
1
1
2.1.4.1. The sound 1.
ln the production of the sound l, the tip of the tongue comes in contact with
1
the alveolar ridge, while leaving both sides open for the air to flow. We retain K &
1
1
1.
1

---

1
30
1
1
K's term 'Iateral' for the description of this sound. Before we illustrate the
occurrence of the sound l, let us consider the other liquid.
1
2.1.4.2. The sound r.
1
To produce this sound in isolation, the tongue is curled back and its tip
1
contact with the roof of the mouth. The quick release of the tip of the tongue in a
forward position produces the Lama r. We will characterize this sound as a
1
retroflex tril!. Because of the relation between this sound and the retroflex stop d,
1
we will use the symbol A for the sound which underlies both retroflex sounds.
The relationship between the two retroflex sounds is discussed in the section on
1
consonant alternation.
To illustrate the contrast between the two liquid sounds, the lateral 1 and
1
the retroflex trill A, consider the following.
1
(14)
le
snatch
re
1
laa
sacrifice
ra
~rfend
lu
cast/forge
ru
limp
le
weave
re
swear
1
lu
wrestle
ru
shut the door
m31â
millets
m3ra stories
m316
millet
m3r6 snake
1
salt3
absence
sart3 beauty
2.1.5. Nasals.
1
The nasals found in various environments in the language are illustrated in
1
the following.
1
1
1
l,
,
1

---

1
31
1
(15)
1
Word initial position.
1
mûur
bone
nuur
end of year
fiûur
one who presses
ma
build
1
na
see
fia
you
mi
take
1
ni
if
fi3
they (noun c1ass 4 pronoun)
1
Word medial position
m3mad3
piece of charcoal
tûna
fishes
1
fi3mfi3mu
sour vegetable
kpamlî
brewery millet
temd3
belt
1
kpànko
slave
nans3m3r
tongue
Word final position
1
lêm
water
nâm
oil
1
fiâm
soot
nèm
wild animal
y~ad3m
cowife
lèn
intelligence
1
rèen
cousin
réen
strength
roon
arrange
1
fiân
bitterness/wickedness
1
From the illustration above, we can conclude that there are four surface
nasal sounds in the language. The bilabial m, the alveolar n, the palatal n, and
1
the velar Tl. Of these fout nasal sounds the distribution of m and n is unrestricted
whereas that of the palatal fi and the velar Tl is restricted. The palatal nasal does
1
not occur in the word final position or in the syllable coda at the surface levaI. The
1
velar nasal occurs only in the environ ment of the velar stop k. The restricted
environment where the velar nasal occurs leads us to exlude it from the nasal
1
1
1.
1

---

1
32
1
1
sounds in the UR. The section on the consonant alternation discusses the rules
which underlie the nasal sounds.
1
2.1.6. Gildes.
1
ln general, the sounds w and y are characterized in K & K (1979:17) as a
1
labiovelar glide and a palatal glide respectively. Lama has these sounds and we
will adopt the same teminology to describe them. The palatal glide y and the
1
labiovelar glide w contrast in the following.
1
(16)
1
Ward initial position.
y3t3
father-in-Iaw
w3t3
speak
1
yàl
woman
wal
go
yo
hurl at
1
wo
what?
y6
child
w6
river
yù
crocodile
1
Wù
zukini squash
yu
fai!
wu
hole
1
ya
weil!
wa
they (noun c1ass 2 pronoun)
1
Word medial position
ayuku
day/market
awutà
a dumb person
1
ayad3
sticky vegetable
awad3
on foot
léw6
deed tact
1
lay6
younger brother/sister
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
33
1
ln word final position, the two glides do not contrast. Only the labiovelar
glide can occur in the word final position or in the syllable coda. The following
1
jllustrates this occurrence.
1
(17)
1
lâw
forest
râw
skin disease
1
kâw
type of tree
saw
bathroom
Sau
rich person
sew
inject
1
kpawsu
to reconciliate
kawli
invitation
yawla
family name
1
sewt5
laggering
lawtû
to grow new leaves
alewt3
sharpness, smartness
1
The labiovelar glide w and the labiovelar stop kp are contrasted in the
following.
1
(18)
1
kpa
c1imb, catch
wé.
and they...
1
kpa
exclamation
wa
they
kpaa
keep c1imbing, catching
1
waa
dance, keep dancing
kpool
grow up
wôol
plaster
kp601
pack up
1
w61 "
daughthter-i n-Iaw
kp~nta
tiny mushroom
wanta
last year
1
kpi
panther
wi
pimples
akpe
name of mouse
1
awe
matter of importance
akperu
family name
aweru
foreigner
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
34
1
r3kp3@nd3
final period
r3w3r3nd3
damping place
c3kpa
name of millet
1
c3wâl
wide
The contrast between this glide and the bilabial stop p is Iimited in the
1
language due to the fact that both sounds are in free variation in some
environments and alternate in other environments. This point will be discussed in
1
the section on consonant alternation in this chapter. Meanwhile consider the
following where w and p contrast.
1
1
(19)
waa
dance, keep dancing
1
paa
cheat, keep cheating
w6
spread (mat, c1oth) on the floor
p6
pray Atinkari (divinity) for
wu
zukini squash
1
pu
barn
wû
mountain
pu
suffer in the hand of...
1
we
exist, be present
pe (t3te)
underestimate someone
pi
grow old
1
wi
think
laawâ
(he) sacrified
lapa
(he) did, worked
luwa
(he) cast iron, forged
1
lapa
(he) swallowed
sewa
(he) forgot
sepa
(he) injected
1
The palatal glide y contrasts with the other palatal sounds in the following.
1
(20)
1
yâ
burst out
fiâ
you (stressed form)
ca
may it not hurt you
1
yo
hurl at
no (man)
burn (go mad)
co
sit down
ye
wedge war
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
35
1
fie
drink
ce
here
yu
try in vain
1
fiu
pm down
cu
bachbite
yù
crocodile
1
fia
head
ca
pottery-c1ay
None of these palatal sounds occur in the word final position or in the
l'
syllable coda.
So far we have identified and described the various consonantal sounds
1
found in
Lama.
In the following
section we will
provide a preliminary
1
c1asssification of these sounds in terms of manner and place of articulation.
1
2.1.7. Phonetlc classification of Lama consonants.
1
Ail the consonants identified and described in the preceding sections are
classified in the following table according to their manner and place of
1
articulation.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1.
,
1

---

1
1
36
1
(21 )
Table 3. Surface Consonantal Sounds
1
Stops
Fricatives Affricate Liquids
Nasals Glides
1
1
Bilab.
p
m
1
Labiodent
f
Labiovel.
kp
w
1
Alveolar
t
s
l
n
1
Palatali.
hy
Palatal
c
fi
y
1
Velar
k
n
Retroflex
d
r
1
Laryngeal
h
1
As shown in Table 3, Lama has eighteen consonantal sounds. The crucial
1
question at this point is whether the eighteen sounds identified and described in
the preceding sections are ail attested in the underlying representation of the
1
language. In the remaining sections on the consonants, we will discuss the
following variations: (1) the relationship between the labial stop p and the
1
labiovelar glide w; (2) the alternation in fricatives (f/h; h/hy); (3) the relationship
1
between the liquid retroflex r
and the retroflex stop d; (4) and finally the
alternation between the nasals.
1
To account for these alternations and establish an attractive inventory of
the consonants in the underlying representation of Lama, we argue that the
1
consonantal system of the language can be explained by some general princip/es
1
within generative phonology.
1
1
1

---

1
1
37
1
1
2.1.8. Alternatlon ln consonants.
1
Within the general framework of generative phonology established in the
Sound Pattern of English (hence SPE) by Chomsky and Halle (1968) and fully
1
developed in K & K (1979), the organization of the sound system of languages
operates at least at two levels: the underlying level and the surface levaI.
1
ln the underlying level the sound system of a language is organized in a finite set
of phonemes. The combination of
phone mes into larger units obeys certain
1
phonological rules which may alter the underlying representation of a phoneme.
1
At the surface level an underlying sound may keep its original structure or
change altogether into a different sound when phonological rules apply. That is,
1
one underlying sound can change in structure when it comes into contact with
another underlying sound. The structural change of a phoneme may also depend
1
on its position within the combination of various sounds.
1
Following these ideas, we will show that the restriction on the distribution
of some consonants in Lama can be explained by phonological rules such as
1
weakening and strengthening.
1
2.1.8.1. The p/w alternatlons.
1
ln the identification of the glides, we showed that the labiovelar glide Iwl
and the labial stop /p/ contrast in word initial postion, and in word medial position.
1
ln the word final position and in the syllable coda, only [w] occurs. The contrast
1
between these sounds, as illustrated earlier, establishes their status as
phone mes in the language. However, dialectal as weil as morphonemic
1
1
1
1

---

1
38
1
1
variations show that there is a relation between the two sounds and that relation
can be phonologically explained. Let us consider first the dialectal variation.
1
The sounds (p] and (w] are in free variation in some environments
discussed in the Iight of dialectal affiliation. In two dialects of Lama, Kantè dialect
1
(the dialect described in 'lhis dissertation) and Atelo dialect, the sounds [pl and
1
[w] can be interchanged at word initial position in some words. For instance,
where [pl would occur in Kantè dia/eet, [w] is found in Atelo dialect. The following
1
illustrates this dialectal interchange between the two sounds.
1
(22)
Kante dialect
Atelo dialect
1
Qél
eut
wél
Qât3
tear apart
wât3
Qi
grow old
wi
1
WOS3
pour some
Qas3/was3
wom
put upside down
Qam/wam
wur
pour out
Q3r/w3r
1
Note that in the last three words, the vowels also are different in the Atelo
1
dialect. While we have back vowels in Kantè dialect. central vowels are found in
Atelo dialect.
To the best of our knowledge. there have been no studies
1
conducted to date on dialectal variations in Lama, and we cannot supply any
1
attractive interpretation in relation to the data above. However, a phonological
interpretation of the data could be as follows. /n Kantè dialect the sound [pl might
1
have undergone a weakening process dictated by the structure of the words in
which it occurs.
Assuming with Manessy (1963) that the underlying /p/ has
1
weakened to (w] at word initial position in some cases, we can account for the p -
1
w variation in Kantè dialeet as follows. The underlying /p/ weakens to [w] in some
environments such as before back vowels. Since /w/ can be described as a back
1
1
l,
1

---

1
39
1
1
vowel-like sound, the weakening of Ipl to [w] would be a natural process in this
environment.
We would therefore account for the Atelo dialect by a process
1
which affects only
the vowel. We can argue that, instead of consonant
weakening in this dialect, the back vowels are centered after the stop Ip/. As both
1
p and w occur with central vowels in the Atelo dialect, the second alternative
1
pronunciation in the last three words (pas3/was3 'pour') above is explained in
terms of free variation where [pl and [w] can freely interchange.
1
If this interpretation is correct, we can c1aim that the labial stop Ipl is not
phonologically stable in Lama. Further evidence ln support of the weakening
1
process of Ipl to [w] comes from the morphonernic variation between the two
sounds.
1
Some aspects of the verb morphology in Lama show alternation between
1
[pl and [w]. This concerns particularly the morphology of the verb in the infinitive,
the simple imperative, and in the simple past tense. Sefore we concentrate on
1
this specifie aspect, a synoptic account of the verb system of Lama is in order (for
details, cf. chapter 5). A structural classification of the verb system is as follows.
1
(23)
1
1. CV verb roots
2. CVC verb roots where Cafter V is any consonant but bilabial
3. CVC verb roots where Cafter V is a bilabial stop (i.e., p & m)
1
4. CVC[schwa] (possibly) verb mots
1
The following illustrates the first category of verbs.
1
(24)
Infinitive
Imperative
Past Simple
Gloss
1
sââu
sa
sawâ
cook
c66u
co
cowé.
sit
1
1
1
1

---

1
40
1
nuuu
nu
nuwa.
carry on the lap
1
pfuf
pi
piwa.
grow old
1
The infinitive is marked by the suffix -u which triggers the lengthening of
the root vowel. As it Will be shown later, the final vowel of the root is lengthened
1
when a sonorant initial suffix is attached. We propose the vowel lengthening rule
below.
1
(25)
1
Root Vowel Lengthening Rule
v - - - - >
v
[sonorant]
1
/
\\
/
\\
/
\\
x
x
x
1
This rule also applies When the suffixes (-r, -n) are affixed to a vowel final
1
root in the case of nouns as discussed in Chapter 3. The vowel lengthening rule
1
explains the infinitive part of the data in (24).
The simple imperative shoWs only the verb root, and the past simple tense
1
shows the verb rool and the past lense suffix -wa.
The second category of verbs is illustrated below.
1
(26)
1
Infinitive
Imperative
Past Perfect
Gloss
catû
cat3
cata
sift
1
sisû
SiS3
sisa
insert
131û
131
131a
give birth
sirO
sir
slra
tell
1
cfnO
cfn
cfnê
Firaise
tekû
tek3
teka
le
1
1
1
1·
1

---

1
41
1
1
Note the infinitive suffix u on the verb roots above. In the imperative, ail
the obstruent final roots show a final schwa while the sonorants do not. The
1
schwalzero alternation in the imperative can be explained by either an insertion
rule or a syncope rule.
1
The approach motivating the schwa insertion rule assumes that the vowel
schwa is not part of the roots where it appears at the surface level. The insertion
1
rule would be explained by the fact that obstruents do not occur in the word final
1
position, or in the syllable coda in the language at the surface level, whereas
sonorants do. This is discussed in detail in the next chapter which deals with the
1
syllable building rules. The presence of the schwa in the imperative would then
be accounted for by that schwa insertion rule proposed below.
1
1
(27)
Schwa Insertion Rule
1
o ----->3 /
[obstruent]------ #
1
The other approach motivating a schwa deletion rule assumes that the
vowel schwa is part of the roots in (26). This approach predicts the deletion of the
1
vowel schwa in the following environments: (1) The root final schwa is deleted
1
before a suffixal vowel. This would account for the infinitive forms in (26 e.g cat3-
û => catû). (2) It is also deleted at the word final position after a sonorant (sir3
1
=> sir). This explains the schwalzero alternation in the imperative forms which
shows the root forms as already mentioned. (3) The past perfect forms in (26) will
1
be derived in two steps. First, the initial segment [w] of the perfective suffix wa
1
deletes after the root final schwa. It will be shown at a later stage that the velar
1
1
1·
1

---

1
42
1
1
dissimilation rule is weil motivated. The w dissimilation rule will then be
formalized. Second, the voWel [al of that suffix becomes adjacent to the root final
1
schwa. To complete the derivation, the schwa deletion rule applies to delete the
root final schwa (cata-Wa => cata-a => cata).
1
Although both approaches account for the data under discussion, further
1
evidence
will
show that the
schwa deletion
approach
explains
several
phenomena related to the interaction between morphology and phonology. We
1
will take the schwa deletion approach and propose the syncope rule as follows.
1
(28) Schwa syncope rule
1
~-v
l
3 - - - > 0 /
{~on~
}
1
LSYIIJ -*1
1
The first part of this rule is motivated by the fact that in Lama, there are
diphthongs of the structure Schwa+V,
whereas
V+V
is possible
(sau
a
1
wealthy person').
1
Note that the second part of the rule deletes the vowel schwa after a
sonorant at the word final position. In chapter 3, it will be shown that this rule is
1
motivated by syllabification rules whereby the final schwa of a word is deleted
when the preceding segment is a sonorant. The sonorant, which was originally
1
an onset to the vowel schwà, becomes a coda segment to the preceding syllable.
1
This concludes theri the interpretation of the data in (26).
The third category of verbs is the most important one for the main
1
discussion in this section. It is the category in which the infinitive suffix -u is
1
t!-':~~
~
1
l,
1

---

1
1
43
1
absent in GVm roots, while GVp roots show a schwa instead. Leaving aside the
1
GVm roots and the fourth category of verbs for later discussion, we illustrate
below the p/w alternation in the infinitive, the imperative, and in the past perlect
1
tense.
1
(29)
Infinitive
Imperative
Past Perlect
Gloss
1
hÔP3
how
hopa
bind
laP3"
law
lapa
do, make
lép3"
lew
lepa
be lost
1
lapa ..
law
lapa
swallow
map3
maw
mapa
beat
S3P3'
S3W
s3pa
die
1
SéP3
sew
sepa
inject
tapa..
taw
tapa
climb down
yap3
yaw
yapa
buy
1
yép3
yew
yepa
let go
From the data above, the following facts are observed. First, in the
1
infinitive form, instead of the usual suffix -u, we note a schwa. Second, the [pl of
1
the root is absent in the imperative. Instead of [pl, we observe a [w]. Third, the
root final [pl is present in the past tense and the first segment of the past perlect
1
tense suffix -wa is absent. Let us first consider the U/3 alternation in the infinitive,
and the p/w alternation from the infinitive to the imperative.
1
Two possibilities can account for the U/3 alternation: a schwa insertion
1
rule, and a vowel reduction rule.
If we assume that the GVp verb roots constitute a special category of
1
verbs which do not take the infinitive suffix -u (Iike the defective verbs in English,
e.g., can, may, must, etc. which do not take the infinitive preposition "ta"), we can
1
account for the presence of the schwa in this type of infinitive by the schwa
insertion rule proposed earlier. The problem with this approach is how to
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
44
1
constrain this rule so as not to apply in the imperative when its structural
1
description is met. Furthermore, no natural explanation would account for the
suffix -u not attaching to this category of verbs if we adopt the schwa insertion
1
analysis.
The other alternative is to daim that ail the verbs take the various suffixes
1
and that phonological rules apply to change their structures in some cases. As
1
evidence, recall the [w] dissimilation after the root final schwa (cat3-wa => cat3-a
=> cata 'sifted'). Recall also that in Kantè dialect, Ipl is weakened to [w] in front of
1
back vowels (pom => wom 'put upside down) at word initial position in some
words, where Atelo dialect centers the back vowels instead (pom => wam).
1
Taking a eue from this evidence, we can motivate a vowel reduction approach
where, after the root final labial consonant (p, m), the labial suffix vowel (u, 0,
1
etc.) would either dissimilate or reduce to a central vowel of the same height (in
1
this case, schwa). This vowel mutation rule can be formulated as follows.
(30)
1
Back Vowel Reduction Rule
1
~~;t~j I~~~~ll I~;~~~~l
~asaiJ
1
t
~_>{ t 1 J JI 1
- - -
1
lffim~j
o
1
The Interpretation of thls rule Is that the back vowel becomes a central
1
vowel after a labial stop and it is deleted after a labial nasal. This will naturally
1
account for the schwa (deriving from the infinitive suffix -u) in the infinitive of CVp
1
l,,
1

---

1
45
1
1
roots. The second part of the rule will delete that infinitive suffix -u in the CVm
roots.
1
ln the case of the CVp verb roots, this rule will therefore not be available in
the imperative form. Only the verb roots (#hop# 'bind') will be the input to the
1
imperative form. To account for the [pl and [w] variation from the infinitive (h6p3
1
'to bind') to the imperative (hoVl 'bindl'), we motivate a weakening rule which
turns the root final Ipl into [w] in the syllable coda position or in the word final
1
position. This rule is proposed as follows.
1
(31 )
Labial Weakening Rule
1
1
1
The derivation of the past perfect forms (hopâ 'bound') will arise by a w-
dissimilation rule after the obstruent p. That is the perfective suffix wa attaches to
1
the root hop in the UR. The root final labial stop and the suffix initial labial glide
1
form a cluster (hop-wa). Assuming that this is an incompatible c1uster in the
language, the glide dissimilation rule introduced earlier to explain the past perfect
1
forms in (26 cat3-wa => cata 'sifted') can be formalized as follows.
1
(32)
W Dissimilation Rule
1
I[SChwal l
[
{
}
~ -nasalJJ
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
46
1
To conclude the p/w alternation, let us consider the category of CVm verb
1
roots. The following illustrates this category of verbs.
(33)
1
Infinitive
Imperative
Past Tense
Gloss
1
hôm
hom
hàmpa
bull
"
r3m
r3m
r3'mpa
ite
tâm
tam
tampa
attach
....
1
s3m
s3m
s1mpa
know
sâm
sam
sampé
shut up
hÔm
hom
hompa
wake up
kûm
kum
kumpa
cut
1
lêm
lem
lèmpa
peck
t3m
t3m
t3'mpa
weed
têm
tem
tèmpa
finish
- ,
1
nâm
nam
nctmpa
grind
....
mam
mam
mampé
collide
-
iiâm
iiam
'"
,
nampa
fear
1
ln the dataillustrating the CVm verb roots, the infinitive and the imperative
1
forms differ only in tone. At this point, we will ignore the tone rules. Note that the
inlinitive suffix -u is missing in the infinitive forms of this category of verbs. Recall
1
that we argued for phonological processes which affect the structure of the
suffixes. We argued for and showed a mutation process which affects the suffi x -
1
u in the environment of labial stops. In the case of the stop Ip/, the suffix -IJ was
1
reduced to a schwa. If we assume that the root labial nasal Iml also triggers the
mutation process in the suffix u, the absence of the infinitive marker in (33) can
1
be accounted for by the second part of the vowel mutation rule (30). Instead of
posltlng ft vowel reductlon process followed by BchwA deletlon aftar R sonornnt, It
1
proves slmpler to poslt a dissimilation rule such as the second part of the
1
mutation rule. This rule accounts for the absence of the suffix -u ln the preceding
data.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
47
1
The -wal-pa alternation in the past tense verbs (siwa 'has/entered', hompa
-
-
1
'has/pulled') can be accounted for by a strengthening rule. That is, instead of w
dissimilating, it assimilates to the labial nasal by losing its feature [+continuant].
1
This hypothesis is supported by a prenasalization process discussed in this
1
section of the chapter as the N-effect (cf. nasal alternation). This type of
assimilation can be characterized as a strengthening process, the opposite of the
1
weakening process discussed earlier. The strengthening rule is further supported
by a different (r/d) alternation discussed at a later stage in this section. The /w/ to
1
[pl rule is formulated below as sonorant hardening.
1
(34) w Hardening Rule
1
~~:m:~
P
~~:~~~ll
1-->[sto ]
Il
_
1
+sonorant
t
J
1
This rule, which describes [w], will turn this sound to (p] after a labial nasal.
This implies that the value for alpha will be specified as [+] and the features for
1
place will be specified as [labial, & nasal].
1
The exceptions where Iwl fails to become a [pl are exemplified in the
following.
1
(35)
1
Infinitive
Imperative
Past Tense
Gloss
camû
cam
camâ
exhort
kamû
kam
kamâ
tether
1
samû
sam
samâ
praise
tamO
tdm
tama
toss aside
lamO
lâm
,
lamâ
dive
1
yamO
yam
yamâ
bury
1
1
l'

---

1
1
48
1
16mû
lom
loma
mature
t6mû
tom
toma
di lute
These verbs behave in the same way as those of the second category
1
illustrated earlier. They show a CVm-like root but note that (1) they take the
1
infinitive suffix -u and (2) the /w/ segment of the past suffix fails to harden to a [pl.
To account for this unexpected alternation, we propose the following analysis.
1
First, we posit the UR of these words as CVC3 where the C(schwa) happens to
be the sonorant [ml. Second, the schwa, which is part of the root, is deleted in
1
the appropriate environments described earlier in (28). The rule daims that a
1
schwa is deleted when it is preceded by a sonorant in the syllable coda position,
or when it is adjacent to a following vowel. This rule is ordered after the w
1
hardening rule. The following illustrate the process.
1
(36)Infini t i ve
Imperative
Past Tense
#ham-u# #cam3-u#
#ham# #cam3#
#ham-wa# #cam3-wa#
UR
1
ham
~vow.Mut.
hampa
San.Hard
cam3a
W Dissim
camu
cam
cama
SchwaSyn
1
hôm
camu
ham
cam
hampa
camâ
Ph.Real.
1
ln this section, we have shown that although /p/ and /w/ are phonemes in
Lama, there is a relationship between the two sounds. That relationship can be
1
phonologically explained in terms of weakening and strengthening.
The stop /p/ weakens to [w] at the word initial position as a dialectal
1
variation, and particularly, in the syllable coda position. This weakening, in turn,
1
partially explains why the occurrence of the labial stop /p/ is Iimited in the
language.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
49
1
1
There is, however a reverse process characterized here as strengthening,
j
which hardens the sonorant Iwl to [pl through prenasalization. Prenasilisation is
1
considered in detail with respect to the N-effect after we discuss the alternation
between the retroflex sonorant Irl and the retroflex stop [dl.
1
1
2.1.8.2. The r/d a1ternatlon
ln this section, we consider the relationship between the retroflex trill Ir]
1
and the retroflex stop [dl. The basic assumption is that these sounds are related
1
and we need to establish that relation by considering some of their relevant
distributional facts in the language.
1
The retroflex Id] is the only voiced stop on the consonantal ch art
presented in Table 1. Ali the other stops are voiceless, and they contrast with one
1
another at word initial position. The retroflex stop [dl does not contrast with any
other sound in that position.
1
ln relation to the retroflex trill Ir], the following facts can be established.
1
First, both rand d sounds contrast only in their production in isolation. For
instance, in the production of the retroflex trill Ir], if the tongue is pressed against
1
the roof of the mouth, the retroflex stop [dl is produced instead. Second, in word
initial position. Ir] and [dl do not contrast. In the syllable coda position, [dl does
1
not occur, whereas Ir] occurs. Third, where both retroflex sounds seem to
1
contrast is in the word medial position as illustrated in the following.
(37)
1
m3ra
stories
m3d3
story
1
aped3
kick
apera
kicks
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
50
1
kpad3
whip
kpar,a
whips
kod3
stickiness
1
korÎ
stickinesses
sad3
frog
sari
frogs
1
kp~d3
fan palm nut
kp3ra
fan palm nuts
The data in (37) show the singular and the plural of the same word. Note
1
that [r] appears in the plural form, and [dl occurs in the singular farm. In the noun
1
c1ass 7 (singular) the suffix -d3 is the c1ass marker. In the corresponding noun
c1ass 8 (plural) the c1ass markers are -a, -ya, and -Î. The markers -a and -i are
1
exemplified above. These clarifications show that the contrast between the two
retroflex sounds can be misleading. If we assume that the [r] observed in the
1
plural farm is part of the root, we can account for its absence in the singular farm
by a c1uster simplification which deletes the root final retroflex in front of the suffix
1
whose initial segment is the retroflex stop [dl. This interpretation of the data
1
accounts for this apparent alternation between [r] and [dl above.
However, the data above do not show the whole picture about the r/d
1
alternation. In the same noun c1ass we observe both the retroflex [r] and [dl as
suffixes. Consider the following.
1
(38)
1
NC7 (Singular)
NCS (Plural)
Set1
1
sèer
field mouse
seya
mfir
nose
miya
1
sâar
Friday
saya
atôor
hole
atoya
asaar
maiden
asaya
1
tflr
wathog
Uyé
IOur
patio
luyé
lûur
wrestling
lûya
1
alÔor
transvestite
al6ya
1
l,,
1

---

1
1
51
1
alaIII r
tramp
alallya
fiir
scab
fiya
mûur
bone
muya
1
lôor
chest
laya
kôor
medicine
koya
8et2
1
m3d3
story
m3ra
aped3
kick
apera
kpad3
whip
kpara
1
kp3d3
fan palm nut
kp3ra
sad3
frog
sari
acad3
parrot
acali
1
mad3
chewing stick
mala
m3d3
millet
m31a
ceed3
egg
ceela
céd3
tooth
céla
1
send3
bean
séna
mand3
okra
mana
r3nd3
ear
r3na
1
sând3
ant
sani
kand3
lamp
kami
akand3
bride
akama
a~ànd3
spear
akpama
1
yend3
hippo.
yemi
ln (38) we observe that the singular suffix -r in 8et1 alternates with -d3 in
1
8et2. Ignoring for now the vowel length in 8et1 and the alternation between
schwa and zero on these suffixes in both sets, we can establish the following
1
facts:
1
(1) The suffi x -r occurs with the vowel final roots. This is supported by
the facts in the corresponding plural forms in 8et1. Note that, in the plural of that
1
set, the suffix -ya is attached to the root. The root final vowel remains the same in
quality (except in length).
1
(2) The suffix -d3 occurs with consonant final roots. The root final
1
consonant appears only in the plural forms, not in the singular form, except for
nasals. This is supported by the root final consonant [n] which is consistant in
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
52
1
structure both in the singular roots and in the plural roots (sé.nd3/sé.na "bean" vs.
1
ka.nd3lkamÎ "Iamp").
These facts lead to the hypothesis that there is a relation between the
1
retroflex [r] and the stop [dl. The alternation between them is phonological.
1
If we agree that there is a relation between these two sounds, we can
argue that the apparent contrast and the alternation between them
can be
1
phonologically explained.
Let us assume that the retroflex stop Idl underlies both [dl and [r]. The
1
following prediction is in order. The retroflex trill [r], observed as a c1ass suffix on
vowel final roots, is derived by a sonorant formation rule which softens the
1
retroflex stop Id/. Such a rule can be formulated as follows.
1
(39) Sonorant Formation
1
~nas~
-co~.
-----> t:J
+cont.
/ /
v----#
+VOlce
/
1
1
Although this rule tentatively explains this alternation between r and d, it is
misleading for the distributional facts raised earlier about the two sounds. Recall
1
that the distribution of the retroflex [dl is restricted in the language whereas the
distribution of the retroflex [rJ is unrestricted. While [r] occurs in the word initial,
1
medial, and in the word final positions, [dJ occurs only in the word medial
1
position. From these distributional facts, it naturally follows that the unrestricted
sound should be in the UR.
1
A different approach, then, is to posit the retroflex trill IRI as the only
sound which underlies both the surface trill [rJ and the retroflex stop [dl. Thus, we
1
1
l,
1

---

1
53
1
1
can account for the r/d variation in the same way we accounted for the w/p
alternation. In the present case, we can argue that the sonorant Irl hardens and
1
becomes the stop [dl when it comes into contact with a consonant final root. The
Irl to [dl formation will therefore naturally follow from the sonorant hardening
1
process discussed in relation to the Iwl to [pl formation. Recall that w hardens
1
only in the environ ment of the labial nasal. Note also that, unlike w, the retro'flex
sonorant r hardens in the environment of ail sonorants (l, r, w, m, and n) but the
1
palatals /fil and Iyl. We have already illustrated the hardening of r in ail the
environments except for the environments of w. In the following data, we illustrate
1
the hardening of Irl to [dl before the sonorant w.
1
(40)
1
Infinitive
Imperative
Derived noun
,
'
hOp3
how bind
h6d6 bandage
1
lap3:
law work
ladJ worker
lép3
lew be lost
léd3 the deceased
mapi
maw beat
mad6 stick
1
S3P~
S3W die
s3di corpse
Sép3
sew inject
séd3 veterinarian
yap3
yaw buy
yad3 buyer
1
The imperative in (40) shows the category of CVp verb roots. The root
final stop Ipl has become [w] in the syllable coda position by the softening rule
1
discussed earlier. The derived noun in (40) is obtained by suffixing the
nominalizing suffix r3 to the verb root. Since the data in (40) exemplify the only
1
case where the r to d formation involves a root final obstruent, we interprete the
1
data as follows. First, we posit the UR for the derived noun as CVp + r3. Second,
the labial softening rule applies to turn the root final Ipl to the sonorant [w]. Third,
1
1
1
1.,
1

---

1
54
1
1
the softening rule creates the right environ ment for the sonorant hardening
process.
1
The r to d formation rule in the environment of the nasal sonorants (m, &
n) and the oral sonorants (l, r, & w) is proposed as follows.
1
(41) Retroflex sonorant hardening rule.
1
- - - >
stop
~ant.J
Il
~son.J
1
rcor
1
1
-pal.
.
[+retroflex]
1
1
The absence of the root final consonants (l, r, & w) can be explained by a
c1uster simplification
rule
ordered
after the
hardening
rule.
The c1uster
1
simplication rule is proposed below.
1
(42) Cluster Simplification Rule
e
>01
]e
1
l,
[-nasal]
1
J Noun Root
1
The simplification rule specifies that when the final consonant of a noun
root is not a nasal segment, it deletes in front of a consonant initial suffix. This
1
structural description of the rule is to prevent a random deletion of consonants in
roots
with
c1usters
(sarka "prison").
Futhermore,
note that
this
rule
is
1
morphologically conditionned to apply only in non derived noun roots to account
1
for the following facts.
(1) ln the agentive formation, we observe the r/d alternation in the same
1
environments. But after the hardening of the sonorant Irl the root final consonant
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
55
1
does not delete (sa "cook", séiar "one who cooks"; m31 "twist", m31d3 "one who
1
twists = driver").
(2) ln the causative construction, the suffi x -S3 is added to some verbs. In such
1
constructions, the root final consonants do not delete (lai "Ieak", lalsa "cause to
leak = drain"; wur "become black", wursa "cause to become black =
1
blacken/darken = soil/tarnish").
1
These facts show that, in Lama, the process of c1uster simplification is not a
steady process which can be accounted for by a general rule. It seems to be
1
restricted to non derived noun roots orlly.
The min alternation observed in kand3/kami "Iamp/lamps" and elsewhere in the
1
environment of the retroflex stop can be accounted for by an assimilation rule
1
which affects the feature value [-retroflex] associated with the nasals. The nasal
assimilation rule is formulated as follows.
1
(43) Nasal assimilation to the retroflex stop [dl
1
~~:~~~f~----->[+retrofleX]/-----[+retrofleX]
1
The schwalzero alternation observed in the data related to the r/d variation
1
is accounted for by the schwa syncope rule proposed earlier in (28). Recall that
1
the syncope rule applies in two environments. The first environment is when the
schwa is followed by another vowel. The second environment is when the vowel
1
schwa is at the word final position and preceded by a sonorant. The assumption
here is that the noun c1ass suffix under discussion is of the structure -r3. Since [r]
1
is a sonorant, the description of the syncope rule is satisfied when the suffix -r3 is
1
attached to the CV roots (#se-r3# => se-r => sèer 'field mouse'). The vowel
1
1
1

---

1
1
56
1
lengthening applies here as a compensatory process after the schwa syncope.
1
Lengthening as a compensatory process will be discussed in details in the next
chapter.
1
ln this section we have shown that the hardening process observed in the
sonorant [w], is supported by a similar process in the sonorant [r]. In the
1
hardening of the sonorant [r], the final consonant of the non derived noun root is
1
deleted after the stop has been formed, except for root final nasals. In both
hardening processes, the nasal sound serves as a prenasalizing segment. In the
1
following section, we consider the process of prenasalisation, which further
supports the sonorant hardening hypothesis.
1
1
2.1.8.3. N-asslmllatlon.
This section considers a prenasalization process which determines the
1
surface structure of the nasal according to the place of articulation of the
following consonant. This process which we would cali the N-assimilation is
1
productive in the language and will be considered throughout the dissertation as
dictated by the data. The motivation for considering the N-assimilation at this
1
level of our investigation is to establish the fact that of the four surface nasal
1
sounds, identified and discussed earlier, only three (m, n, & fi) are found in the
UR. However, because of certain assimilatory facts discussed below, ail four of
1
the surface nasal sounds can be represented by an archiphoneme symbolized by
N.
1
The N-assimilation further supports the sonorant strengthening hypothesis
1
discussed in relation to the w/p and r/d alternations. The most significant N-
assimilation occurs in the noun-c1ass pronominal system (for discussion on the
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
57
1
noun c1ass system cf. Yu 1989 ). For the present purposes, consider the
1
following table illustrating the N-assimilation.
1
(44)
Table 3 The Pronominal System
Noun Class
(NC)
Subj /Obj. Pron
Demon. Pronoun
1
1
yir
n3
this person
i
s/he
nn3 this one
2
yira
mpâ these persons
wa they
mpa the se ones
1
3
haaru
nko. this leaf
ku i t
nku this one
4
haar3n nn3 these leaves
n3 they
nn3 these ones
5
kpar6
nkâ this iron
ka i t
nka this one
6
kpas3
ns3 these irons
s3 they
ns3 these ones
1
7
miir
nd3 this nose
r3 it
nd3 this one
8
miya
nyâ these noses
ya they
nya these ones
9
haat3
nt3 this bunch of
t3 i t
nt3 this one
1
10 lém
mp3 this water
p3 it
mp3 this one
1
The figures in the table indicate the number of the c1ass. From NC1 to
NC8, the odd numbers indicate the singular and the even numbers indicate the
1
corresponding plural classes. NC2 is basically the plural of NC1 and so on. NC9
1
and NC 10 are classes of mass and liquid nouns.
The noun c1ass (N.C.) column shows a sample noun in that c1ass followed
1
by a determiner. Note that apart from Noun Class 1, the demonstrative pronoun
is the same in structure as the determiner that follows the noun. Note also the
1
structural
similarity
between
the
subject/object
pronoun
and
the
1
determiner/demonstrative pronoun. Except for the pronoun of NC1, it follows from
the structural similarity between these categories of pronominals that the
1
subjectlobject
pronoun
of
the
noun
class
is
the
input
to
the
determiner/demonstrative pronominals. This observation leads to the hypothesis
1
that the grammatical category of the demonstratives for the noun class
is
obtained by prefixing a nasal element to the subject/object pronominals. At the
1
1
1
1

---

1
58
1
1
surface level, the place of articulation of the nasal prefix is similar to the place of
articulation of the following consonant. This implies that there is nasal
1
assimilation in place of articulation to the following homorganic consonant. Since
ail four of the nasal consonants (m, n, fi, and n) exemplify the prenasalization
1
prefix at the surface level, it is difficult to set out one of them as the underlying
1
phoneme from which the others are phonetically derived. The best approach is
to set an archiphoneme N not specified for place feature in the UR. The features
1
which characterize these nasals at the surface level as labial, alveolar, palatal
and velar, will then be filled in the empty slot on the place tier by a rule spreading
1
such features specified for the homorganic sound. Following Clements (1985),
1
the N-effect and related assimilatory processes can be handled by a three-tier
level approach: a manner tier, a supralaryngeal tier, and a place tier. Within this
1
approach, the features of the homorganic sound on the place tier spread
backward onto the nasal node on the supralaryngeal tier. This rule can be
1
formalized as follows.
1
(45)
N-assimilation rule
Manner Tier
[+nasal]
1
1
Supralaryngeal Tier •
•
\\
\\
1
\\
\\
Place Tier
[@F]
1
ln the description of the rule above, [@F] specifies the place feature which
1
is spread on to the nasal node. The spreading is indicated by the broken line
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
59
1
from [@F] to the supralaryngeal tier. The application of this rule results in a
1
complex segment (not a c1uster of consonants) characterized here as a
prenasalized consonant.
Note that the prenasalized consonant can be a
1
geminate (long n) where the input homorganic consonant is reduplicated by the
N-effect rule. This is evidence that the N-effect rule does not result in a sequence
1
of consonants. In the case of non-geminate consonants, we note mpa and nd3
1
instead of mwa and nr3, respectively, for the noun c1ass 2 and noun class 7
demonstrative/determiner. From our earlier hypothesis that the subject/object
1
pronoun is the input to the demonstrative/determiner formation, we deduce that
the N-effect operates at two stages. The first stage involves specification for the
1
prefix N. The prefix N, only specified as [+nasal], acquires the necessary features
1
for place of articulation. This is achieved by the application of the N-effect rule.
The second stage involves a process which affects some of the features of the
1
input homorganic consonant, particularly the sonorants [w] and [r]. From the
sonorant hardening processes discussed earlier, it naturally falls out that the
1
pronominal prefix -N triggers the same phenomenon.
Although the N-effect explains the derivation of the surface nasal sounds
1
and supports the sonorants hardening hypothesis, it does not establish whether
1
the four nasals exist in the UR or not. Recall that, in the identification of these
sounds, we observed that the occurrence of the palatal [n] and the velar [n] was
1
restricted. The occurence of the velar [n] is even more restricted than that of the
other nasals and can be predicted. The N-effect discussed in this section
1
supports this claim. The velar nasal is derived by rule from an unspecified nasal
1
in the environment of velar stops.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
60
1
From this evidence, a general picture of the nasals in the language can be
1
viewed in the following way.
(a) Ali the nasals are presumably derived from a single archiphoneme
1
symbolized IN/.
(b) ln the UR, INI gives three phone mes Im/, Inl, and Ifll on the
1
evidence of their distribution in the language.
1
(c) At the surface level, INI gives ail four of the nasals attested in the
language. This does not exclude the possibility that the three nasal sounds
1
specified in the UR can also assimilate to the following consonant in place of
articulation.
1
Sefore we consider the overall picture of the consonants in the UR, let us
1
consider the behavior of the fricatives.
1
2.1.8.4. Âlternatlon ln fricatives
1
ln this section, we first contrast the fricatives f, s, and h in various
1
environments, and conclude that ail three sounds are attested in the UR of the
language. The second point deals with the relation between the phonemes Ifl and
1
Ih/. It is shown that although both sounds are phonemes in the UR, [n and [hl are
allophones in complementary distribution. We argue that [hl is derived by a
1
phonological rule from Ifl in predictable environments. The motivation for this
1
approach comes from thê alternatiori between the fricative Ihl and the sound [hy]
described earlier as a palatalized sound. Two types of fricative alternation are
1
therefore considered in this section. These are flh, and h/hy alternations. First,
1
1
l,,
1

---

1
61
1
1
the relationship between f and h is discussed. Second, the alternation between h
and hy is considered.
1
The phonological status of the fricative sounds f, s, and h, identified in
earlier sections, is considered in their contrast in the following environments.
1
(46)
1
Word Initial Position
fa
beg for
1
sa
scratch
ha
give
fal
fan
1
sai
be absent
sar
be beautiful
cultivate
har '"
1
saat3
catering
faat3....
put on weight
haat3
leaves
sét:i
cut
1
fet3
blow with a fan
hét3
slash
sér
put under ...
1
fér
pay debt
hér
cut belly open
Word Medial Position
1
afâ
pig
asâa
name of person
1
ah60
yes
calafé
swallow
kpas6 "
blinder
1
kpahy,t3
kapok
fias3t3
supremacy
nafat3
fear
nah3ncad3
kick
1
None of these fricative sounds occurs in the word final position. The
1
illustration in (46) shows that each fricative is weil represented in the language.
1
From the contrast between these sounds, we can conclude that ail of them are
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
62
1
present in the UR of the language. There are, however, predictable environments
1
where the fricatives Ifl and Ihl are mutually exclusive.
The f/h alternation is illustrated in the following.
1
(47)
1
huda
navel
fada
navel
1
hJJI
open
fal
open
1
hulJm
irritation
f3'/3m
irritation
1
hud3
name of vegetable
fJd3
name of vegetable
huta
pour out
1
fata
pour out
hunt3
feather
1
f3'nt3
feather
,.
~
hunt3r3m
brain
f3'nt3r3m
brain
1
huru
bag
faru
bag
1
huru
scar
f3ru
scar
1
h6d3
sinew
féd3
sinew
1
hondo
moon
fendo
moon
1
h6nd3
bride
féndJ
bride
hom
wake up
1
fem
wake up
h61
belch
1
fél
belch
'.,
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
63
1
The data above show the following: (1) [ij and [hl alternate without
1
changing the meaning of the word; (2) where [hl occurs, a back vowel follows; (3)
1
where [ij occurs, a schwa or a mid front vowel follows. Schwa interchanges with
the back high vowel, whereas the mid front vowel interchanges with the mid back
1
vowel.
The systematlc alternatlon between [f] and [hl (Ignorlng the alternation in
1
the vowels for noW) shows that there is a relation between them. This alternation
1
implies that one must be derived by rule from the other, even though both sounds
are found in the UR.
1
To account for the alternation between f and h, two alternatives are
considered. The first alternative is to posit Ihl as the phoneme which underlies
1
both [hl and [f] in the sample data above. This approach predicts that if Ihl is
1
followed by an underlying back vowel (u, u, and 0, for instance), nothing happens
in the case of the first pronuncation of the words in (47). But, in the second
1
pronunciation, both [hl and the back vowel are changed, respectively, into [f] and
[a] or [el. The question then is whether this consecutive change in these sounds
1
is natural for the speaker. This interpretation of the data does not seem to fall out
1
from a natural process.
A more attractive prediction is that [hl is followed by an underlying schwa
1
or the front vowel lei. In this case, [hl becomes [f] by a rule such as
1
(48)
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
64
1
1
This rule will account for the second pronunciation. To explain the first
pronunciation, an alternative rule would only affect the schwa or the front vowel e
1
in the environment of h. This rule is proposed in (49).
1
(49)
1
1
Although these rules explain the f/h, U/schwa and ole alternations in the
1
language, this approach presents the following problems. In many languages. the
vowel schwa plays the role of an epenthetic vowel to break consonant c1usters or
1
to maintain certain consonants (obstruents) which would otherwise delete. It
seems more natural for some vowels to reduce to schwa rather th an the schwa
1
becoming a different vowel. Moreover, this alternative will not account for the
1
unexpected gap in the alternation of the vowels 0 - e in the same consonantal
environments. Consider the following.
1
(50)
1
h6rl*fér
stamp
horl*fer
mix
homl*fem
pull
1
hOp3rfep3
squat
howl*few
bind
how3rrfew3r
bundle
hot31*fet3
bandage
1
h6d61*féd6
bandage
h6dal*éda
binder
·ah6râ/*aférâ
mud
1
ln these data, we would expect the starred elements to occur as a second
1
pronunciation with the same meaning. But, as indicated by the asterisk, these
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
65
1
1
words are ungrammatical, when they are given the same meaning as their
unstarred counterparts. This gap in the alternation leads us to a different
1
approach to the problem whereby the phoneme /f/ underlies both [f] and [hl.
If /f/ underlies both [n and [hl in the two pronunciations of the data
1
discussed earlier in this section, then the following predictions are in order. The
1
sound /f/ is followed by the back vowels in the underlying representation. But, /f/
is incompatible with such vowels at the surface javel. Therefore, either /f/
1
changes in structure, or the vowel changes to the nearest available vowel in
height and ATR quality (cf. vowel chart and related discussion in section 2.2 of
1
this chapter). A rule which will change /f/ to [hl is proposed as follows.
1
(51)
/f! to [hl formation rule
1
~nt. ]
~nt'l
~bac~
~coron
---->~
/-----~oun~
1
This rule will account for the first pronunciation (fondo => hondo . moon').
1
Since we argued that it is more natural for some vowels to reduce to schwa, the
second pronunciation will be explained by a vowel fronting rule which does not
1
affect the structure of the underlying consonant in front of the target vowel (fondo
1
=> f~ndo). That rule is formulated below.
(52)
Vowel Fronting
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
66
1
1
This approach will naturally account for the distribution of the back vowels
versus the other vowels with respect to the fricatives Ifl and Ih/. The
1
ungrammatical alternative pronunciation presented in (50 = h6rl*fér stamp") can
be explained by the fact that the Ihl observed there is not derived, whereas the
1
[hl alternating with Ifl is derived. The evidence for this daim is that sorne of the
1
starred words above are grammatical with a different interpretation. Consider the
following.
1
(53)
1
h6r
stamp
hér
eut stomach open
fér
pay back
A
1
hot~
bandage
hét3
slash
,
fet3 ,
fan (verb)
h6d)3
binder
féd3
compete with
1
Further evidence in support of the derivation of [hl from [f] cornes from the
alternation between Ihl and the sound we described earlier as a palatalized
1
sound [hY].
The distribution of the sound [hY] is Iimited in the language as its
1
illustration has already shown. From the environment where the occurrence of
1
[hY] can be predicted, it is possible to deduce that this sound is rather derived by
rule. Consider the occurrence of [hY] in ail possible environments in the
1
language.
1
(54)
Word initial position.
1
ten
vs
hln
tenfold
river
1
1
1
1

---

1
67
1
hYado
last breath
1
hYal
make stew
hY31
cement
hYalltl
stomach
1
hYalam
wind of plague
hY3m
urine (from hiiu to urinate)
hYalanco
type of fruit tree
1
hYalwl
fruit of (hyalanco)
Word medial position.
1
cancahYada
house bat
ahYalâm/afalâm
wind
1
From the data above, the following observations can be established. First,
hY consistently occurs in front of a schwa. Second, in certain words hY and h
1
alternate. Thirdly, hY and f also alternate in the word for wind (note also the
1
stricking similarity in structure and meaning between afalâm/ahyalâm "wind" and
"
hyalam "wind of plague".
1
As the distribution of the sound [hl showed earlier, [hl does not occur in
front of the [+ATR] schwa. However, it occurs in front of the [-ATR] schwa in
1
Iimited instances. Consider the following.
1
(55)
nanmkpô
foot
1
naa~3/namkpas3
feet
nah3ncad3
kick
nah3'mpêer
hoof
1
nah3nténd3
shoe
nah3saasô
disease of foot sole
1
Note that ail these woi"ds are related the first two words in (55). This set of
related words constitute evidence that [hl occurs with the vowel schwa.
1
A hypothesis which would derive [hY] from Ihl in front of a schwa is
1
contradicted by this evidence.
However, the data involving [hY] can be
approached as follows.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
68
1
First of ail, recall that h does not occur with the [+ATRI schwa.
1
Second, in some cases where the sound hY occurs there is an underlying
high vowel (consider the word hyu "ten" which shows only the singular suffix
-
1
u. The root vowel III shows in the plural form hln "tens/tenfold" where the plural
suffi x is -n).
1
A
Third, note also that in the word afalam "wind" the sound Ifl can be
1
replaced by [hYI instead of [hl as already illustrated. In this specifie case, let us
assume that the Ifl to [hl rule applies first. Since [hl does not occur in front of a
1
[+ATRI schwa, the following generalization falls out. The sound Ihl is palatalized
in front of a schwa. The palatalization of the fricative Ihl is triggered by an
1
underlying high front vowel which glides in front of the vowel schwa. This
1
interpretation is motivated by the fact that diphthongisation involving the vowel
schwa is impossible in Lama. Recall that schwa deletes when it is followed by
1
another vowel. In the present case however, note that it is the vowel schwa which
follows another vowel in the UR.
1
If these assumptions are correct, the palatalization rule can be viewed as
1
a process in two steps. First, the high front vowel glides in front of the schwa.
This creates of consonant c1uster where the fricative Ihl is followed by the palatal
1
glide. Second, palatalization occurs then as a result of incompatible c1uster
reduction.
1
The glide formation rule is formulated as follows.
1
(56)
Glide formation rule
1
1; ~~~->[vocl /-/~~~~~
~ c~
l=con~/
l=lOW:J
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
69
1
1
The palatalization rule ordered after the glide formation rule is proposed
below.
1
(57)
Palatalization rule
1
~~~~J
/--~~~~~
- > [+cor. ]
1
1
ln this final section on the consonantal alternation, we have shown that the
fricative [hl is derived from the fricative Ifl, even though both sounds are present
1
in the UR. The fricative Ihl is palatalized ih some environments resulting in a
different sound at the surface levaI. The derived sound has been characterized
1
as a palatalized fricative and symbolized by [hY].
1
To conclude this part of the chapter, we propose the inventory of Lama
consonants below.
1
2.1.8.5. Consonants ln the UR.
1
ln the preceding sections, we have discussed certain phonological rules
1
which establish the status of certain sounds as consonanatal phonemes. Among
the 18 consonants presented in Table 2, we have shown that 3 were derived by
1
rule from other consonants in predictable environments. First, the retroflex stop
1
[dl is derived from the retroflex trill Irl by a hardening rule. This rule also affects
the labiovelar glide Iwl which hardens to the labial stop [pJ. The Iimited
1
distribution of the underlying labial Ipl due to its weakening to [w] and possibly to
Ikp/, is thus balanced by the hardening process.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
70
1
Second, the sound identified as a palatalized fricative [hY] is in fact derived
1
fram Ihl by a palatalization rule.
Third, we have shown that although the labial Iml, the alveolar Inl, and the
1
palatal /fil are found in the UR, they can also be derived fram an unspecified
1
archiphoneme N.
ln the following table, we show a possible development of the consonants
1
fram their pratoform to their present forms in the UR and at the surface levaI. The
star (*) shows the protoform, the slashes (II) indicate the UR, and the square
1
brackets (0) show the surface representation.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
71
1
(58)
Table 4. Diachronie and Synchronie Consonants
1
IStopsl
*p
[[Pl
1
Ipi
[w]
*KP
Ikpl
[kp]
*K
Ikl
[k]
1
*T
Itl
[t]
IFricativesl
1
[[f]
Ifl
1
[hl
*F
[hl
Ihl
1
[[hY]
*S
Isl
[s]
1
IAffricatel
*c
Ici
[ c]
1
!LiqUidSI
1
Lateral
Trill
*L
III
[ l ] *R
Irl
[[r]
1
[ d]
1
INasalsl
Iml
[ml
*N
Inl
[n]
1
Inl
[n]
[rll
1
IGlidesl
*y
Iyl
[y]
1
[w]
*w
Iwl
1
[p]
1
1
l'

---

1
1
72
1
1
From this reconstruction, we can c1assify the consonants of the UR as
follows.
1
(59)
Table 5
Consonants in the UR.
1
Liquids
stops Fricatives Affricate
Nasals Glides
Lat Tri
1
Bilab-
p
m
1
Dental
f
Labiove
kp
w
1
Alveola
t
s
l
n
Palatal
c
fi
y
1
Velar
k
1
Retrofl
r
Larynge
h
1
2.2. The vowels.
1
ln the first part of this chapter we established the consonantal system of
1
the language. We found that at the surface level, Lama has 18 consonants. But
our analysis of consonant alternation showed that 3 sounds among the 18
1
consonants were derived by rule and did not exist in the UR. In the UR then,
1
Lama has only 15 consonantal phonemes c1assified in (61: table 5).
The second part of the chapter is an investigation of the vowel system in
1
the language.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
73
1
We first identify and categorize ail the vowels found in the underlying
1
representation of the language. This is done
by contrasting, when possible,
minimal pairs of words containing the target vowels. For c1arity of presentation,
1
the imperative or infinitive forms of verbs are chosen. This choice is motivated by
the fact that such grammatical categories show liUle change in the verb roots.
1
Moreover, the accomplished or perfect simple imperative (as opposed to the
1
continuous imperative) does not have an inflection.
After the identification of the vowels, we analyze one of the most important
1
vocalic phenomena in the language, namely the ATR (Advanced Tongue Root)
vowel harmony. The analysis of ATR vowel harmony will show that Lama moves
1
from an 11 vowel system in the UR to a 12 vowel system at the surface levaI.
1
When dictated by the data, other harmony facts and vocalic rules will be
considered throughout the dissertation.
1
2.2.1. Identification of the vowels.
1
For the identification of the vowels, the terms Front, Back, and Central are
1
used together with Tense/Lax as preliminary guidelines. At this point, the use of
such features as Tense/Lax, and Height is motivated by laboratory work we
1
carried out in the phonetics laboratory of the Department. The work was intended
1
to discover whether closely related vowels (in citation forms) were phonetically
different or not. The results of that investigation will be discussed later.
1
The characters in bold face indicate tense vowels and the vowels in
normal typeface are lax ones. But the symbols (a/3) will be used for the tense and
1
lax schwas respectively. The brackets [] indicate sounds and the slashes Il
1
indicate phonemes.
1
1
1

---

74
2.2.1.1. Front vowels.
Front vowels are characterized as vowels "(a) Articulated in the front part
of the mouth (as opposed to the Back); (b) ...by the front part (or Blade) of the
tongue" according to Crystal (1985:128). On this basis 4 vowels are identified in
Lama. The four vowels are the pairs i/i, e/e.
The vowels [il;]. The two vowels differ from each other in the amount of
presssure required fom the tongue in their production.
[i] is produced with high
tension put on the tongue and the vocal cords set into vibration. As a result, the
front vowel[i] is more audible than its counterpart [i]. In the production of the
latter, no tension is required from the tongue. The vibration of the vocal cords is
not as strong as in the production of the tense li]; this results into a less
perceptible sound. The two sounds are contrasted in the following minimal pairs.
(60)
si
wear
si
enter
ti
drag
ti
insult
hi
find
hi
urinate
ri
sow
ri
put
wi
tolerate
wi
think
sisa
thighten
SiS3
stick in
risa
breed poulty
ris3
put in liquid
tisa
step back
tis3
spyon

---

1
75
1
1
This constrast between the two vowels is evidence that both of them are
attested in the underlying representation.
1
The vowels [e/e]. In the production of the vowel [e], the tension
required from the tongue is lower th an in the production of the front vowel Iii. But
1
that tension is higher than in the production of the front vowel !II or th an the
1
tension required to produce the vowel [e]. The following illustrates the contrast
between the two vowels [e/e].
1
1
(61 )
sé
run
sé
plant
1
tél
beat s.o up
tél
escape
le
weave
1
le
wear a bracelet
re
swear
re
go
fél
balch out
1
f~1
squat down
reS3
draam
res3
pass (something) over
1
teS3
put upright against
tes3
remember, recall
fet3
fall down
1
fet3
fan
As in the case of the earlier pair of vowels, the preceding illustration shows
1
that both /el and lei exist in the UR of the language. The difference between the
pairs i/i and e/e is in the height which the tongue adopts in the production of
1
each pair. In the Sound Pattern of English,
Chomsky and Halle (1968)
introduce the term "High" as a distinctive feature to characterize the vowels
1
belonging to the same natural c1ass such as the class of front vowels. In the
1
production of high vowels, the body of the tongue is said to adopt a position
higher than its normal position around the front of the mouth cavity. In the
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
76
1
production of the four vowels identified as front vowels in Lama, the body of the
1
tongue adopts a position higher than its neutral position in the production of the
vowel III. When the four vowels are cited in sequence, the height which the
1
tongue adopts for the production of the first vowel (i.e the tense vowel III)
decreases gradually up to the last one, that is lei. After the production of this last
1
vowel in the row, the tongue has almost acquired its normal resting position. We
1
adopt the SPE term High to describe these vowels and subsequent ones in the
language. The values [+] and [-] high/tense illustrate the four front vowels.
1
(62)
Front Vowels
1
HighlTense
+
+
1
1
+
i
+
e
e
1
2.2.1.2. Beek vowels .
1
As the name indicates, back vowels are produced in the back part of the
mouth. The back part of the tongue is also involved in their articulation. Back
1
vowels are therefore in opposition to front vowels in terms of place articulation in
1
the mouth cavity. There are four contrasting back vowels in Lama. These are
[u/u], [0/0], and they contrast in the same way as the front vowels.
1
The vowels [u/u]. The description used to characterize the front
vowels in terms of height and tenseness also holds for back vowels. The high
1
back vowels [u] and [u] conti"ast in the following.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
77
1
(63)
1
Su
plant on
su
take
1
mu
suck
mu
be expected in vai n
pu
show respect
suffer in the hand of...
1
~
cast/forge
lu
wrestle
ru
limp
1
ru
close the door
musa
tease/make fun of someone
mus3
disappear
1
wur
dig
wur
pour
pur
disagree (by shaking head)
pur
crumple
1
tul
become short
tul
wrap around the waist
sul
be dizzy
1
sul
carry on the head
luta
stir
lut3
intermingle
1
The vowels [0/0]. The following iIIustrates and establishes the
1
existence of these vowels in the UR of Lama.
1
(64)
w6
open halfway
w6
spread (mat, sheet)
1
t6
cashintheair
t6
give out a portion
t6s3
put together
1
toS3
ward off, be prepared for
16S3
distract
IOS3
change
1
c6
Iisten
co
sit down
16
lean back
10
lag behind
1
woS3
wake s.o up
WOS3
ask
k6r
tease up
1
k6r
pick up
kod3
eut up (something sticky)
k6d3
tighten up
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
78
1
The general picture of the front vowels and the back vowels is shown in
1
the following in terms of height and tenseness.
1
(65)
Table 6.
Front and Back Vowels
1
Front
Back
i
Gig~
u
1
+tense
1
i
Ëig~
u
-tense
1
e
Ëig~
0
+tense
1
e
8ig~
0
-tense
1
1
Apart from these sets of front and back vowels, central vowels are also
found in the language.
1
2.2.1.3. Central vowels.
1
Three types of central vowels can be identified in the UR of the language
1
on the basis of their contrastihg distribution. The three vowels are la-3/, and Ia/.
The vowels la-3/. lri the production of the tense schwa laI, the tongue
1
remains in its normal position. However, a tension is felt at the root of the tongue
1
which is more advanced. The vocal cords vibrate resulting in an audible sound.
The opposite activity in the root of the tongue and the vocal cords while the
1
1
l,
l"

---

1
79
1
1
tongue is in its normal position produces the lax schwa [3J. The following
jllustrates the contrast between the two types of schwa.
1
(66)
1
~I
shrink
131
give birth
lata
skin an animal
1
13t3
get 100se
lalsa
drain
131s3
deliver a child
1
tal
dig up (yam ... )
t11
open
talsa
roar Iike thunder
t31s3
speak up your mind
1
tam
scatter nOlsily
t3m
weed out
sam
shutup
1
s3m
know
tar
send
t3r
be spurred on (impersonal)
patar
be overdone (impersonal)
1
p}3t~r
finalize
tatar
force stg. on someone
t3t3r
crush
1
The vowels la-31 contrast with the high front vowels in the following.
1
(67)
1
lata
skin an animal
lita
tease
/3t3
get /oose
1
lit3
write badly
sisa
pull tight
sasa
hang downward
SiS3
Insert
1
S3S3
straighten up
masa (woma)
grin
mis3
stay
1
m3s3
suckle
1
The two vowels a/so contrast with the high back vowels as shown in the
following.
1
1
1
l'

---

1
1
BO
1
(68)
1
lata
skin an animal
luta
stir up
1
13t3
get 100se
lut3
intermingle
tal
carry repeatedly
1
t~1
become short
t31
open
tul
. wrap around the waste
m31
twist, drive
1
mul
ungrain millet
mul
repeat.
n3S3
unbend/straighten up
1
nUS3
be fed up with
C3S3
cut a piece of meat
eusa
praise
k31
excede/surpass
1
kul
unbury
kûl
purify someone
1
The various contrasts between the two schwas and the other identified
vowels establish their existence in the UR of the language.
1
The vowel/aJ. In the production of this vowel, the tongue is completely
relaxed. No tension is exercised on the tongue, nor are the vocal cords strongly
1
vibrating. The main difference between this vowel and the other vowels is that the
opening of the mouth is wider in its production. The following illustrates the
1
contrast between the three central vowels.
1
(69)
1
sas3
spuron
S3S3
put upright
1
sasa
hang down
tal
arrive
t31
open
tal
dlg up
1
sam
praise
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
81
1
s3m
know
sam
shut up
tar
distribute
1
t3r
be incited
tar
send
1
The vowel lai also contrasts with the other vowels as shown below.
1
(70)
fa
beg for
1
fe
give way
sa
scratch
sé
run
su
plant on
1
su
take
si
wear
si
enter
1
wa
dance
w6
lift, open a Iittle
w6
spread a mat
1
Although the low vowel lai contrasts with ail the other vowels, it does not
1
contrast with a tense counterpart in monosyllabic words. In polysyllabic words
containing lax vowels, no tense [a] occurs either. In polysyllabic words with tense
1
high vowels, we find tense [a]. But we will show later that this tenseness in the
low vowel cari be predicted. On this basis we can therefore daim that Lama has
1
eleven vowels in the UR. The following table shows ail the identified vowels
1
described in terms of height and tenseness.
1
1
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
82
1
(71) Table 7
Vowels in the UR.
1
Front
Central
Back
High/Tense
1
~highl
U
ttensel
1
U
~hi9~
3
-tense
1
e
0
llii9h~
+tense
1
-low
e
0
1
~hi9h
-tense]
-low
1
a
[hi9hJ
-tense
1
Although this classification serves the purpose of identification, the
1
description of the preceding vowels in terms of heightltenseness is not
satisfactory for the harmony processes considered in the next section. Moreover,
1
as Ladefoged (1964) observed, height between pair of vowels like Iii does not
really play a significant role in their recognition. In relation to Lama, this
1
observation is confirmed by a spectrographie analysis of the identified vowels. An
1
investigation carried in the phonetics laboratory to determine the degree of
phonetic difference in height and tenseness between the various pairs of vowels
1
in Lama showed the following results.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
83
1
(72)
Formant Values For the Vowels
Vowels
F1
F2
1
i
400
2000
i
400
2100
1
e
700
1700-1800
e
700
1900
u
400
1400-800
1
u
475
1100-800
0
450
1400-1000
0
500
1000
a
700
1600
1
a
450
1000-800
3
600
1150
1
Note that in (72) where there appears to be a difference between the two
elements of each pair (e.g i/i), that difference is not significant. Crucial to the
1
approach for the analysis of the vowel harmony in Lama is the conclusion
1
reached by Evans after a similar investigation. According to Evans (1987:11) "it
seems that the difference in lax and tense vowel is not going to be readily
1
apparent" in Lama when considered in terms of height.
To handle the vocalic system in Lama in a more attractive way, we will
1
therefore reconsider the identified vowels in ATR (advanced tongue root)
1
features, if we agree that the difference between IiI and liI,Iul and luI, for
instance, is rather in the retraction of the tongue root.
1
2.2.1.4. ATR classification
1
The phonetic details about the Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) as a
1
distinctive feature in 'Jowels are extensively covered in Clements (1981).
Following Stewart (1967), Clements (1981 :111) notes that "the phonetic basis of
1
the distinction between [two sets o~ 'Jowels ... is the position of the tongue root:
1
advanced for the vowels of [one set], neutral or retracted for the vowels of [the
1
1
1

---

1
84
1
1
other set]". The feature values [+ATR] and [-ATR] are adopted here for the
revised classification of the identified vowel sets in Lama. The ATR classification
1
is presented below where the feature value [+ATR] is indicated in bold.
1
(73) Lama ATR VoWel Classification
[ +ATR]
[ -ATR]
1
HIGH
i
a u
i
3 u
MID
e
0
e
0
1
LOW
a
Note that this classification presents only the vowels identified in the UR.
1
As illustrated in the preceding sections, there is no contrasting pair in the low
1
vowel, at least not in monosyllabic words where each illustrated vowel depicted
the underlying phoneme. The motivation for the ATR classification is that the low
1
vowel Ia/,changes in quality when it is found in words with an underlying [+high,
+ATR] vowel. Consider the following data where boldness in [a] indicates that the
1
low vowel has a [+ATR] feature value for the feature ATR.
1
(74)
Set 1
1
àSaseer
maggot
apu
head louse
1
aluku "
chicken coop
wunasa
rivers
lamasâ
nape of the neck
kurasâ
venerai diseases
1
tuka
shrubs
Set 2
1
Singular
Plural
1
ci
father
cinA
ri;
mother
rinâ
ram
iroko tree
râmnA
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
85
1
nùn
aunt
nunnâ
aci
daddy
acinâ
1
Set 3
ri,
pythons
rrnâ
1
r3m
snake
r3mnâ
ra
friend
ranâ
ko
sister
konâ
ràal
brother
raalnâ
1
nèm
9ri ndi ng sto ne
nemnâ
The data in set 1 above illustrate the I+ATR] 10w vowel in words containing
1
[+ATR] vowels. The singular of set 2 is an example of Noun Class 1 which does
not have a noun c1ass suffix. In this subset, ail the words have a [+ATR] vowel.
1
Note that in the word aci "daddy", the low vowel is a nominalizing prefix which is
1
realized with a [+ATR] feature. In the plural of set 2, the suffix -nâ is the noun
c1ass 2 (plural of NC1) marker. Note also that the low vowel in that suffix is
1
realized as [+ATR], while in set 3 the same vowel shows a [-ATR] feature.
From these observations, we can tentatively conc1ude that the preceding
1
data show a sample ATR harmony where the low vowel, underlyingly c1assified
as [-ATR], acquires a [+ATR] feature in a predictable environment. It therefore
1
seems that the assymetry found in the UR of the two ATR sets is neutralized at
1
the surface level by a process of ATR vowel harmony. The full specification of
ATR features for ail the vowels is shown below.
1
(75) Table:8 ATR Feature Values in the Phono Representation
1
i
i
a
3
e
e
a
a
0
a
u
u
High +
+
+
+
+
+
1
Law
+
+
Back -
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
ATR
+
+
+
+
+
+
Raund-
1
+
+
+
+
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
86
1
At this point of the investigation, the question we need to address is what
1
rules underlie the ATR harmony in Lama.
1
2.2.2. ATR vowel hai'mony.
1
ln the identification of the vowels, we observed that the low vowel la!
showed only a contrasting feature value in ATR when it is found in the
1
environment of high vowels underlyingly specified as [+ATR]. However, in the
1
environment of the mid vowels also specified as [+ATR]. the low vowel does not
automatically acquire a [+ATR] value. This assymetric behavior of the low vowel
1
leads us to consider the principles which underlie the harmonie processes in
Lama. In this section, we consider the harmonie processes in detai!. First, we will
1
present the harmonie facts related to each set of the ATR vowels. Second, we
1
will argue that these facts can be accounted for within the theoretical framework
of Root Controlled ATR Harmony and Underspecification as discussed in
1
Clements (1981), and particularly in Pulleyblank (1983, 1986, & 1988).
1
2.2.2.1. Facts related to [+ATR] hlgh vowels.
1
Recall that the ATR classification of the identified vowels in the UR of
Lama phonology has been partly motivated by the behavior of the low vowel la!
1
at the surface level in words with a [+ATR, +High] vowel(s). The low vowel
1
acquires a [+ATR] value in that context. That is, the neutral position of the tongue
root is affected when the low vowel la! is produced in conjunction with [+ATR,
1
+High] vowels. Some recognizable affixes appear at the surface level as [+ATR]
"
..
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
87
1
in the [+ÀTR, +High] roots and as [-ATR] elsewhere. The following illustrates
1
cases where the suffixes show the value {eature [+ATR].
1
(76)
Ci
father
cinâ
ri
mother
rinâ
1
ram
iroko tree
ramnâ
nùn
aunt
nunnâ
,
,
acl.
daddy
acinâ
1
lutarô
cowry pearl
-
raso
pot
1
ata16
~oisonous plant
salo-
id, coyer
wuro
chief, leader
1
rasu
big pot
ataro.
wall
huru
blister
1
cini
praises
"
lita
beBy
1
tutd
acold
lal~
shrinkage
huta
chap
1
- ' "
wurta
leadership
sata
shade
1
ln the data, the underlined elements are noun c1ass suffixes which appear
as [+ATR] in the roots with [+ATR] high vowels. The initial low vowel in some
1
words above is a nominalizing prefix. What is important to note here, then, is that
1
ail the root vowels have been specified in our description as [+high,+ATR]. If we
ignore what the specifications of the vowels in the affixes should be in the UR
1
with respect to ATR feature; we can conclude that the high vowels specified for
[+ATR] do not occur with [-ATR] vowels at the surface level. It will therefore
1
follow that the low vowel, underlyingly specified as [-ATR], loses that ATR value
1
in the context of the [+ATR] high vowels.
1
1.
1

---

1
1
88
1
1
2.2.2.2. Faets about the [-ATR] vowels.
1
Ali the vowels identitied and c1assified as [-ATR] are illustrated in the roots
below.
1
(77)
1
Set 1
A
B
1
ri
pythons
rinâ
".
. , . -
A
r3m
snake
r3mna
ra
friend
ranâ
ko
sister
konâ
1
ràal
brother
raalnâ
nèm
grinding stone
nemnâ
1
Set 2
A
Bcal.!,!
biting tly
BS3m!J.
acquai ntance
1
asenu
new mother
tun.'i -
predator
wok.!J.
stupid person
1
B
akarmô
ant
t3iiQ -
1
evil
wuno
year
cél6-
medical root
mlrïtô
drying area
1
CA
13t3
roofing
1
céet3
poison
fiatl
seam
titr
honey
wotS
cotton
1
fiutj'
iron sheets
0
1
ntarÎ
lies
san!
black ants
senl
songs
1
1
l,
1

---

1
89
1
ahûmÎ
cicada
1
sél3nkl
type of lizards
1
Ali the underlined elements in the data above are affixes. The prefix marks
nominalization and the suffixes are the noun c1ass markers. Note that ail these
1
affixes are realized as [-ATR] in the data where the root vowels have been
specified as [-ATR].
1
The facts presented above lead to the following observations about the
1
low vowel on the one hand and about the affixes on the other hand.
The low vowellal appears as [+ATR] in the environment of [+ATR] high
1
vowels whereas it appears as [-ATR] in the environment of ail the other vowels
specififed as [-ATR]. This irnplies that the low vowel undergoes an ATR vowel
1
harmony according to certain principle which remain to be established. The ATR
vowel harmony is also supported by the behavior of the affixes, namely the noun
1
c1ass suffixes where vowels other than the low vowel appear. Recall that ail the
1
vowels in those suffixes show an ATR value similar to that of the root vowels
(wûnQ "year"; wun~ "river" ).
1
Sefore we discuss the issues of the ATR harmony in relation to roots and
affixes, let us consider the harmonic facts with respect to [+ATR] mid vowels.
1
1
2.2.2.3. Facis about the mld [+ATR] vowels
Consider the following.
1
(78)
1
Set 1
A
1
Sing.
Plural
10
partridge
les3
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
90
1
'"
Iô
funeral
lés3
h6
pregnancy
h6s3
w6
river
w6sa
1
wo
soap tree
WOS3
ko
grass
kOS3
1
8
lékô
side
lékas3
ledo
roof stake
ledas~
1
cédô
surgical knife
cédas3
A
cal3'nko
chameleon
cal3nkos3
wdnko
donkey
wonkas3
woso
birth envelope
wosas~
1
hondà
moon
honda~
Set 2
1
'"
wolat3
business
ênt3
song
r.éelfJ
widowhood
1
lekû
arrow shaft
akOiû
dumping area
1
rennâ
cousins
ponta
leopard
cénti
friend
1
ln the singular of Set 1 (A), we have monosyllabic words which show their
1
underlying root vowels when a -CV suffix (-S3) is attached to the root in the plural
form. In the monosyllabic words, the root vowel undergoes a vowel truncation
1
rule which deletes thé root final vowel when a suffixal vowel is attached to the
root. The vowel truncation rule Is proposed below.
1
(79)
Vowel Truncation
1
V ---:>0/---]V
1
Where ] = noun root final position
Note that, this rule also applies in the same environment when its
1
structural description is met in polysyllabic roots as in Set 1 (8). In Set 1 (8), the
1
1
1
,
l'

---

1
1
91
1
plural form shows the root final vowel before the suffix. That vowel is missing in
1
the singular form where only the c1ass suffix 0 appears.
ln set 2, the data show various roots with the [+ATR] mid vowel and the
1
noun classes, except for the last two words from the noun c1ass 1 which do not
have a suffix. Note that in these specific words (cénti "friend") the root final
1
vowels are realized as [-ATR], whereas the first vowel of the root shows a [+ATR]
1
value.
The facts presented by the data in (78) are summarized as follows.
1
1. The truncating vowel (the suffix -0 in set 1 A) is realized as a
[+ATR] mid vowel in monosyllabic words.
1
2. The truncated vowel (the root vowel) is underlyingly a [+ATR] mid
. vowel.
1
3. In polysyllabic Words as in Set 2, the root shows both a [+ATR] mid
1
vowel and other [-ATR] vowels.
4. (a) The low vowel, either affix or root vowel, is always realized as
1
[-ATR] in the context of [+ATR] mid vowels. (b) None of the vowels of the suffixes
in the structure -cv is realized as [+ATR] after the [+ATR] mid vowel in the word.
1
This discrapancy in the harmonic behavior of the [+ATR] high vowels and
1
the [+ATR] mid vowels raises several questions in relation to the harmonic rules
in Lama.
1
First, is the ATR harmony the property of the root or is it the property of
individual vowels. That is, is ATR assigned to the root as a floating feature and a
1
Iinking convention followed by a spreading rule applies to spread the ATR value
1
ante the vowels throughout the whole word? Or is ATR assigned and linked to
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
92
1
specified individual vowels in the root and those vowels in turn spread the ATR
1
value onto the adjacent vowels, not specified for that value?
Second, if the ATR harmony is root control/ed, are there disharmonie
1
roots? ln short, what principles underlie the ATR harmony as presented by the
facts in the preceding sections?
1
For an attractive analysis of the harmonie facts presented in the sections
1
above, we consider below sorne aspects of the "Root Controlled Harmony"
discussed in Clements (1981) and underspecification in ATR features as
1
discussed in Pulleyblank (1983, 1986, & 1988). We argue that a combination of
both some aspects of the "Root Control/ed Harmony" approach and some
1
aspects of the underspecification theory account for the facts presented above in
1
a traightforward way.
1
2.2.2.4.Root control, underspeclflcatlon and ATR harmony.
1
The theoretical principle of .Root Controlled Harmony' developed in
Clements (1981) and supported in Pulleyblank (1986, 1988), is adopted with
1
modifications which will be presented at the appropriate moment in this section.
The main point in Clements' framework is that the value [+ATR] or [-ATR]
1
is assigned to the root, and it is the root which thus passes that value on to the
1
affixes. It follows, then, that affixes are not specified for any ATR value in the UR.
ln this view, the facts presented in the preceding first two sections would
1
be straightforward. That is, the value [+ATR] is assigned to the roots with [+ATR]
high vowels, and [-ATR] is assigned to the other roots (except for roots with
1
[+ATR] mid vowels which constitute a special case). Words like acina "daddies"
1
1
1
1

---

1
93
1
1
and ahumi "cicada" will have the following representation where the upper case
letters show affixes with no ÂTR specification.
1
(80)
a)
+A
b)
-A
1
A-ci-nA
A-hum-I
Root ATR Ass
1
The association convention which links the ATR to the leftmost P-bearing
unit (Clements 1981) will then link [+A] to the leftmost vowel in (a), i.e to the low
1
vowel. Likewise, [-A] will Iink to low vowel in (b) as shown below.
1
(81 )
a)
+A
b)
-A
1
1
1
AcinA
AhumI
Assoc.Convention
1
Finally, spreading takes place from left to right. This process spreads the
1
value of the Iinked ATR onto the adjacent P-bearing units to derive the expected
results as follows.
1
(82)
1
a)
+A
b)
-A
\\ \\
\\ \\
1
\\\\
1
\\\\
1
AcinA
AhumI
Spreading
acina
ahumi
Phone.Rep.
1
Recall that the third category of facts presented in the previous sections
1
involved roots with [+ATR] illid vowels and [-ATR] vowels. For convenience we
repeat some of these data below.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
94
1
1
(83)
won k ·
"
a-s~
donkeys
1
honda-s3
months
lek-u
arrow shaft
p6nt~-nâ
panthers
1
h6-S3
pregnaneies
....
wo-S3
black bugs
le-s3
partridges
1
Within the root eontrolled appproaeh illustrated so far, the eategory of
roots exemplified above ean be aeeounted for by what Clements (1981) has
1
eharaeterized as 'disharmonie roots'. That is, roots speeified for both [+ATR] and
[-ATR]. This implies that the low vowel in the roots above eontributes an ATR
1
value in the harmonie proeesses. The immediate problem with the disharmonie
1
approaeh is how to aeeount for the low vowel not eontributing the same ATR
value in the roots with [+ÀTR] high vowels. We would expeet a word like wuna-
1
sa 'rivers' to show a [-ATR] value on the last two syllables. That is, the underlying
[-ATR] value of the root final low vowel should be the one to spread to the suffix
1
-S3. But note that the two syllables show a [+ATR] value instead.
1
Apart from the disharmonie approaeh whieh is not appealing in the present
case, an independent principle eould be motivated to aeeount for this asymmetrie
1
harmony. That independent principle, for instance, would be one whieh assigns
the two ATR values to roots above as a language specifie rule with respect to
1
[+ATR] mid vowels. In this view, a single root is then assigned [+A] and [-A] and
where a feature value has no P-bearing unit ta anehor it will remain unlinked and
1
therefore unpronouneed. Pushing this approaeh, words Iike wo /~ "black
1
bug/s" will have the representation below
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
95
1
(84)
a)
+A
-A
b)
+A
-A
1
wo
wo-s3
Assuming that the mid vowel in these words is specified as [+ATR] and
1
the affix is not specified, it follows that the Iinking convention will anchor the [+A]
1
to the root vowel (and the [-A] to the next vowel, were there a second root vowel).
ln (84a), only the [+A] will Iink, whereas, in (84b) the [-A] part of the root will also
1
link, but to the P-bearing unit of the affix. Thus, in (86a) the [-A] will remain
floating and unpronounced. With respect to harmony in polysyllabic roots and
1
suffixes, the suffix -s3 in words like wônkas 3 "donkeys" would acquire its ATR
1
value from the adjacent low vowel to which the [-Al has linked.
This approach, however, will not explain why
prefixes like a- in akolu
1
"dumping area" is realized as [-ATR] if we assume the root controlled harmony.
We would expect those prefixes to acquire the [+ATR] value from the adjacent
1
[+AT~] midvowel. Moreover, how do we account for the fact that the two values
of [ATR] are only assigned to roots with only [+ATR] mid vowels?
1
ln the remaining part of this section, we will show that a combination of
1
some aspects of the Root Controlled Harmony with some aspects of the
underspecification theory accounts for the asymmetric ATR harmony in Lama in
1
a
straightforward
way.
But,
first,
let
us
consider
the
aspects
of
the
underspecification theory that we adopt with respect to ATR features.
1
Of
interest
to
the
present
purposes,
are
the
aspects
of
the
1
underspecification discussed in Pulleyblank (1983, 1986, & 1988).
The theory of underspecification stipulates that the features of certain
1
segments are maximally underspecified in the UR. The values of a specified
1
1
1
1

---

1
96
1
1
feature need not be contrastive in the UR. For instance, if the value [+ATR] is
underlyingly specified for a set of vowels, it becomes redundant to specify the
1
other value. However, when harmony rules apply contrasting the two values at a
certain level of phonological derivations, the value [-ATR] is assigned by
1
Universal Grammar (UG) to those ATR-bearing units not specified for the feature
1
ATR. It follows from the theory that once a feature value has been specified, the
opposite value is automatically provided by redundancy by the UG.
1
Following these ideas, the speciIication of the vowels in Lama vocalic
system are revised as follows with respect to the feature [ATR].
1
(85) ATR Specification
1
i
i
e
e
a 3
a
0
0
u
u
ATR
+
+
+
+
+
1
From these feature speciIications in the UR, it follows that the non
1
specified value for the target feature is provided by a redundant rule such as
[ ]
>[@F]
1
where alpha (@) is the redundant value and F the target feature. With respect to
1
the feature ATR this redundant rule will be formalized as in (88).
1
(86) Redundancy rule
[]
>[-ATR]
1
That is, an ATR-bearing unit is assigned [-ATR] if it is not specified for that
1
feature.
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
97
1
1
If we assume, with Clements (1981), that the root is the domain for ATR
assignment in the harmonic processes under discussion, we can formulate the
1
following principles to account for the facts presented earlier.
1
(87) Principles for Lama ATR Harmony
1
Affixes are not specified for ATR features;
1
they obey the principle of root control
(Clements 1981).
II
(a)
[+ATR] is the only specified feature value
1
in the UR for ATR.
(h)
[+ATR], as the property of the root,
is a floating feature.
1
III
(a)
ATR of the root is linked to the leftmost
A-bearing unit (vowel) after affixation.
(h)
Spreading takes place within the word from left
1
to right after linking.
IV
[ ] - - - - > [-ATR].
1
From Principle l, it follows that no affix can be assigned a [+ATR] value. It
1
also follows from the redundant rule in IV that an affix can acquire a [-ATR] value
if, for some it does not acquire the specified feature value through harmonic rules
1
from Principles Il and 111.
1
Crucial to our analysis is the assumption that Principle IV is a direct
consequence of Principle Il; and as such, it follows that IV automatically apply to
1
roots not specified for ATR.
Note, however, that while the principles account for the facts related to the
1
[+ATR] high vowels and the vowels not specified for ATR, they make incorrect
1
predictions for the roots with [+ATR] mid vowels.
Recall that when a root has both a low vowel and a mid vowel, the low
1
vowel is always [-ATR] even if the mid vowel is [+ATR] (p6ntâ ·panther'). Within
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
98
1
the framework of underspecification, it follows that the low vowel (and affixes)
1
cooccurring with the [+ATR] mid vowels acquires its [-ATR] value either by
Principle IV stipulated above or by a different stipulation. Principle IV might apply
1
in this case because for some reason the [+ATR] mid vowel fails to spread its
value. Following van der Hulst and Smith (1986), we argue that mid vowels are
1
neutral segments in Lama. In van der Hulst and Smith's analysis neutral vowels
1
can be opaque or transparent. They are opaque when their idiosyncratic value is
the opposite of the feature value specified in the UR. In the case of ATR
1
harmony, the value [+ATR] being the specified one, it follows that opaque vowels
assume [-ATR] as their lexical property, and block [+ATR] harmony. In contrast to
1
opaque vowels, transparent vowels assume as their lexical property the specified
1
value for the feature under consideration. In the present case, the value [+ATR]
is therefore the idiosyncratic property of the mid vowel, which neither spreads nor
1
blocks the spreading of that feature value from other sources.
ln relation to mid vowels in Lama, we argue that [+ATR] is their lexical
1
property when they are underlyingly specified for the feature ATR. That is, the
value [+ATR] is not a floating feature for mid vowels. It follows from this
1
appproach that three types of ATR roots should be posited in Lama. (1) Roots
1
with a floating [+ATR] value; these roots are characterized by high vowels
underlyingly specified for the feature ATR. (2) Roots with a lexically Iinked
1
[+ATR]; these are characterized by the mid vowels underlyingly specified for
ATR. And (3) roots with no ATR specification; these are exemplified by the words
1
which show [-ATR] vowels ail across at the surface level.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
99
1
1
To account for the asymmetry displayed by type 2 roots, we argue that
Principle IV applies to assign [-ATR] value to the unspecified ATR-bearing units
1
in those roots.
The derivation for the words sc/ns 'daddies', ahumi 'cicada~ and akolu
1
'dumping area' illustrates the principles stipulated for [ATR] harmony.
1
(88)
(a)
+A
(b)
(c)
+A
UR
1
1
A-cln-A
A-hUm-I
A-kol-U
1
The underlying representation of (88a) shows ATR as a floating feature
1
assigned to the root by the relevant rules in (87). The root in (88b) is not specified
for ATR in the UR; its ATR-bearing units will be assigned the redundant feature
1
value [-ATR] by Principle IV. The root in (88c) shows the [+ATR] value as a
linked idiosyncratic property of the neutral mid vowel. Principles III and IV apply
1
to (88a) and (88b) respectively to give the derivation in (89).
1
(89)
(a)
+A
(b)
-A
Principles III&IV
/ 1 \\
/ 1 \\
AclnA
AhUmI
1
acina
ahumi
Phonetic
daddies
cicada
realisation.
1
The derivation in (89b) assumes that [-ATR] is assigned to vowel and that
ail the adjacent [-Ars are collapsed into a single multiply linked [-A].
1
Since (88c) does not satisfy the principles underlying the root-controlled
1
harmony argued for so far; it follows that the spreading of the idiosyncratic
[+ATR] from the transparent mid vowel does not take place. Assuming that
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
100
1
1
Principle IV is triggered by the ATR status in type 3 roots, the derivation in (88c)
will be completed as shown in (90).
1
(90)
+A
1
1
AkolU
UR
Harm.rules inappl.
+A
1
1
AkolU
1
1
1
-A
-A
Principle IV
akolu
Phonetic realisation.
1
An issue raised by the present analysis relates to polysyllabic roots of the
following nature. First, there are roots containing both [+ATR] mid vowels and
1
other [-ATR] vowels as in the following.
1
(91 )
""
'"
wonka-s3
donkeys
1
kpônseer
mad man
cal3nko
chameleon
1
ln cases Iike those in (91), do we assign the value [-ATR] as a floating
feature to the root in addition to the lexically linked [+ATR]? It follows from the
1
framework developed here that an assignment of the redundant value to such
1
roots is not necessary. Principle IV presented in this analysis is motivated to
handle the unspecified cases which are outside the scope of root-controlled
1
harmor'Yy. It is our position, however, that when Principle IV applies to several
adjacent ATR-bearing units, the OCP (Obligatory Contour Principle) can apply to
1
derive a single multiply linked [-ATR] as suggested earlier. Thus, the derivation of
1
ca/3nkos3 of type 3 roots will have the following representation.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
101
1
(92)
+A
UR
1
cAl3nko-s3
1
1
1
1
-A-A
-A
Principle IV
1
-A
+A-A
OCP
1\\
1
1
cal3nkos3
Phon.Realisation.
1
Second, note roots containing both [+ATR] high vowels and [+ATR] mid
vowels of the following combination where the parentheses indicate potential
1
affixes.
1
(93)
(a)
(-) C V
C V
(-)
(b)
(-)
CV
CV
(-)
1
1
IT~lJt~~;~
-hi~tl+hi
:~~;
~
G +ATR
1
The representation in (93) predicts that the affixes adjacent to the mid
1
vowel will surface as [-ATR] since spreading from that vowel fails under the
analysis presented so far; this representation further predicts that the affixes
1
above cannot link to the floating [+ATR] without crossing the lexical association
line of the mid vowel. But as already shown by the facts in the previous sections,
1
the affixes in the context of the structures in (93) are realized as [+ATR]. Since
1
the lexical ATR value of the mid vowel does not spread, it follows that roots
exemplified by the structures in (93) have two [+ATR] values, that is, the lexical
1
value of the mid vowel and the floating value of the root. To derive the right
results, we argue that the prelinked [+ATR] of the mid vowel is deleted by a rule
1
in the environment of the floating [+ATR] assigned to the root. Ordered before the
harmony principles, the deletion of the
prelinked ATR creates the
right
1
environ ment for Iinking and spreading of the floating root [+ATR]. This process is
1
1
1
1

---

1
102
1
1
illustrated below where (94A) shows the deletion nJle and (948) shows the
application of that rule.
1
(94)
A. Delete a prelinked [+ATR] before or after a floating [+ATR].
1
8. Derivation.
(a) [+A]
[+A]
(b) [+A]
[+A]
UR
1
1
1
kUkoy-O
wonArUd-U
1
[ +A]
[ +A]
Pre!. [+A]
de!.
kUkOYO
wOnArUdU
\\
1
/
\\ \\1
/
1
[ +ATR]
[+ATR ]
Root Harmony
kukoyo
wonarudu
Phono
realis.
cry
gazelle
Gloss.
1
ln this section, we have shown that the ATR vowel harmony in Lama is
1
straightforward following the theoretical assumptions that: (1) ATR harmony is
the property of the root. (2) [+ATR] is the only feature value specified in the UR
1
for the feature ATR. It therefore follows that [-ATR] is a redundant feature not
1
specified in the UR. And (3) [+ATR] is a.n idiosyncratic value for the mid vowels
specified for ATR. Such vowels are transparent in that they neither spread their
1
[+ATR] value, nor block [+ATR] harmony.
1
2.3. Conclusion.
1
The main purpose of this chapter was to establish the consonantal and the
vocalic systems of the language. Our investigation has shown that Lama has 16
1
consonants and 11 vowels in the UR. Phonological rules derive 2 additional
1
consonants and 1 vowel. Thus, at the surface level, we find 18 consonants and
12 vowels. The interaction between these sets of sounds triggers phonological
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
103
1
rules attecting the underlying structure of certain units such as syllables. The
1
following chapter is an investigation of the rules governing the syllable building
processes in Lama.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1,
1

---

1
1
104
1
CHAPTER 3. SYllABIFICATION PROCESSES.
1
3.0. Introduction.
1
ln chapter 2 we identitied and described the consonants and the vowels in
1
Lama. The analysis of the segmental alternation showed that the interaction
between the various sounds triggers some phonological processes, namely:
1
palatalization,
sonorant
hardening,
complex
segment
formation,
vowel
1
lengthening and particularly ÂTR voWel harmony.
ln this chapter, We concentrate on the principles which govern the
1
combination of the consonants and the vowels into larger phonological units such
as syllables. On the basis of the syllable types found at the surface level, we will
1
consider the strategies Which underlie syllable building in the language. We will
1
also exàmine the interaction between these strategies and other phonological
rules operating in the language; that is what underlying syllable structures are
1
sensitive to which phonological rules, or which phonological rules are triggered
by (re)syllabification processes. The chapter is divided into three sections. The
1
first section is a survey of the syllable types found at the surface javel. The
second section considers the principles and the rules of syllabification. The
1
motivation and the evidence for those principles and rules are discussed. The
1
last section cohcludes the chapter.
1
3.1. Syllables at the surface level.
1
We will assume that in Lama the syllable is based on the vowel, either
short (V) or long (VV), characterized here as the nucleus. We will also assume
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
105
1
that consonants (C) can be part of the syllable, occurring either on the left side
1
(CV or CVV), or on the right side (VC or VVC), or on both sides (CVC or CVVC)
of the nucleus. We will further assume that affixes (suffixes in particular) are
1
potential sources for change in the structure of the syllables from the underlying
1
representation to the phonetic representation. Consequently, as much as
possible, the data in this section will relate to words which do not involve
1
segmental suffixes.
From these assumptions, the syllable types found at the surface level are
1
illustrated from below on.
1
3.1.1. Monosyllablc types.
1
The following exemplify the non derived monosyllabic types found at the
1
surfacelevel.
(1 )
1
a
v
1
1
6
1
b.
a
one (indefinite pronoun)
u
it (indefinite pronoun)
1
s/he, his; her...
1
r
vou all(subjecl pronoun)
1
ln (1), (a) shows the syllabic representation where V symbolizes the
syllable nucleus (here the vowel), and 6 symbolizes the syllable unit; (b) is an
1
illustration of (a). Note that the elements illustrating the V-type syllables are ail
grammatical categories. In our investigation, only these four words in (1 b) have
1
1
1
1
l'

---

1
106
1
1
been identi'fifed as monosyllabic words in citation form. Likewise, the word, ar
'what, which' is the only example i1lustraHng a ve type in our data. Monosyllabic
1
words of the structure VV, vve are not attested in the language if we exclude the
expresssion aa, aa for "yes/yes?". The motivation for excluding this expression is
1
that it is not a real word and forms part of the many paralinguistic expressions for
1
agreeing in Lama. A tentative conclusion in relation to monosyllabic words of the
structure V and ve is that they are not as weil represented in the language.
1
ln the following we consider the CV and the evv types.
1
(2) CV and evv monosyllabic words.
a.
c v
b.
ca
sorry
\\1
10
where
1
6
ci
father
ri
mother
ra
friend
1
ko
sister
kpi
panther
yi
rat
1
Ce
here
se
today
ta
in
rÎ
python
1
c.
cvv
d.
paa
very (much)
\\11
raa
slim
1
6
wûu
at once
woo
(ail) withered
The data in (2) show that the monosyllabic types CV occur more in the
1
language than the evv types. However, Iike the CV types, mononsyllabic words
1
of the structure eve and evve are numerous in the language. These types are
exemplified in the following.
1
(3)
a.
cve
b.
rai
foreign coin
1
\\11
cal
next to
6
yàl
woman
1
1
1
1

---

1
107
1
w61
daughter-in-Iaw
1
y3r
person
ner
someone
fiàr
buffalo
1
tàr
stranger
wan
husband's mother
wûn
goat
rèn
cousin
1
tan
tasty
r3"m
snake
ram
iroko tree
1
nèm
grinding stone
wôm
doe
1
c.
c vv c
d.
ràal
brother
\\VI
raal
cobra
waal
husband
\\II6
yaal
do the laundry
1
kaal
go for a walk
léel
widow/widower
taar
stick!
1
léer
arrive first
t60r
forgive
kuur
scratch
koor
eat (bone)
1
leer
eat (roughly)
1
ln (3b & d) note that the final consonant of the syllable is a non palatal
sonorant, whereas the initial consonant could be any of the consonants identified
1
in the language. Apart trom the preceding non suffixed monosyllabic words found
at the surface level, a few words of the structure CCV, CCVC, are also found in
1
the language. Consider the following.
1
(4)
a.
cc v
b.
mmô how much?
1
\\11
nn3
if
6
c.
cc v c
d.
nnon at that time
1
\\/1 1
\\ 1
6
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
108
1
1
Onomatopoeic expressions of the structure evee are found in the
language as shown in the following.
1
(5)
1
a.
c vcc
b.
harr
expression to discourage
\\
1 \\ /
a chased person
\\1/
hérr
deep narrow hole
6
lèrr
smoothly
1
lerr
motion of snake
t3rr
elastic gesture
t3'rr
extremely sweet
1
wurr
Iiquid motion in the throat
To the best of our knowledge the examples in (4) and (5) are the only
1
cases illustrating the syllable initial and final c1usters. Note the constraint on
those tautosyllabic c1usters; while the initial ee's are nasal sounds, the final ones
1
are the retroflex sonorant. Note also that in either case the two segments are
geminates. The issue related to their representation is considered in the analysis
1
of the syllable trees.
1
We have so far illustrated monosyllabic words of various combinations of
the vowels and the consonants. In the following section, we illustrate polysyllabic
1
words at the surface level.
1
3.1.2. Polysyllablc types.
1
Non inflected polysyllabic words found at the surface level in the language
show the following syllable combinations.
1
(6)
1
a.
cv cv
b.
naku
ni ne
\\
1
\\
1
y3t3
wife's father
1
6
6
yés3
wife's mother
k31e
this is
nasi
grandmother
1
1
1
1

---

1
109
1
mis3
sun
1
p3pê
a HUle
r3re
also
r3nâ
there
1
s3no
how?
s3mo
why?
nafâ
monkey
1
c.
cv cvc
d.
r3cél
alone
\\ 1
\\ 1 /
kpat~r
several
6
6
yad3m
cowife
1
yél3m
blind person
nacém
croton-seed
nalém
bracelet
1
watèn
river lezard
e.
cvc cv (C)
f.
kontî
initiated person
\\1/ \\1/
p6nta
leopard
1
6
6
ters3
go to the point
wark3
spoil
hors3
ruin
1
rels3
step over
campàn
bitter root
nâmkpêl
uncle
1
Apart from these polysyllabic words, marginal cases with the structure
VCV are found on a small scale in our data. These are illustrated below.
1
(7)
v cv
uyo
when?
ahô
night
1
1 \\ \\
6 6
an6
who?
ale
working party
1
From the various syllable stnJctures found so far at the surface level, the
following observations and generalisations can be derived.
1
First, we observe that, at the surface level: (a) Syllables of the structures
V, VV, VC and V CV seem to be marginal cases in that their occurrence is not
1
weil represented in the language as the syllables of the structures CV, CVC,
1
CVVC. (b) Two adjacent vowels within the same syllable are geminate vowels
(raal 'cobra', léel 'widow'). (c) We also observe that, when they occur,
1
tautosyllabic consonant clusters must be sonorant geminates.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
110
1
Second, no obstruents nor palatal sonorants are found at the syllable final
1
position.
Thirdly, word medial c1usters seem to follow the combination in (7).
1
(8)
c
c
1
1
1
~~~aJ
1
1
6
6
ln the remaining sections of this chapter, we will concentrate on the
1
strategies of syllable building fram the underlying syllable templates involving
raots and suffixes to the phonetic realization in word formation pracesses.
1
3.2. Syllable building strategies
1
The aim of this section is to establish the principles and the rules which
1
govern syllabification in Lama.
1
We will adopt the theoretical framework of CV phonology as praposed in
Clements and Keyser (1983). Following Clements and Keyser, we argue that in
1
Lama syllable building strategies operate at a three-tiered level: the syllable-tier
(a-tier), the CV-tier, and the segmental tier.
Although the traditional notion of
1
vowel on the segmental tier constitutes the nucleus on the CV-tier and conditions
the assignment of the praperty "syllable" on the syllable tier, Clements and
1
Keyser (1983:28-29) argue that CV, as an abstract unit, is a universal praperty.
1
They further argue that two rules are available to account for language typology.
Those rules are:
1
1
l,
~I

---

1
111
1
1
1) the deletion of the syllable initial C.
2) the insertion of the syllable final C.
1
Within this approach, we can c1aim that both rules are available to Lama.
1
The syllables considered in the previous section at the surface level show the
following templates:
1
(9)
1) CV
(Ci . father')
1
2) V
(i
's/he')
3) CVC
(yàl 'woman')
4) VC
(ar 'what, which')
1
ln Clements and Keyser's interpretation, (9:1) is the abstract input syllable
to which the universal rules apply. The illustrative Lama examples given in
1
brackets show that the C-deletion rule has applied in (9:2) and (9:4), whereas
(9:3) is derived by the C-insertion rule. We will assume that the templates in (9)
1
mirror four basic syllable templates in the UR of Lama, and address the following
1
question. What principles govern the combination of these templates into
monosyllabic and polysyllabic words in the language?
1
3.2.1. Prlncrpres of syllablflcatlon.
1
The following principles are proposed to account for the syllabification
1
processes in Lama within CV phonology.
1
1) The nucleus of the syllable consists of a short vowel or a long
vowel. On the syllable tree, short vowels are identified by non-branching nodes
1
and long vowels by branchlng nodes.
1
1
1
1
1
~

---

1
1
112
1
2) The syllable initial margin may consist of a zero consonant or of any
1
single consonant. When syllable initial c1usters (complex segments) occur, they
must obey the following conditions:
1
a) NN : i.e they must be nasal geminates.
1
b) Ne : i.e they must be prenasalized consonants.
3) The syllable final margin is optional; but, when it occurs, it must be
1
a nonpalatal sonorant.
The principles proposed here to account for the syllabification processes
1
in Lama are motivated by the sampie syllable structures found at the surface
level in the language. These have been surveyed in the previous section. The
1
survey has led us to posit four syllable templates; that is: CV, V, eve, and ve,
1
where V and VC appear as marginal structures, in that they are not weil
documented in the language. The main questions we need to address in relation
1
to the se principles are the following:
(a) How are the elements of the three tiers organized and related?
1
(b) And how do morphological and phonological rules interact with
1
these principles?
Tentative answers to these questions will be provided in the next section
1
around two specifie points: (1) syllabification rules involving derived or non
derived consonant c1usters in the syllable trees; (2) other syllabification rules
1
such
as those
involving
adjacent
non
identical
vowels
arising
through
morphological rules of suffixation.
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
113
1
3.2.2. Syllablflcatlon rules and consonant clusters.
1
Clements and Keyser (1983:38) propose the Iinking between the syllable
1
tier, the CV-tier and the segmental tier as follows:
1
a) V-elements are prelinked to 6
b) C-elements to the left are adjoined
1
one by one as long as the configura-
tion resulting at each step satisfies
1
ail relevant syllable structure
conditions.
1
c) Subsequently, C-elements to the right
1
are adjoined in the manner described
in (b) above.
1
ln relation to Lama, if we take the template CVC as an example, the
1
application of the above algorithm will give the following processes for the word
1
w61 "daughter-in-Iaw".
(10)
1
a.
1
w 6 l
1 1 1
c v c
1
1
6
syllable assignment
b
1
w 6 l
1
1
1
1
c v c
\\16
left margin association
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
114
1
c.
1
w 6 l
1 \\
1
cvc
1
\\1/
6
right margin association
Note that in Lama, the C-matrix on the CV-tier can freely dominate either
1
the [+consonantal] segment or the [+high; -consonantal] segment as suggested
1
in CV phonology. Note also that the illustration in (9) shows only a one-to-one
association from the CV-tier to the segmental tier. Leaving the complex V
1
elements
for
later discussion,
we
address
below the
problem
of the
representation of complex segments in the syllable margins. We will first of ail
1
consider the c1usters of the left margin on the syllable tree.
1
3.2.2.1. Syllable trees and consonant clusters.
1
As our investigation in the syllable types found at the surface level in Lama
1
showed, non-derived syllable initial c1usters are not productive; to the best of our
knowledge, the three words (repeated below) given in section 3.1.1 are the only
1
attested case of non-derived initial c1usters. Those words are:
1
mmo how much
nn3
if
nnon at that time
1
Within the framework of CV-phonology adopted here, the initial elements
of these words, which motivated Condition (a) in Principle Il, will have the
1
following representation on the syllable tree.
1
(11)
c c
\\/
1
N
1
1
1

---

1
115
1
1
The representation in (11) shows a nasal geminate. In the present
1
appraach, geminates will be represented on the segmental tier by one element
Iinked to two elements on the CV tier as exemplified in (11). Note that the
1
representation
in
(11)
illustrates
a
case
of
many-to-one
(one-to-many)
associations as discussed in Clements and Keyser (1983). In (11) we represent
1
the nasal geminate on the segmental tier by an upper case N not to identify it
1
with Inl or Iml illustrating nasal geminates in the data above. Further motivation
for this representation comes fram palatal nasal geminates derived by prefixation.
1
This will be discussed below.
From Principle Il, Condition (a) which states that the syllable initial c1usters
1
must be nasal geminates, the syllable tree for the word mma . how much?' will be
the following.
1
(12)
a. Leftmost C association.
1
6
6
1
1\\
cc -----> cc
1
\\1
\\1
[@F]
[@F]
1
b.
UR
Syll.
ass.
Leftmast C-assaciatian.
6
6
1
1
/1\\
ccv
ccv
ccv
\\/1
\\/1
\\/1
ma
ma
ma
1
(12a) shows the rule which associates the leftmost C-element to the
1
syllable tier. This rule arises from Condition (a) in Principle Il which states that
initial c1usters are only allowed if they are geminates.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
116
1
Although we represent geminates by a single segment on the segmental
1
tier, we will use two identical segments (mm) in citation forms for convenience.
ln addition to this marginal case, the real motivation for positing the
1
principle of syllable initial clusters is morphological.
From the preceding chapter, recall that, in the pronominal system of the
1
language, the change from one grammatical category to the other is obtained by
1
a process of nasal prefixation. To derive the demonstrative pronominals, the
prefix N- is adjoined to the subject/object noun class pronoun. To discuss the
1
syllable structure and the representation of the segmental elements on the CV-
tier, the relevant data are repeated below.
1
(13)
1
Input Pronoun
N-prefixation Phonetic Realisation
NC1
n3
Nn3
nn3
this one
1
NC2
wa
Nwa
mpa
these ones
NC3
ku
Nku
Tlku
this one
NC4
n3
Nn3
nn3
these ones
1
NC5
ka
Nka
11 ka
this one
NCS
S3
NS3
ns3
these ones
NC?
r3
Nr3
nd3
this one
1
NCS
ya
Nya
nya
these ones
NC9
t3
Nt3
nt3
this (bunch)
CN10
p3
Np3
mp3
this one (Iiquid)
1
The assimilation rules which apply to the UR to derive the surface
1
representation (Phonetic Realisation above) of the demonstrative pronominals
have already been discussed. Suffice it to recall that: (a) when the N prefix totally
1
assimilates to the palatal-initial stem Ifil a palatal nasal geminate [nn] is derived;
(b) the prefix N takes on the place features of the following homorganic segment;
1
(c) The non-palatal sonorants Irl and Iwl harden respectively to [dl and to [pl after
1
their place features have been passed on to the N prefix. Recal! also that, in our
1
1
1

---

1
117
1
1
analysis, we argued that the prefix N and the following segment formed a single
unit. The motivation for this daim is the gemination which results after the prefix
1
assimilates to the stem initial palatal nasal (Nfi3 => fifi3
"these/those ones"). In
the case of non nasal initial stems, a prenasalized segment is derived.
1
With respect to the representation of these (derived) geminates and
1
complex segments on the CV-tier and on the segmental tier, we argue that the
following syllabification processes take place.
1
First, the pronoun fi3 "they/them etc.", which is input to demonstrative
formation, will have the following syllable structure.
1
(14) Syllable assignment
Left margin association
1
6
6
1
/1
cv
cv
1
1
1
1 1
n3
n3
1
Second, when the démonstrative prefix N is adjoined to the input pronoun
to derive the demonstrative ppronoun, the intermediate syllable structure of that
1
pronoun will be as shown below.
1
(15)
1
UR
Syllable assignment Left margin association
6
6
1
1
/
1
c
cv
CCV
1
1
1
1 1 1
N-fi3
N- n 3
N-n 3
1
Note that the prefix N cannot be syllabified following the principles of
syllabification posited in this analysis. Without the rules of assimilation which will
1
specify the place features for the nasal prefix, the segments N representing the
1
1
l,
,
1

---

1
118
1
1
demonstrative pre'fix and the initial /fil of the input pronoun satisfy neither
Condition (a), nor Condition (b) of Principle II. According to Principle 1\\ only
1
complex segments (geminates and prenasalized segments) can be syllable initial
c1usters; and the representation as it is in (15) does not satisfy these conditions.
1
Thirdly, to derive the correct syllable tree for the demonstrative pronoun,
1
we argue that the ru les of assimilation and the principles of syllabification
interact. This interaction is shown below for the derivation of the demonstrative
1
pronoun fifi3 'this one'.
1
(16)
a.
UR
Assimilation
1
C
cv
C
cv
1
1
1
1
[+nas] [+nas]
[+nas] [+nas]
1
1
1
1
1
•
•
•
•
1
\\
1
[ ]
[+pal]
[+pal]
1
1
1
fi
fi
1
b.
@C1---->
1
BF
c.
Syllable assig Left marg.assoc.
Leftmost C-assoc.
1
6
6
6
1
1\\
11\\
CCV
CCV
CCV
\\1
1
1
\\1
1
\\1
1
fi
3
ft
3
fi
3
ln (16a) we recall the assimilation rule which spreads the place feature of
1
the palatal nasal on to the suffix nasal not specified for place feature. The
1
spreading de rives an intermediate structure of two adjacent identical feature slots
which are collapsed as shown in (16b). In (16c) we show the syllabication rules
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
119
1
1
after the assimilation rules. Note that the feature collapsing rule in (16b) derives a
structure identical to the one adopted for the representation of geminates (cf
1
(11 ))).
The representation of the geminate segment on the syllable tree (one
1
segment Iinked to two C-slots) raises the issue of the representation of what we
1
have characterized as prenasalized segments or complex segments. Recall that
when the demonstrative prefix N is adjoined to a non nasal consonant initial
1
pronoun, there is a process of double assimilation. First, the place feature of the
input adjacent consonant spreads back to the prefix N to specify its place of
1
articulation (Nw => mw; Ny => Fly etc... ). Second, non palatal sonarants arden to
a stop (mw => mp). And finally, the nasality feature spreads to the homorganic
1
obstruent. As a consequence, a prenasalized segment is derived.
1
Following
Clements
and
Keyser
(1983),
we
can
argue
that
the
prenasalized consonants are linked to a single C-matrix on the CV-tier, while on
1
the segmental tier, such elements are a combination of two opposite feature
slots. In this view, the representation of a complex segment could be as follows.
1
(17)
Representation of prenasalized consonants.
1
c
c
c
1
1
1
\\
1
N
X ------>
[+nas. ] [-nas]
1
1
\\
1
[@P] [@P]
[@Place]
1
Recalling that the prefix nasal is linked to a C slot on the CV tier, we need
1
now to account for that C slot in the syllable tree. The derivation of a word like
mpa "they/them" will be the following.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
120
1
(18)
UR
N Ass.
Sonor. Hard.
Prenasal.
1
N w a
m w a
ID p
a
m p a
1
1
1
1\\ 1
1
1 \\
1
1
\\1
1
1
CCV
CCV
CCV
CCV
1/
1/
1/
1/
6
6
6
6
1
Note that after pre nasalisation, the C-slot initially Iinked to the nasal prefix
1
on the segmental tier becomes unassociated by losing its association. This arises
from the interpretation of the prenasalisation rule as a process of spreading and
1
delinking; after the spreading of the nasality features on to the following
obstruent, the association line between the nasal segment and its initial C-slot is
1
deleted. This differentiates the process of gemination (where the C-slot of the
1
prefix remains associated) from the process of pre nasalisation as presented
'here. Further motivation for Iinking a prenasalized segment to one C-slot on the
1
CV tier cornes from native speaker intuition; in the pronunciation of a geminate,
the timing is longer than in the pronunciation of a prenasalized segment.
1
The derivation in (18) shows that the leftmost C association rule cannot
1
apply since the nasal prefix is no longer Iinked to its C-slot after the assimilation
rules.
It
therefore
remains
unsyllabified.
As
a
consequence
of
that
1
unsyllabification, we argue that the stranded leftmost C-slot on the CV-tier will
undergo the principle of 'stray erasure' whereby an unsyllabified segment is
1
deleted. The final derivation of (18) will be as in (19) where (a) shows the
stranded C-deletion rule and (b) shows its application.
1
1
(19)
a. Stranded C-deletion
6
1
1
1
C ------> el
1
1
1
,
1

---

1
121
1
b. Derivation
1
Prenasal.(18)Stranded C-deletion (CV-tier)
1
m p a
m p a
\\ 1 1
\\ 1 1
CCV
C V
1
Il
Il
6
6
1
The discussion of initial consonant c1usters in the syllable tree has shown
that the prefix N creates syllable initial c1usters, but phonological rules of
1
assimilation apply to derive a complex segment instead at the surface level. Two
types of complex segments are derived: geminates and prenasalized segments.
1
The derivation of geminates affects only the matrixes on the segmental tier of the
1
syllable tree; a 'single' segment occupies two C-slots on the CV tier. The
derivation of prenasalized consonants affects the underlying representation of the
1
syllable tree on the CV-tier. Instead of two C-slots on the CV tier, only one C-slot
is allowed in the final derivation.
1
Parallel to initial c1usters, final and medial c1usters are also found in the
language. Final c1usters are exemplified by the onomatopoeic expressions
1
considered as marginal cases. Those expressions are the only ones with final
1
geminates. The examples Iisted in the first section are repeated below.
1
(20)
harr
deep narrow hole
lèrr
smoothly
1
lerr
motion of snake
t3rr
elastic gesture
t3'rr
extremely sweet
1
wûrr
liquid motion in the throat
Assuming that these expressions are fully incorporated in the grammatical
1
system of the language, their syllabification falls out from the analysis given in the
1
1
l,
1

---

1
122
1
1
preceding section for the syllable left margins with respect to geminates. That is,
the geminate sound is represented by a single segment on the segmental tier;
1
but that segment branches to two C-slots on the CV tier.
ln the word medial position, c1usters that are relevant to the rules of
1
syllabication considered so far concern geminates and prenasalized consonants
1
which arise through morphological rules of suffixation. The syllabification of
prenalized consonants will be considered in the next section.
1
Medial geminates arise in the following situations: (a) ln the agentive
formation when the final segment of the verb root is a retroflex sonorant. The
1
initial segment of the agentive suffix r 3 and the final segment of the verb root
1
result into a geminate retroflex. (b) An alveolar nasal geminate is also derived
. when the plural suffix na of NC2 is suffixed to the n-final root of a singular noun
1
of NC1. The two situations are illustrated below.
1
(21 )
1
a. Verb root
b. Agentive
car
trade
carr3~
one who trades
car
disturb
carr3
one who disturbs
1
cer
plead
cerr3
one who pleads
nar
sew
nard
one who sews
tar
send
tarra
one who sends
nar
pamper
narr3
one who pampers
1
hàr
cu Itivate
harr3
one who cultivates
tàr
divide
one who divides
,-
tarr3
c3r
tear
c3"rri
one who tears
1
wor
praise
worr3
one who praises
kpor
snatch
kporr3
one who snatches
c.NC1
d. NC2
wan
husband's mother
1
wannâ
nùn
aunt
nunnê
rèn
cousin
rennâ
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
123
1
1
The elements in (21 b) normally occur in compound forms such as .êdwi
harr3 "one who grows peanuts". The data in (21 b) and (21 d) show the medial
1
geminates represented /by a double segment (rr, nn). It follows fram the
representation posited for the geminates in the syllable tree that the medial
1
geminates will also be representated by a single element on the semental tier
1
linked to two C-slots on the CV tier. Since the data under discussion illustrate
bisyllabic words, the question then is wh ether the two C's representing the
1
geminate are parsed in one syllable or not. In (22) we show two sampie trees of
the data in (21 b & d).
1
1
(22)
a.
ca
r 3
b.ca
r
3
Il
1\\ 1
Il
1\\ 1
CV CCV
CV CCV
1
\\11
\\1
\\1
\\11
6
6
6
6
ln (22a) the syllable tree shows that the first syllable is a close syllable,
1
while in (22b) it is an open syllable where the two parts of the geminate constitute
the left margin to the final syllable. The representation in (22b) is consistent with
1
the syllabification of the word initial
and the word final geminates. However,
1
native speaker intuition shows that the representation in (22a) is correct, in that
the first syllable must be c1osed. This implies that the C-slots representing the
1
geminate on the CV tier are parsed on the syllable tier as two different adjacent
C's. Consider for instance the syllabication of the word sarka 'prison' which
1
shows non geminate word medial clusters.
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
124
1
(23)
Syll.
assign.
Left margin ass.
Right marg.
ass.
sarka
sarka
sarka
1
1
1
Il Il
l " Il
cvccv
cvccv
CVCCV
1
1
\\1 \\1
\\1/ \\1
1
6
6
6
6
6
6
After the left margin association in (23), the leftmost segment of the medial
1
consonants cannot be syllabified with the second syllable since it does not satisfy
1
the condition for the leftmost C-association. Since the syllabification principles
allow a syllable final margin, the leftmost consonant in the medial position is
1
therefore an appropriate candidate. This explains its syllabification with the first
syllable.
1
The final tree in (23) differs from the tree in (22a) only at the segmental tier
1
where each medial C-slot is Iinked to a different segment. This leads to the
conclusion that although medial geminates occur, they are ambisyllabic.
1
3.2.2.2. Syllable trees and other phonologleal ru les.
1
The interaction between phonological and morphonological rules affects
1
syllable trees and consequently resyllabification applies. In this section, we
consider some of such rules which affect the nucleus of the syllable. Two areas
1
of interest are discussed: (a) resyllabification after prenasalisation in word medial
1
position, and after syncope; (b) The resolution of hiatus in the syllable trees.
Apart
from
medial
gemination
arising
from
morphological
rules,
1
pre nasalisation also occurs when the root final nasal and the suffix initial
consonant are put together. This is exemplified below.
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
125
1
(24)
a.NC?
b. NCS
.....
tén-r3--->
ténd3
whip
tén-a---->
téna
1
sén-r3--->
send3
bean sén-a---->
séna
sen-r3--->
send3
song
sen-i---->
senÎ
kan-r3--->
kànd3
lamp kam-i---->
kamÎ
1
yem-r3--->
yênd3
hippo yem-i---->
yemÎ
akpam-r3->
akpànd3
spear akpam-a-->
akpama
akam-r3-->
akând3
bride akam-a--->
akama
1
Root + wa------>Perfect Simple
c.
tu + wa--->
tuwa
has eaten
fi + wa--->
fi wâ
has dragged
te + wa--->
tewa
has thrown
1
d.
hom + wa---> hompa
has pulled
r3m + wa---> r3'mpa
has bitten
1
kum + wa---> kùmpa
has cut (straw)
1
The data in (24b) show the plural of (24a). The plural of NC? is marked by
1
the suffixes ~ and 1:. of NCS. Of interest are the data in (24a & d) where the UR
shows the real structure of the segments in contact. The surface representation
1
shows that the suffix initial sonorant has hardened to a stop. The rule which
de rives the hardening has alrealdy been discussed. Recall that after sonorant
1
hardening, prenasilisation occurs whereby the nasal and the obstruent form a
1
complex segment. Recall also that in the syllabification of the initial complex
segments, the C-slot previously linked to the nasal segment on the segmental tier
1
remains unsyllabified. We have accounted for that by the principle of 'stray-
erasure' which applies on the CV tier. The syllable tree of the data in (24a & d) for
1
the words send3 'song' and hompa 'pulled' is the following before the deletion of
the stranded C-slot initially Iinked to the nasal segment.
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
126
1
(25)
Syll.
Sonorant Hard. Prenasal.& Resyll.
1
a.
sen-r3
sen-d3
se nd3
III Il
III \\ Il
Il \\/1
cvc cv
1
CVc cv
CVC cv
\\11 \\1
\\11 \\1
\\1
\\1
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
b.
hom-wa
hom-pa
ho mpa
III Il
III \\ Il
1 1
\\/1
cvc CV
CVC CV
CVC CV
1
\\11 \\1
\\11 \\1
\\1
\\1
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
ln (25) the syllabyfication of the nasal is justified by the fact that it is part
noun root and it satisfies the syllable right margin condition.
1
Note that after assimilation rules and resyllabication we are left with a
stranded C which was orlginally the right margin of the first syllable since it was
1
Iinked to the nasal segment. The stranding of that C on the CV tier follows from
1
the representation of the complex segments adopted in this analysis. Recall that
prenasalized segments are linked to a single C-slot on the CV-tier. It follows from
1
that representation and from the syllabification rules that the stranded C-deletion
rule will erase the vacant C-slot on the CV tier. Note, however, that this process
1
does not account for the surface realisation where we observe a nasalized vowel.
1
To account for the nasality feature on the vowel on the syllable tree, we
argue that after prenasalisation, there is a spread rule which spreads the feature
1
value [+] of the nasalisity feature of the prenasalized segment back to the vowel.
The nasality feature spread rule is proposed below.
1
1
1
1
1
,1

---

1
127
1
(26) Vowel nasalisation.
1
6
6
6
6
Where [@P] = alpha point of
1
1
1
1
articulation for
1
v
C------>
v
C
the prenasalized segment.
1\\
\\
1\\
N = nasal
1
\\
\\ 1
\\
[+N] [-N]
[+N
] [-N]
1
\\1
\\1
[@P]
[@P]
1
The application of the vowel nasalisation
rule is shown below in
conjunction with other relevant rules.
1
(27)
1
Syll. Sonorant Hard. Prenasal.& Resyll. C-del.Vowel nasal.
sen-r3
sen-d3
se n d3
se
nd3
se nd3
1
III Il
III \\ Il
Il
\\/1
Il
\\/1
11/\\/1
CVC CV
cvc CV
CV C CV
CV
C V
CV C V
\\11 \\1
\\11 \\1
\\1
\\1
\\ 1
\\1
\\ 1
\\1
1
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
Apart from the process of vowel nasalisation which affects the initial
representation of the nucleus, there is also another process where we observe
1
vowel lengthening as a result of syllable structure constraints in the language.
Vowel lengthening is observed when a sonorant initial suffix is affixed to a vowel
1
final root. Consider the data in (28).
1
(28)
NC7
NC8
1
sa-r3----->sâar
Friday
saya
ti-r3----->t1ir
warthog
tir!
1
ato-r3---->atôor
shallow hole
ato~
cema-r3--->cemâar
pottery
cemâ
lu-r3----->lüur
veranda
luya-
lu-r3----->lûur
wrestling
IUya
1
kpate- r3-->kpatêer
bang le
kpafê
kO-r3----->kôor
medicine
k6ya
1
1
l,
1

---

1
128
1
fe-r3----->fèer
shame
feya
1
mi-r3----->miir
nose
m~
1
NC8 shows that the final vowel of the noun root is not a long vowel in the
UR. The absence of schwa in the suffix r 3 is explained by the schwa syncope
1
rule which deletes the word final schwa when the preceding syllable is an open
syllable followed by an onset sonorant. The syncope rule and the vowel
1
lengthening rule were motivated and introduced in chapter 2. In terms of
representation on the syllable tree, the vowel lengthening will be interpreted as a
1
V-insertion on the CV tier.
1
(29) Vowel lengthening reformulated
1
x
x
Condition: sonorant = suffix initial
segment
1
1 \\ \\
v ------> v
V] [son.]#
1
As in the representation of consonant geminates where a single segment
1
on the segmental tier is associated with two slots on the CV tier, the
representation in (29) shows long vowels on the syllable tree. That is the long
1
vowel in (28) is represented on the segmental tier by one segment (X) Iinked to
1
two V-slots on the CV-tier.
The suffixation in NC4 follows the same derivational processes presented
1
above; but an additional rule must be introduced to comply with the right margin
condition stipulated in Principle 3. The condition is that the sonorant in the
1
syllable final position must be a nonpalatal segment. Let us consider the data
1
below, where the UR shows the noun root and the NC4 suffix fi3.
1
1
1
1,
1

---

1
129
1
(30)
1
UR
Noun Class 4
fii-fi3
fiiî.n
heads
1
fii-n3
nlln
thatches
te-fi3
t~ên
trees
ti-n3
tiin
bows
kpe-fi3
kpeên
silos
1
.-..
ma-fi3
maan
rice
wa-n3
wâan
palm trees
le-n3
leên
necks
1
The surface representation in (30) is derived through the application of the
1
schwa deletion and the vowel lengthening rules followed by resyllabi'fication.
Notice, however, that after resyllabification the palatal nasal becomes the right
1
margin of the root syllable. This violates Principle 3 stipulated for this analysis.
1
To complete the derivation in (30) after the schwa syncope and
resyllabication, we argue that Lama has a depalatalization rule which affects
1
syllable final palatals. The depalatalization rule is formulated below.
1
(31)
Depalatalisation
1
Œ~:~:~J---->[-palatal]1 v ---
1
1
[syll.coda]
1
It is the application of this rule which gives the surface representation as
observed in (30).
1
Pre nasalisation
in
postvocalic
position
and
schwa
syncope
are
phonological rules which affect the syllable trees. They trigger vowel nasalisation
1
and vowel lengthening respectively. Vowel nasalisation is represented on the CV
1
tier by two slots (VC) where the C part represents nasality feature from the nasal
part of the complex segment. Vowel lengthening is treated in this analysis as an
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
130
1
insertion of an extra V-slot on the CV tier. The two V-slots are Iinked to a single
1
vowel segment on the segmental tier.
There are also certain morphological and phonological rules which create
1
vowel hiatus, a process whereby two adjacent vowels from different morphemes
1
are coalesced into a single syllable. In lama vowel hiatus is solved by three rules:
vowel truncation, vowel lowering, and diphthongisation. We consider below the
1
facts related to each rule.
As already observed in chapter 2, the vowel truncation rule is motivated
1
by the alternation in the final vowel of the noun root from one noun c1ass to the
corresponding noun c1ass. The data below are a sample illustration of the
1
phenomenon.
1
(32)
a.
NC
b.
NCS
1
no
haïr
niS3
sa
pepper
siS}
1
w6
river
w6s1
hl>
pregnancy
h6Sf
ko
grass
koSJ
1
no
mouth
neSJ
10
partridge
leS3
~A
aso
rabbit
aSes3
ana
big calabash
ane~
1
t3f1O
evil
t3ne~
raso
cooking pot
rasasa
salo
lid
salasa .....
1
anako
cold
anaKi"sa
tap~
pipe
tapasa
1
Note that the 'final vowel [0] in (32a) alternates with [i,0,e,3,&a] in (32b)
before the plural suffix s3. To account for this alternation, we posited in the UR
1
the vowel appearing in (32b) before the NCS suffix. We showed that the UR of
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
1
131
1
the data in (32a) is of the structure CV-O where .Q is the suffix for NC5. Let us
assume that the initial syllable tree for the words in (32a) is as follows.
1
(33)
1
cv
v
1
1
6
6
1
As the surface represention in (32a) shows the final syllable which derives
1
from the representation in (33) has a sort vowel on the semental tier. It follows
that that vowel will be represented by a single V slot on the final syllable tree.
1
Following de Haas (1986), we can argue that the structure in (33) undergoes the
Entity-Coalescence Principle (ECP). de Haas (1986:67-68) explains the ECP as
1
"a generalized version of four principles proposed in the recent nonlinear
1
literature,
Le.
the
Obligatory
Contour
Principle... ,
the
Shared-Feature
Convention ... , the Twin-Sister Convention... , and finally the Nuclear-Fusion
1
Principle". The Entity-Coalescence Principle is shown below as formulated in de
Haas (1986:64).
1
(34) Entity-Coalescence Principle.
1
A
where A = feature (complex),
/\\
timing unit,
syllable, or
1
morpheme.
1
We
will
assume
that
the
representation
in
(33)
undergoes
the
transformation in (34) through the following steps. First, the two adjacent
1
syllables in (33) are collapsed into one syllable by a coalescence with the
following representation.
1
1
1
1
l'

---

1
132
1
(35) Syllab/e coalescence.
1
cv
v
cv
v
- - - >
\\1
1
1
1
6
6
6
1
At this stage, each V-slot is linked to each vowel on the semental tier; that
is the vowel of the root and the vowel of the suffix. These vowels do not
1
necessarily share the same feastures. Second, syllable coalescence creates a
long vowel or a diphthong both on the segmental tier and on the CV tier. As at
1
the surface level the words in (32) do not have a long vowel or a diphthong, it
follows that the vowel truncation rule is needed to delete the root vowel. This ru/e,
1
ordered after the coalescence rule, is reformulated in (36).
1
(36) Vowel truncation rule (revised).
VI
V2
Condition V1 = Noun root final
1
vowel
1
1
== 1
Il
1
[ ]
1
Evidence for the morphological condition on the vowel truncation rule will
be given wh en we discuss other facts involving syllable coalescence. A sampie
1
derivation for the ward aso 'rabbit' is given below.
1
(37)
UR
Syll.coal.
Vowel truncation & resyll.
a s e -
0
a s e o
a s 0
1
1 1 1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
v c V
V
V c V V
V c V
1 \\1
1
1
\\11
1
Il
1
6 6
6 6 6
6 6
1
The morph%gical condition on the vowel truncation rule is motivated by
the following facts which also support the syllable coalescence approach. In the
1
1
1
1

---

1
133
1
1
morphology of the verb two inllectional suffixes, kU and Q, support the syllable
coalescence approach taken in this section. The suffix kU marks the progressive
1
aspect and the suffix Q marks the infinitive (or the gerund form) on the verb.
ln the suffixation of the progressive marker kU the following facts are
1
observed. If the verb stem is consonant final the suffix initial segment [k]
1
deletes (wal 'go'; i wal-ku => i walQ 's/he is going'). The velar stop /k/ only
appears at the surface level when the verb final vowel is a round back vowel,
1
otherwise it deletes. Consider the following data.
1
(38) Stem.
Present Continuous
a.
1
c6
c6ku he is Iistening
t6
t6ku he is catching
t6
t6ku he is giving
1
h6
h6ku he is fitting
w6
W6ku he is lifting
pu
puku he is respecting
tu
tukû he is eatmg
1
lu
lukû he is wrestling
lu
lukü he is forging
ru
ruko he is limping
1
ru
rukü he is c10sing
cu
cuku he is backbiting
b.
sé
sêe
he is running
1
sé
sêe
he is planting
le
lêe
he is weaving
pi
pii
he is growing old
1
Si
Sli
he is wearing
fi
Ui
he is dragging
sa
sâa
he is scratching
1
~Ca
kpâa he is climbing up
faa
he is begging
ta
tâa
he is spreading
1
To account for the ku - "" alternation from (38a) to (38b), we argue that ku,
the continuous marker, underlyingly attaches to ail verb roots in the continuous
1
aspect and phonological rules interact with syllable-sensitive rules to give the
1
1
1
1

---

1
134
1
1
derivatiohs in (38b). Note that àll the root final vowels in (38) can be generalized
by the feature [round]. Thé root vowels in (38a) are [+round], whereas those in
1
(38b) are [-round]. Assuming that the initial segment in the inflectional suffix -KU
is incompatible with the feature [-round] when it is not part of the root, the
1
following generalisations can be made.
1
First, the data in (38b) are of the structure CV-kU in the UR.
Second, there is a phonological rule which deletes [k]. The velar deletion
1
rule can be formulated as in (39).
1
(39) Velar Deletion Rule
1
~an~
tc0:J
0/~~~~~~J---
>
Root
1
The specification of alpha (@) as [-] will account for the cases where the
1
suffix initial velar deletes when the final segment of the root is a consonant. This
rule is restrained to apply in the context of suffixes only for the fact that CVK and
1
CVCK-roots are attested in the language (tak3 "touch", yek3 "order something",
1
wark3 "spoil").
Thirdly,
the
deletion
of
[k]
creates
an
environment
for
syllable
1
coalescence. The underlying syllable structure of the word sêe "is running" and
its derivation are shown below.
1
1
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
135
1
(40)
1
UR& syllab. Velar deI.
Syll.coal & resyll.
s e k u
s e u
s e u
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
c v c v
c v v
c v v
\\/
\\/
\\ /
1
\\1/
6
6
6
6
6
1
The derivation in (40) shows that the syllable coalescence rule applies
1
whenever its structural description Is met.
Note that the velar deletion rule feeds the syllable coalescence rule which,
1
in turn, creates an environment for the vowel truncation rule. If we allow the
1
vowel truncation rule to apply in the final derivation of (40) we will have wrong
results. We observe that the data in (38b) show a long (geminate) vowel at the
1
surface level (sêe ïs running'). But if we order the vowel truncation rule before
the velar deletion and the syllable coalescence rules, we can account for the
1
vowel gemination in (38b) by a vowel assimilation rule proposed as follows.
1
(41) Vowel assimilation rule
v
v
1
/
1
/
=
/
1
1
[-round] [+round]
1
The assimilation process takes place in two steps: spreading of the feature
[-round] from the root vowel to the suffix vowel and delinking of the feature
1
[+round] associated with the suffix vowel. The rule in (41) will complete the
derivation of (40) as shown below.
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
136
1
(42)
1
UR & syIIab.
Velar deI.
Syll.coal. Vowei ass.Ph.rep.
1
s e k u
s e u
s e u
s e
u
s
e
\\
1
1\\
\\ =
1
\\
1
\\1
1
\\
c V C V
c V V
c V V
c V
V
c V
V
\\1
\\1
\\1
1
\\11
\\
1
1
\\
1
1
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
Turning ta the infinitive (gerund) suffix !:!. we observe lengthening in the
1
root final vowel. The following illustrates this case.
1
(43)
Root
Infinitive
1
a.
b.
sé
sééu ta run
sé
sééû ta plant
1
le
lééu
ta weave
pi
piiû
ta grow old
Si
s11u ta wear
1
fi
111u ta drag
t6
t66u
ta catch
c6
c66u ta listen
1
ka
k66u ta cry
sa
saaû ta scratch
kpâ
kpaaû ta climb up
fa
faaû
ta beg for
1
kû
kûûû ta kill
ku
kuuû ta gather
pu
puuu ta respect
1
c.
d.
kal
kalû
ta read
kâal
kaalû ta go out
1
tal
talû
ta arrive
m3\\
m31û
ta drive
cer
cerû
ta plead
1
tar
taro.
ta send
C3r
C3rû
ta tear
m3r
m3rû ta tell a story
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
137
1
The data in (43b) which are of interest to our discussion show a geminate
1
vowel and the infinitive suffix. The infinitive suffix is also identified in (43d) where
the root is consonant-final.
1
An approach which might posit the geminate vowel above in the UR is
contradicted when we consider these CV verb roots with other inflections such
1
as the perfective suffix -wa. The vowel in those verbs surtaces as it is shown in
1
(43a).
For instance, sewâ "has run" is grammatical, whereas • seewâ is not
grammatical when interpreted as 'has run' (it is grammatical with the meaning
1
'has been running').
At the surface level, the words in (43b) are monosyllabic with the following
1
structure under the representation taken so far.
1
(44)
s
é
u
1
1
1\\
1
c v v v
\\\\ Il
1
\\\\1
6
1
Assuming that the analysis presented so far is correct, the UR syllable
structure of (44) is as shown below.
1
(45)
1
s e
u
1
1
1
c v
v
1
\\1
1
6
6
1
Note that the suffixation of the infinitive marker creates a conducive
1
context for syllable coalescence and vowel truncation. But the vowel truncation
1
1
1

---

1
1
138
1
rule does not apply and instead, we observe a long vowel followed by the suffix in
1
the surface derivation.
We will assume that, in similar environments, the vowel truncation rule is
1
restricted to noun morphology; and that the vowellengthening rule applies in verb
morphology instead. We propose below the vowel lengthening rule which
1
accounts for the surface derivation of the representation in (44).
1
(46) Final Verb Root Vowel Lengthening Rule
~I
1
Sinèe the velar deletion rule does not trigger root vowel lengthening, we
1
argue that rule (46) is ordered before the velar deletion rule. A sample derivation
below shows the interaction between the relevant rules.
1
(47)
1
UR
Vowei Length.
Velar deI Syll.coal Vowei ass&ECP.
a.
se u
se
u
se
u
1
Il
Il \\
1
Il \\
1
1
cv V
CV V V
CVV V
\\/
1
\\1/
1
\\1//
1
6
6
6
6
6
b.
1
se ku
se u
seu
se
Il Il
Il 1
III
Il \\
CV CV
CV V
CVV
CVV
\\/ \\/
\\/
1
1
\\1/
\\1/
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
This section has shown that whenever morphological and phonological
rules apply the initial syllable trees are affected and resyllabification must apply.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
139
1
3.3. Conclusion.
1
ln this chapter, we have shown that the combination of vowels and
consonants into syllables and into words obeys specifie principles within the
1
theoretical framework of CV phonology. We have also shown that morphological
1
rules feed phonological rules and these in turn affect the syllable trees from the
UR to the surface level. Furthermore, we have argued that morphological
1
information is necessary in the application of certain phonlogical rules such the
deletion of the root final segment in the process of suffixation.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
. .
-\\

---

1
1
140
1
CHAPTER 4. TONAL INVENTORY IN NOUN MORPHOLOGY.
1
4.0. Introduction.
1
The preceding chapter showed the syllabification processes in Lama. The
1
conclusion of that chapter was that after meeting the segmental conditions, the
syllable must also carry atone to be weil formed. This chapter describes and
1
analyzes the tonal patterns of the language. The main focus is the tonal structure
of the noun root and the noun c1ass (NC) suffixes. The chapter is divided into
1
three main sections. In the first section, we introduce the basic morphology of the
1
noun. The segmental alternation of some noun c1ass (NC) suffixes is discussed.
It is shown that most of those NC suffixes are structurally related to the NC
1
pronoun and that phonological rules apply to alter that structure in some cases.
The segmental alternation discussed in this section further supports some of the
1
phonological rules motivated in the preceding chapters. This section also
1
considers the tonal pattern of the NC suffixes at the surface level; it is observed
that across the noun c1ass system, some of the NC suffixes show the same tonal
1
pattern at the surface level. This observation leads to a preliminary classification
of the suffixes into three tonal categories.
1
The second section of the chapter discusses the interaction between the
1
tone of the noun root and the tone of the noun c1ass suffix. From the tonal display
of the nouns in NC 1, which is suffixless, it is argued that the tone system of
1
Lama can be predicted only if we assume that: (a) Some tones are prelinked to
their tone bearing units (TBU); (b) The other tones are associated by the general
1
principles of the association conventions proposed in Goldsmith (1979). The last
section concludes the chapter.
1
1
1
-\\

---

1
141
1
1
4.1. Basic hlorphology of the houn.
1
The basic structure of the noun in Lama is the noun root and the NC suffix.
1
Lama has 10 noun classes distributed as follows: 4 singular classes and 4
corresponding plural classes; 2 classes for tnass/collective/abstract nouns. NC1
1
is the only noun c1ass that does not show an overt noun c1ass suffix. Ali the other
1
9 NC have at least one NC marker. In most cases, the NC suffix is structurally
related to the pronoun of that c1ass. The table below shows the number of the NC
1
in the first column followed by the NC suffixes and the c1ass pronoun in the last
column. The vowel in the upper case letters shows that it is not specified for ATR
1
feature values.
1
(1 ).
NC
NC Suffixes
NC Pronoun
1
1
0.
i
s/he
2
wA; nA; A
wa
they
1
3
U
ku
it; s/he
4
n
fi3
they
5
kA; 0; pe
ka
it; s/he
G
S3
S3
they
1
?
R3
r3
it; s/he
8
yA;A; 1
ya
they
9
t3
t3
it; they
1
10
m
p3
it
Most nouns in NC1 have their plural in NC2, while a few others have their
1
plural in NC4. NC4 is the plural c1ass of most nouns in NC3. A few nouns from
1
NC3 have their plural in NC2. NCG and NC8 are the plural classes for NC5 and
NC? respectively. NC9 and NC10 are mass, collective, and/or abstract classes.
1
1
1
1
"_:

---

1
1
142
1
Note that in ail cases, except for NC1 and NC10, the c1ass pronoun is
1
structurally similar to the suffix or to one of the c1ass suffixes. This generalisation
holds only if we agree that: (1) The pronouns ku and fi3 underlie the NC suffixes
1
-u and -n of NC3 and NC4 respectively. (2) Certain phonological rules apply to
alter the underlying representation (UR) of these pronominal suffixes. We will
1
discuss the ku/u alternation later.
1
We have already shown that the suffix -n of NC4 derives from the NC4
pronoun fi3. Recall from chapter 3 that the noun c1ass suffix ~ of NC4 is a reflex
1
of the NC pronominal fi3. A schwa syncope rule described earlier applies
followed by a depalatalisation rule motivated by the syllable structure rules of the
1
language. This process results in the surface structure of the suffix observed in
1
NC4.
The initial segments of the surface suffixes !.3/ d3 of NC? are represented
1
in (1) by their underlying representation IR/. The r/d alternation has beenfully
discussed in the second chapter. Recall only that the sonorant retrol'lex Irl
1
becomes a retroflex stop [dl after another sonorant.
The reflexes of the pronouns wa, ku, and ya in the NC suffixes observed
1
as -a,
-u,
and
-a in NC2, NC3, and NCS respectively deserve more
1
phonological and morphological consideration at this point.
1
4.1.1. Segmental alternatlon ln sorne Ne suffixes.
1
It is possible to speculate that the suffix Q in NC3 is a reflex of the NC3
pronoun ku whose initial segment has been deleted by a phonological rule. The
1
evidence in support of this assumption is the segmental alternation in the
progressive aspect marker ku discussed earlier in chapter 3. Recall that, when
1
1
1
.1...

---

1
1
143
1
the progressive suffix~ is attached to one category of verbs, there is a rule
1
which deletes the velar obstruent lkJ and that rule feeds a syllabification rule
which in turn deletes the vowel luI of the suffix. The result of this process is that
1
some verbs show the suffix ku while other verbs show only the root structure in
the progressive aspect (cf ch.3 examples 31-32). Taking the eue from that
1
alternation, we can argue that the same process applies in NC3, deleting the
1
initial segment of the noun c1ass suffix. Consider the data in (2) where (a) shows
the NC3 and (b) shows the corresponding plural NC4. The class suffixes are
1
underlined.
1
(2). a. NC3
b.NC4
1.
"
1
carù
ho1ar star
car3n
cémù
en
cém~n
kpeliS
hawk
kpel3n
hérmo
forest tree
hérm3n
1
-
t3mo
gourd plant
" -
t3m3n
k6nlO
kapok tree
k6m~n
kpér~
bridge
kpér~n
1
kper~
ladder
kper3n
A
_
wurù
net
wuran
télo
baobab
tél3n-
hyaTu
stomach
hyaldn
1
célo
wing
céljn
big pot
'"
rasù
rasan
1
kéasu
crocodile
kéas3n
kuntü
blanket
kunt~n
mandù
gun
man~n
1
2.
cukü
patio
cukün
aluku
chicken coop
alukün
1
ayuk~
market
ayukU5.
3.
1
leku
arrow shaft
lek3n
W6Ku
fool
w6k3n.
1
1
1
,
1

---

1
1
144
1
The structure of the suffi x !:! in (2b) has already been discussed. Of
1
importance to the present discussion is the presence of the vowel schwa which is
absent in the root in NC3 but, present in some roots in NC4. Let us assume that
1
the vowel schwa is part of the root in the UR, and that the pronominal suffix ku of
NC3 attaches to that root. The UR of words Iike carù 'polar star' will be #carJ-
1
ku# where the velar obstruent /ki is preceded by a [-back] vowel. Recalling that
1
the velar obstruent /ki deletes in this environment when it is not part of the root it
follows that the velar deletion rule has applied to the UR of (2a.1). If we argue
1
that there is a schwa syncope rule triggered by a following adjacent vowel, then
ail the the surface representation in (2a.1) becomes straightforward. That is the
1
NC suffix ku is attached to the schwa final root as exemplified by the ward #car3-
ku#. Since schwa is a [-round] vowel in our analysis, the velar initial segment of
1
the suffix is deleted. As a consequence of that deletion, the root final schwa and
1
the suffix final vowel become adjacent (#car3-u#). This adjacency triggers the
syncope rule proposed below.
1
(3). Schwa syncope rule
1
3
>fJ/
V
1
This rule is supported by the fact that at the surface level, there are no
diphthongs involving the vowel schwa, while diphthongization involving other
1
vowels is possible under certain conditions dicussed in chapter 5.
To
explain
the
difference
between
(2a.2
cukü/cukün)
and
(2a.3
1
lekû/lek3n), we argue that (2a.3) follows the same derivation as (2a.1). That is
1
the ward léku "arrow shaft" has the UR #lek3-kU#; the /ki deletion rule applies
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
145
1
to delete the suffix initial velar [k], followed by the schwa syncope rule proposed
1
in (3) above.
Note, however, that the data in (2a.2) and (2b.2) show a different
1
alternation. The lu] which marks NC3 (cukü/cukün) is also observed in NC4.
Instead of a schwa before the class suffix n we note the vowel u. To account for
1
this unexpected alternation, we argue that the lu] observed in both NC3 and NC4
1
(2a.2 and corresponding b.) is in fact part of the root. A possible interpretation is
that roots such as cukü "patio" have been morphologically reanalyzed as CV-ku
1
where ku plays now the role of class suffix for NC3. Since ku is part of the root
which is input to NC4, the class suffix n3 of the plural form is simply attached.
1
This explains the 3n/un (lek3!:!./cukün) alternation in the data above.
1
The interpretation presented here to show the relationship between the
NC3 pronoun ku and its class suffix !:! is further evidence in support of the
1
approach to the alternation in the progressive aspect of certain verbs discussed
in chapter 2.
1
As in the case of NC3, the suffix -A observed in NC2 and NCS appears as
a phonological reflex of the pronominal suffixes wa and ya respectively. While
1
this observation seems plausible for NCS, it is not so obvious for NC2 where the
1
allomorph -A could as weil derive from the suffix nA. Let us first consider the yaJa
alternation seems more straightforward.
1
ln NCS the distribution of the three suffixes -yA, -A, and -=-! can be
tentatively interpreted as follows. -yA attaches to vowel final roots, whereas -A
1
and -=-! attach to consonant final roots. The following examples illustrate this
1
tentative generalisation.
1
1
1
1

---

1
146
1
(4). Nes.
1
a.
1
maidens
field mice
warthogs
1
dances
wrestlings
roofs (of veranda)
ghosts
1
noses
chests
medecines
1
scabs
cars
swimming pools
1
wasâ
vipers
1
r3mKï:>â
knees
akR3ra
ducks
kpÙâ-
fan-palm nuts
t3mà
chores
1
rawâ
graveyards
kpalâ
bells
kpara
whips
1
akpama
spears
ah6râ -
muds
1
c.
kpéli
stools
raali
whips
1
sani
black ants
yem-i
hippos
nafall
heifers
1
kami
lamps
sari-
frogs
seni
songs
WOOTi
breaches
1
aiiari
syringes.
1
From the data illustrating the occurrence of the suffixes -A and - l it
appears that no morphological rule can establish the complementary ~istribution
1
of these suffixes in a straightforWard way. While the suffixes ya, ~, and i:. are in
1
1
1
l'

---

1
147
1
1
complementary distribution, they however raise the following
phonological
question: Is there any structural relation between these suffixes? ln other words,
1
can ~ and i derive fram ~ by phonological rules? There is clear evidence in the
language that ya and
1
i:. are not phonologically related. This claim is based on the
following facts. First, an appraach which would derive [il fram ya thraugh a
1
pracess of a deletion and y vocalisation cannot establish a clear context for such
a pracess. Second, the NC suffix i:. is also the agreement marker for the NCS.
1
Agreement between nouns of NCS and their modifiers (adjectives) is marked by
suffixing i to the modifier, irrespective of which of the three noun c1ass suffixes is
1
marked on the noun (asa~ c3kp61! 'maidens big'; was~ C3kp61! 'vipers big';
1
kpél! c3pk61! 'stools big' ).
There is, however, evidence that the suffix ~ of NCS l'las two sources in
1
the UR. The surface suffix a derives eitherfram ~ or ya in the UR. As it will be
shown in section 2, the tonal behavior of the ~ deriving fram an underlying ~ is
1
different from that of the ~ deriving fram the suffix ya thraugh a phonological
pracess to which we now turn.
1
To establish the yaJa alternation in NCS let us consider the following data
1
where the class suffixes are underlined.
1
(5).NC7
NCS
1
a.
b.
amak3r
tough leaf
amaka
tâas3r-
place
taasâ-
1
WâS3r
viper
wâsâ
raw3r
graveyard
rawâ
t3m3r
chore/work
t3mâ
1
asâp~r
red ant
asàpâ
kâamji-
pampkin
kaama
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
148
1
nam3r
Iiver
nama
n3S3r-
eye
n3Sa-
k60t3i-
ceremony
k60Tâ
1
c.
d.
1
akp3d~
duck
akp3ra
kp3d~
fan-pa/m nut
kp3ra-
kpad3
whip
kpara
kpad~
1
bell
kpala
ciidd
heap
crila-
ameed3
sorghum
ameela
'"
1 \\ - -
-
mlld3
snail
mfilâ
1
akJ%n~~
spear
akpam~
acand3
bag
acama
a~ând~
pile
acama
-
1
ténd~
whip
téna
cèrllkpand3
shea nut
cemkpana
nah~ntén~~
shoe
nah3ntenà
1
We are already familiar with the r/d and the 3/0 alternations in the NC?
1
, observed in (5a and c). Two points are of interest in the data presented above.
First, the root final schwa in (5a) and its absence in (5b). Second, the root final
1
consonants observed in (5d). Note that those consonants are the sonorants
allowed in the syllable coda position by the syllable structure rules. Note also that
1
the root final schwa in (5a) occurs irrespective of the nature of the preceding
1
consonant. Assuming that the class pronoun ya underlies both the suffixes -yA
and -12 in some cases observed in (4) and in (5b and 5d), then a phonological
1
interpretation can explain this allomorphic variation. If we make the hypothesis
that the palatal [y] deletes in two predictable environments, the yaJa alternation in
1
NCS becomes straightforWard. The two predictable environments are given in the
structural description of the palatal deletion rule proposed as follows.
1
1
1
1
1
1"

---

1
1
149
1
(6). Palatal deletion rule.
1
~alat~
Il+sonII
~asal~ ---> 0/{ l=VO~}
1
llSChwaJ
1
Root
1
The first part of the palatal deletion rule deletes the palatal Iyl after any
1
root final non-vocalic sonorant. This part of the rule accounts for the presence of
the final vowel in the suffix ~ which, we assume, attaches to the consonant final
1
roots exemplified in the surface forms of the data in (5d #akp3r-ya#
> akp3ra
'ducks').
1
The second environment where [y] deletes after the root final schwa is
supported by the fact that the suffix -yA is found after ail the root final vowels but
1
schwa (cf 4a). This gap in the distribution of the suffix -yA with respect to root
1
final vowels in NCS is significant. If these assumptions are correct, then the
second part of rule (6) explains the surface derivation in (5b) in two steps. We
1
have already argued that the vowel schwa syncopates when it is followed by
another
vowel.
For
a
word
Iike
kâamâ
'pampkins'
whose
underlying
1
representation is #kâam3-yâ#, the palatal deletion rule in (6) feeds the syncope
1
rule when it applies. Thë syncope rute then applies to complete the derivation of
the data under discussioh.
1
Turning to the c1ass suffixes in NC2, the suffix -A could phonologically
derive from either -wA or -nA by the same process whereby the suffix initial
1
consonant is deleted by rule ln predictable environments. Before further
1
1
l,
,1

---

1
1
151
1
aniu
button
aniuwâ
râmpü
twins
rampuwâ
apü
head lice
apuwâ-
1
The numbers under NC indicate the noun class (i.e. NC1 a-NC1 c and
NC3). Note that in (7b) the suffix -nA attaches to any noun root whether that root
1
is vowel final or consonant final. An approach that would derive the surface suHix
1
L
-A from -nA by deleting the nasal of this suffix runs into problems. The
environment in which the suffix initial segment ln] would delete is not so obvious
1
from the data presented above. If we argue that wa underlies both suffixes, -wA
and -A, observed in (7.c'& d') and in (7a') respectively, the deletion of the labial
t
glide which gives the surface forms in (7a') will naturally follow trom the process
1
discussed in
chapter 2. Recall that, in chapter 2, the initial segment of the
perfective marker wa deletes when the root final segment of the verb is [nasal];
1
recall also that when the root final segment is [+nasal] the labial glide hardens to
the labial obstruent [pl. Note the similar process of assimilation with the suffix wA
1
in (7.c'). This evidence shows that wa underlies the allomorphic suffix -a
1
observed at the surface level in NC2. The present analysis establishes only two
c1ass suffixes for NC2 in the OS: wa and na. This leads to the following
1
morphological rules accounting for their complementary distribution.
The suffix -na attaches only to non derived noun roots from NC1.
1
The pronominal suffix -wa attaches to:
(a)Noun roots from NC3 whose plural falls in NC2. This is illustrated from
1
(7d) to the corresponding NC2 in (7d').
1
(b) Noun roots which can be traced back to verb roots; that is some verb
roots are nominalized via prefixation of a- (apaal "man" from paal "woo") or
1
suffixation of the agentive suffi x - r (kpé.aE. "lion" from kpé. "catch"); in some
1
1
1
1

---

1
152
1
1
cases the verb root is both prefixed and suffixed (~tùuE "witch/wizard" from tu
"eat"). Other verb roots undergo none of the preceding affixations. When they are
1
input to nominalisation processes, some verbs take only the c1ass suffix or one of
the c1ass suffixes of the target NC . Consider for instance the noun yàl "woman"
1
in NC1. It derives from the verb yalu "to carry Iife, to be fertile" in which the final
1
ru] is the infinitive suffix. Since NC1 does not have a c1ass suffix, only the root of
that verb is found in that c1ass. From the same verb root, many nouns are derived
1
and distributed in various noun classes. The following examples illustrate this
case; the different class suffixes are underlined.
1
(8). a. verb. yal carry life, mate.
1
b. nouns
NC 1/2
yàl
woman
yalâ
1
NC 3/4
yalo
bunny
yal3n
NC 5/6
yal~
salt/spice
yas~
NC 7/8
yad3
egg
yal~
1
NC9
yat~
semen
NC10
ya13!!!
infant.
1
likewise, the words in (7c & c') derive from verbs. For instance, the word
yadim "cowife" (literally meaning a woman who bites) is a combination of the
1
nominalized verb ~ and the verb root E.3m "bite".
1
(c)Finally wa attaches to first or family names (Temta -> Temtawa "the
Temtas").
1
Unlike the suffixes -wA/ -A and -yA/ -A , the three suffixes kA, -0, and
pe of NC5 are not phonologically related. The suffjx -pe, however, is realized in
1
certain environments as -e. This occurs when that suffix attaches to a consonant
1
final noun root. In some cases either the final consonant of the root deletes and
1
1
1
1

---

1
153
1
1
the suffix initial consonant remains, or the latter deletes and the former remains.
The following illustrate these cases.
1
(9)
1
NC1
NCS.
yàl
woman
yalê
sweetheart
1
apàal man
apaalê
Iittle man
waal
husband
waalê
small husband
1
NC3
NCS.
k6mü kapok tree
k6mê!k6m~
young kapok tree
s31ü - Néré tree
S31!lS3E!
young Néré tree
1
sémü shea tree
sémê/sém~
young shea tree
téTê -
-
téTü - baobab
young baobab.
1
As the data above show it is difficult to formulate a deletion rule to account
for the pl" alternation, at least within the scope of the present work. Further
1
investigation is needed to shed light on this phenomenon.
1
ln this section we have shown the segmental alternation in sorne NC
suffixes. We have also shown that sorne of these suffixes reflect the structure of
1
the noun c1ass pronoun. The next section is an inventory of the tonal structure of
the Nc suffixes as they appear at the surface level in the context of the noun
1
roots. The underlying tonal structure of the suffixes will have to wait till we
1
consider the tone of the fully suffixed nouns.
1
4.1.2. Tonal structure of thé Ne suffixes.
1
There are four tones in Lama; a high tone, a low tone, a falling tone, and a
rising tone. At the surface level the rising tone is always realized as a low tone.
1
To differentiate between the two types of low tone at the surface level, we will not
1
1
1
,
l'

---

1
154
1
1
mark the level low tone in our transcription. However, the low tone which is
underlying a rising tone will be marked by a grave accent on the tone bearing unit
1
(TBU). The four types of tones are illustrated in the suffixless nouns below.
1
(10). High Tone.
1
wan
husband's mother
w61
son's wife
waal
husband
1
léel
widow
yala
wife's siblings
waala
husband's sibling
yasé
wife's mother
1
p6nta
leopard
Low Tone
1
ri
mother
ci
father
1
ra
friend
ko
sister
kar3m
border
Y3t3
in-Iaw
1
naasi
grandmother
akom
shrine
akom
visitor
1
Falling Tone
rat
1
k~i
panther
nâ
cow
Si
sheep
1
11
elephant
ti
bee
sê
fox
Rising Tone
1
yàl
'Noman
rèen
cousin
1
ràal
brither
nàr
buffalo
nèm
wild animal
wôm
doe
1
tàr
stranger
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
155
1
atùur
witch
r3ntàm
deaf person
kponsèn
fiber straw
1
Ali the nouns illustrating the tones above are in NC 1 which does not have
a c1ass suffix. The issues related to the contour tones will be discussed at a later
1
stage in this chapter. For now, let us just mention that the falling tones occur only
1
at the phrase final position. The high part of the rising tone is always delinked. Its
effect is realized when the first syllable of the following word has a level low tone.
1
ln such cases, the first syllable of that ward will lose its low tone in favor of the
preceding high tone deriving fram the rising contour tone. These pracesses will
1
be fully illustrated and discussed in the next section. What is relevant for this
1
section is that ail the tonal patterns illustrated by the NC 1 nouns in the data
. above are displayed by the noun c1ass suffixes intraduced in the preceding
1
section. Three general tonal patterns can be isolated and described in relation to
the NC suffixes. One category of the noun c1ass suffixes displays a falling tone ail
1
acrass the noun classes. A second category of suffixes displays 3 tonal patterns:
Low tone, High tone, and Falling tone. The third category of suffixes displays ail
1
the 4 tonal patterns illustrated in (10); that is, High tone, Low tone, Falling tone,
1
and Rising tone. Each of these categories is considered below.
1
4.1.2.1. The category of falllng tone suffixes.
1
This category is exemplified by the c1ass suffixes of the following noun
classes: NC2 (na, wala), NC4 (n), NCS (s3), NC9 (t3), NC10 (m), and the suffix 1.
1
of NC8. Each c1ass suffix in this category is illustrated in the following data.
1
1
1
1
,
1

---

1
1
156
1
(11 ).
NC2 {11 O}
1
a.
1
yalâ
women
apaalâ
men
y3râ
persons
afaTâ
sons
1
k6t3iâ
priests
atuufâ
witches
1
b.
Cinâ
fathers
1
rinâ
mothers
konâ
sisters
naaSinâ
wandmothers
ranâ
riends
1
raaTnâ
brothers
nunnâ
aunts
renr1â
cousins
1
raaInâ
cobras
r3mnâ
snakes
prk3mnâ
flutes
1
c.
,.,.
yadim~
co-wives
1
Y213.Q1~
blind persons
r3ntampâ
deaf persons
cipawâ-
tycoons
t1wâ-
1
fortune-tellers
aTUWâ
devils
séuwâ
rich persons
anrUwâ
buttons
1
ràmpuwâ
twins
apuwâ
head lice
1
NC4.{184 words}
1'\\
car3n
~olar stars
cém~n
ens
1
kpel3n
hawks
hérm3n
forest trees
t3m3n -
gourd plants
1
k6m3n
kapok trees
kpér3n
bridges
kper3n
ladders
,,-
nets
1
WUrdn
1
1
,
l'

---

1
1
157
1
A
tél3n
baobabs
hya,[d:n
stomachs
cél~n
wings
1
rasan
big pots
kaa~'h
crocodiles
kuntan
blankets
1
mand3n
guns
-
cûkon
patios
alûkOn
chicken coops
ayukun
markets
1
lek3n -
arrow shafts
w6k!n
fools
1
NCS.{213 words}.
' \\
wisa
children
WUS3
years
1
- ....
w6s3
rivers
h653
pregnancies
- '"
ace~3",
flies
1
amag
second sight
aSes3
rabbits
ato83 "
periods
1
w3t8s3
words
-
/ \\
wunâsa
rivers
hakâS!"
tilling periods
Salâ~
lids
1
sirâsa /'
funnels
kpasas3
mats
kpaca~j'
scorpions
1
tamas3
chins
NC8.{47/230 words} Le. {183 in yaJa} and {47 in I}
1
kpéli
stools
raali
whips
San!
black ants
1
yemi
hippos
nafaTi
heifers
kami
lamps
1
sari-
frogs
sen!
songs
WOOTi
breaches
afiar!
syringes.
1
NC9.{178}
'
,...
1
set3
poison
lét3
~earls
Ht3'
oney
-'"
tûta
cold
1
1
1
1
l"

---

1
1
158
1
"
sart3
beauty
131t3
birth
lalFâ
shrinkage
1
tuB
food
m'3mit3
nasal muscus
rahat"d
condiments
1
r3ntamt3
deafness
hampat3
miracle
yél3mt3
blindness
,1
c3pât3
might
kpânlit3
boasting
câhât3
sour vegetable
1
NC10.{62}
lêm
water
1
rêm
sleep
rêm
potassium
nam
soot
Câls3m
chicken plague
1
ralâm -
powder (sugar)
hul3m
Irritation, rush
câl3m
blood
1
nal3m
milk
yel3m
rainy season
tel3m
ashes
mOS3m
thought
1
The number in the braces indicates the total number of words in the
1
sampie data.
Note that the syllable which precedes the suffixal syllable shows either a
1
high tone or a low tone. A tentative generalisation on this tonal category is that
whatever the tonal shape of the root in the UR, the suffixal syllable always
1
surfaces with a High-Low configuration. The issues related to this configuration
are discussed in the sections on tonal alternation in suffixes.
1
1
1
1
1
1
,
l'

---

1
159
1
4.1.2.2. Ne suffixes oi three tonal patterns.
1
This c1ass of suffixes can be further divided into two subcategories. The
1
first subcategory shows a High, Low, and Falling tone alternation. The second
subcategory shows a High, Falling, and Rising tone alternation.
1
The first subcategory of tonal alternation is exemplified by the suffixes .=.
1
yA/ -A of NC? and -kA of NCS. The three suffixes show the following tonal
pattern. The suffix -yA shows a consistant high tone whenever it occurs, except
1
for a few cases where it shows a low tone. This is illustrated below where the
number over the slash indicates the occurrence of the target suffix. The number
1
under the slash shows the total nurnber of words sampled in the target noun
class.
1
(12) NCS. ya {2?/231}
1
a. High Tone
1
asâ~
maidens
se~
field mice
warthogs
tr~
wa~
dances
1
sâya
Fridays
lu~
wrestlings
lu~
roofs (of veranda)
1
m~
noses
léx!
chests
ko~
medecines
f1ya
scabs
1
loya
cars
lé~
swimming pools
1
b. Low Tone.
alali~
ghosts
1
aCOya
adopted ones
acaya
assagais
1
1
1
l,,
l'

---

1
160
1
1
As (12b) shows, the low tone pattern in ~ is not weil represented in our
sample data in NeS. Of the 27 occurrences of ya in the data. only these three
1
words show a low tone. Note that where ya occurs with a low tone ail the ward
appears with a low tone; this is not the case in (12a) where the high tone ya is
1
preceded by either a low tone or a high tone root.
1
Note also that in (12) the suffix -Va does not show a falling tone which is
displayed by its surface counterpart -A in addititon to the level low tone and the
1
level high tone. This is exeniplified in the following.
1
(13). Suffix -A {149/231}
a. High tone
1
t3ma.
chores
nah~ntena.
shoes
nah3ncalâ
kicks
1
cêmkpana.
shea nuts
sàmbana.-
ground peas
rawa.
graveyards
1
malâ
shewing sticks
téla.-
baobab fruit
kp3r~
fan-palm nuts
1
téna.
swatters
kama.
pumpkins
b.Low tone.
1
kpara
whips
akp3ra
ducks
1
akpama
spears
atoma -
impotant men
mara
bad omens
luka-
wells
1
akpama
spears
acama
bags
dia -
heaps
1
kaama
shields
c.Falling tone.
1
vipers
knees
1
1
1
l'

---

1
161
1
ah6râ
muds
1
kpalâ
bells
acamâ
piles
tûkâ -
shrubs
1
ahusâ
sea turtles
mflâ -
snails
aruKâ
lames
aSapâ
red ants.
1
The suffix - kA of NC5 displays ail the three tonal patterns as shown
1
below.
1
(14). Suffix -kA {21/220}
a. Low tone
1
~
câmpinka
Indian millet
p3ceka-
stomach
1
sarka
prison
s6ka
white sesame
wâka
verse
1
b. High tone.
atél3nka
stick
1
anlékâ
fiber shrubs
k6r3nka
basket
aQapaka
cheer
fi3ntaka
palm
1
afaka-
quiver
ànleka
castanets
raakâ
fire wood
1
àmKP8ka
cast iron
cèmkpanka shea pod
tUka
-
bucket
1
aWUka
monkey
c.Falling tone
1
katékâ
head tie
aC3kâ
swamp
atak'â
plain mouse
1
arakâ
trunk
The second subcategory is exemplified by the suffixes pe 1e of NC5. The
1
suffix -pe shows a high tone as weil as a rising tone; only its allomorphic
1
1
1
l"

---

1
162
1
1
counterpart -e displays the falling tonal pattern in this subcategory. Whenever it
occurs the suffix -e shows a consistent falling tone. The tonal display of the two
1
suffixes is illustrated in the following.
1
(15) Suffix -Pe {25}
a. -pe {8/25}
1
High Tone (H-H)
1
s~pé
young néré tree
kom~
young kapok tree
Risng Tone
1
afa~
youth
(L-L-LH)
wampè
kid
(L-LH)
1
ca~~
chick
(L-LH)
cak~ni~
twig
(L-L-LH)
a~~m~
orphan
("" JI)
nam~
provocation
(L-LH)
1
b. -e {17/25}
1
k6mê
young kapok tree
télê -
young baobab tree
sémê
young shea tree
yalê-
little woman
1
apaalê
Iittle man
ayadê
young prostitute
waalê
young husband
1
mnê-
young thief
1
The last category of the noun class suffixes shows high, low, fal!ing, and
rising tone patterns. Recal! that only the low part of the rising configuration is
1
allowed at the surface level.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
163
1
4.1.2.3. Ne suffixes of four tonal patterns.
1
This category is exemplified by the suffixes
-u, -0, and
-r3/-d3 of
1
NC3, NC5, and NC7 respectively. Each suffix is illustrated in the following.
1
(16)a. Low tone.
NC3.{17/178}
1
ayuku
market
naluKü
stable
1
ahulu-
vegetable
akuKolu
skin disease
manku-
mango
saru
a beauty
1
ararïlu
boy/girl-friend
unasu
zebu
atulu-
loin c10th
1
aSiu
shirtlblouse
NC5.{15/167} The -0 suffix alone in this NC.
1
aso
rabbit
anuko
cold
cilo -
cobra
1
amo
second sight (ESP)
kpanko
slave
cako -
basket
1
awarko
sin
acaro
trade
apiso
capacity
atro -
baobableaves
1
NC7.{/238}
1
kpad3
whip
akl?~nd~
spear
acànd~
bag
cida-
pile
1
kaand~
shield
amed3
sorQhuni
namKpet3r
sqUirrel
1
aWuS3r -
large hoe
yida -
thigh
akând~
bride
1
b. High Tone.
1
1
1
.'
1

---

1
1
164
1
NC3 {72/178}
tû
tree
1
sÜ
drum
lu
love
Wu
hole
1
laKu
hunting
lâklI
big stick
heKU
middle
wok(i
fiber-tree
1
w6klI
fool
kPéfû
brid~e
alûkÜ
chic en coop
1
nandù
leg (of mutton etc.. )
kutul<u
onethousand
NC5 {66/167}
1
h~
child
pregnancy
1
w"ô
river
wur6
hill
wût6
shrub
1
kpâc6
scorFcion
n3s3KDr6
eye ash (ail High tone)
anak6r6-
rest area (1 st 2syll= Low)
an3j:1S8r6
white man ("
"
" )
1
na/3nsâr6
diving beetle
NC7 {/238}
1
miir
nose
f1ir-
scab
1
héër
yam
16er
8wlmmlng pool
féar
store
al60r
transvestlte
1
nafad3
helfer
"" --
y~n.s!~
hippo
send~
song
1
sa.s!~
frog
c. Falling Tone.
1
NC3 {48/178}
fiQ
head
1
fiu
thatch
wc.
mountain
to-
bow
1
l1Q
termite
-
1
1
1

---

1
1
165
1
CO
clay
k6"mü
kapok tree
télü -
baobab
1
arahtü
cover (c1oth)
atataro
shrew
kaanü
measuring bucket
1
NCS {3S/167}
1
hô
dog
tô
tard
lô
uneral
amô
lizard
1
kpat~
bag
nayô
steer
lékô
side
1
kaKÔ
pain
lésÔ
soul
alara
cockerel
1
ah6f6
gruel
NC7{/238}
1
cêer
Néré seed
lôor
chest
kôor
medecine
1
SOur
back
cemaar
~ote~
kpatêe~
an~ e
atôor
shal ow hole
1
acàmkpôor bachelor
séwûr
-
thorn
sawûr:
mortar
1
huuda
garbadge pile
h'da
\\1_
navel
sénd3
bean
1
céd3
tooth
d. Rising Tone
1
NC3 {41/178}
y~
river grass
1
r:
crocodile
windpipe
narù
worklng team
kpaaù
walking stick
1
husù-
lun~
anù-
sut erance
-
1
1
1
,
l'

---

1
1
166
1
atù
sickness
na»,ù,
bull
kp3nt3rù
tortoise (only case with H-H + LH)
1
NC5{51/16?}
1
lô
partridge
kô
grass
wise
sickness
tire-
insult
1
wffe
thought
w8nde
moon
ace
fly
1
wontele
seeds
apalayô
bOr
yalay'~.-
gir (only two cases of High + LH)
i
NC? {/238}
fèer
shame
1
sèer
field mouse
nÙUr
leisure period
nawiir
calf
1
raawiir
twig
nampiir
cord
sawiir -
peanut
asasèer
maggot
1
kponsèer
mad man
The following table gives the summary of the tonal categories of the noun
1
classes suffixes surveyed in the preceding sections.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
l,
:
1

---

1
1
167
1
(17). Table of Tonal Categories of Nc Suffixes.
1
CATEGORY TONALDISPLAY
NCSUFFIX
NC AFFILIATION
1.wNA;nA
NC2
1
2.n
NC4
1.
FALUNG TONE
3.s3
NC6
4.1
NCS
1
5.t3
NC9
6.m
NClO
II.
3Tone Patterns
1
,
(l).L;H;HL.
1.kA
NC5
2.yNA
NCS
(2).H;HL;LH
3.pe/e
NC5
III.
4Tone Patterns
LU
NC3
L;H;HL;LH.
2.0
NC5
1
3.R3
NC7
1
Two questions arise from this tonal classification of the NC suffixes. First,
is the tonal configuration of these suffixes the same in the UR? Second, what is
1
the relation between the tone of the noun root and the tone of the suffix. The two
questions are discussed in the next sections.
1
1
4.2. Tonal configuration ln houn morphology.
ln this section we consider how the tone of the noun roots interacts with
1
the tone of the noun c1ass suffixes presented in the preceding section. We will
1
first consider what tonal system Lama belongs ta by examining the tone of the
nouns which do not take a class suffix such as those in NC1. We will then
1
discuss the possible tohal configuration of the suffixes from the UR ta the
phonetic realisation in the context of the noun roots ta which they attach.
1
1
1
l,
,
l'

---

1
168
1
4.2.1. Tonè ln the sufflxless Noun elass.
1
ln our discussion of the various suffixes found in the noun c1ass system of
1
Lama, '-Ne found that NC1 does not have a noun c1ass suffix. To establish the
various tonal shapes found in Lama, we introduced in (10) some data from NC1.
1
The data showed that in isolation, a monosyllabic noun can have a high tone (H),
1
a low tone (L), a falling tone (HL), or a rising tone (LH). The relevant data in (10)
are repeated here.
1
(18).
1
High Tone.
wan
husband's mother
w61
son's '-Nife
1
waal
husband
léel
widow
1
Low Tone
ri
mother
1
cl
father
ra
friend
ko
sister
1
Falling Tone
rat
1
~br
panther
nâ
cow
si
sheep
tr
1
elephant
fi
bee
sê
fox
1
Rising Tone
yàl
woman
1
rèen
cousin
ràal
brother
nàr
buffa~
nèm
wild animal
1
wom
doe
tàr
stranger
1
1
l,
1

---

1
169
1
1
Assuming a correlation between the tonal tier and the segmental tier, the
data presented in (18) will have the following structures where the tones and the
1
TBU's are mapped together in the UR.
1
(19)
1
H
L
H L
L H
\\/
\\/
1
1
wan
rl
yi
yal
1
The principles of tone mapping as weil as the issues related to the
1
representation of the rising and the falling tones in (19) will be discussed as we
proceede. (19) shows that the TBU of a monosyllabic word can be Iinked to one
1
tone or to two tones.
ln disyllabic words, each syllable chooses a level (High, or Low) tone in
1
any sequence; in addition, a level tone on the first syllable can be fo/lowed by a
1
contour tone on the second syllable. The data below show these cases.
(20)
1
Set 1. Level Tones.
1
a. Level High
yala
wife's siblings
waala
husband's sibling
1
yl!sé
wife's mother
p6nta
leopard
1
b. Level Low
kar3m
border
1
y3t3
in-Iaw
nàasi
grandmother
akom
shrine
akom
visitor
1
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
170
1
c. Low High
1
"
CaS3
grandfather
"
CeS3
great grandfather
1
nasém
croton-seed
nalém
woven bracelet
asé
God
acé.
cashew
1
d. High Low
1
pfk3m
Hute
sfku
prostitute
k~ld3
census clerk
cond3
trader
1
akûur
head-hunter
Set 2. Level + Contour
1
a. High Fall
céntÎ
friend
1
c3pâ
mighty person
akpacl
personal doctor
wûtî
horse-antelope
1
b. Low Fall
1
wilü
daughter
hehê
hyena
akpê
mouse
nafâ
monkey
1
akpâm
hunter
c. Low Rising
1
wanùur
baby-sitter
watèen
river lizard
1
campàn
bitter-root
kpôns~n
fiber-straw
mos3r
impersonator
apàal
man
1
r1'ntàm
deaf person
1
ln our sample data of NC1, we have not found any disyllabic words
showing the high-rising pattern. However, this pattern is found in polysyllabic
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
171
1
1
words in addition to the patterns in (20). The following illustrates the tonal
patterns in polysyllabic words.
1
(21 ).
asap~
L L L]
mole
1
nawandasi
L L L L]
dung beetle
ayâd3
L H H]
prostitute
àkûnânkû
vulture
L HL Hl
1
takutâ
HL H-L
edible root
akpélkpêl
L H H-L
butterfly
at3tî
L L H-L]
deity
s3k3maffs3
H H H H H-L]
hedgehog
1
akand3
H H L-H]
eider
ahâmfèr
L H L-H]
name of an ant
ar3mr3m
L L L-H]
leech
1
ln (21) each tone in the square brackets represents each syllable in the
1
word; the hyphen between two tones shows that the two tones belong to a single
syllable. They represent contour tones on the last syllable.
1
Following the structural representation of the tones and the segments in
1
monosyllabic
words,
the
data in (20) and (21) will have the followillg
sample structural displays.
1
(22) Set 1.
1
a)
H
b)
L
c)
L H
d)
H L
/
\\
/
\\
1
1
1
1
ponta
y3t3
nalem
pik3m
1
Set2.
a)
H L
b)
H
LH
c)
L H L
d)
L H
1
/ \\1
/ \\ \\1
1 1/
/ \\1
centi
akand3
hehe
campan
1
The representation in Set1 (a) and (b) assumes that if both syllables have
the same level tone, the obligatory contour principle applies to collapse the two
1
tones into one. This might then explain why the two syllables are Iinked to a
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
1
172
1
single
tone
in
this
representation.
The
same
appraach
explains
the
1
representation in Set 2b (e.g. akand3) where the first two syllables are Iinked to a
single high tone. In Set1 c (e.g nalém) and 1d (e.g prk3m), it appears that the
1
sequence of the tones matches the sequence of the TBU's. But, note that, as in
1
monosyllabic words, (22) however shows that in polysyllabic words the sequence
of tones does not necessarily match the sequence of tone-bearing units.
1
Some of the immediate questions which arise fram the various tonal
displays in NC1 are the following: 1) Are the tone sequences independent from
1
the segmental sequence of the tone-bearing units? 2) What principles govern the
tonal patterns exemplified by the data in noun morphology?
1
ln a tonal system where the mapping of tones to the TBU's follows the
1
universal association conventions (Williams 19 71, Goldsmith 1979, Halle and
Vergnaud 1982, among others) certain tonal patterns can be predicted. Let us
1
assume the universal association conventions in Goldsmith (1979).
For Goldsmith, every tone must associate to at least one TBU, and every
1
TBU must be associated with atone. Within this approach, the patterns displayed
1
by the Lama data in (22 set1 i.e H H = p6nté, L L = y3t3, L H = nalém, H L =
prk3m) and (22 set2 c i.e L H-L = hehê) will naturally be expected. The left to right
1
association will Iink the first tone to the left TBU on the segmental tier; the second
tone in (set1 c & d ) and in (set2 c) will associate to the second TBU as shown
1
below for the words p6nté, nalém, and hehê.
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
173
1
(23) UR
Left to right, one-to-one association
a.ponta
ponta
1
1
H
H
b.nalem
nalem
1
1
1
L H
L H
c.hehe
hehe
1
1
1
LHL
L H L
5et1 (a) and (b) and set~ (c), exemplified here by p6nta and hehê
1
respectively, will arise as a result of Goldsmith's 'Weil Formedness Condition'
1
(WFC). In this respect, the second syllable of p6nta will acquire its high tone
from the first syllable; likewise, the unassociated low tone in (23c) will link to the
1
last syllable thus creating a falling tone in the word hehê.
Within Goldsmith's approach, we could propose that Lama has atone
1
extention rule which expands the tone of the penult TBU one syllable to the right;
this will account for the tonal display in (22 set2 a, & d) as illustrated below.
1
(24)
centi
campan
1
1
1
1
1
H
L
L
H
Left to right association
1
1\\\\\\
1\\\\1
centi
campan
Penult tone extension
1
But the penult extension rule will make a wrong prediction for words like
nalém in (23b) above which are structurally similar to (24).
1
This leads to the folioWing conclusions.
First, the unpredictable tonal display shows that the sequence of tones
1
does not necessarily match thé sequence of syllables in Lama. This is evidence
1
that Lama cannot be considered as a melodic language.
1
1
l,
!
l'

---

1
1
174
1
Second, it follows fram the various tone displays that the sequence of
1
tones is not totally independani from the sequence of the TBU's. Further
evidence for these claims cames fram the tonal display in the suffixed nouns,
1
fram NC1 ta NC2. Consider for instance the behavior of the tones vis-a-vis the
TBU's when the NC2 suffixes are attached ta nouns of NC1 ta form plurals. Ail
1
the suffixes are realized with a falling tone irrespective of the tonal shape of the
1
NC1 raot.
(25)
1
a)NC1
b)NC2
1
Set 1 Law tone roots.
ri
mother
rinâ
ci
father
cinâ
1
ra
friend
raii'â
ka
sister
kOnâ
kal'3m
border
kar3mnâ
1
y3t3
in-Iaw
y3tinâ-
naasi
grandmother
naillnâ
1
Set 2 High tone roots.
wan
husband's mother
wannâ
w61
son's wife
w6lâ-
1
waal
husband
waéJâ
léel
widow
léelâ-
yas~
mother-in-Iaw
yas~
1
yad3m
cowife
yad3m~
Set 3 Falling tone raots
1
yi
rat
[yi! nâ]
sê
fox
[sé! nâ]
1
hehê
hyena
[hehé! nâ]
1
céntî
friend
[céntr! nâ]
1
1
l,
,
l'

---

1
175
1
Set 4 Rising tone roots
1
yàl
woman
yalâ
1
rèen
cousin
reennâ
ràal
brother
raalnâ
atùur
witch
atuurâ
"" .
r3ntam
deaf person
'"
-
r3ntamE!
1
ahâmfèr
tinyant
ahâmfernâ
ln (25 set3), the square brackets indicate a phonetic transcription. The
1
exclamation mark before the falling tone shows that this contour tone is
downstepped by a floating low tone. We will discuss the dowstep process at a
1
later stage.
1
The tonal shape of the NC2 suffixes (na, wala) leads to the hypothesis
that those suffixes have an underlying HL configuration which is not altered in the
1
context of the noun root. If we assume that the sequence of the tones is totally
independent from the sequence of the TBU's (in roots and suffixes alike) the
1
mapping of the tones to the tone-bearing units should follow from the general
1
principles of the association conventions developed in Goldsmith (1979). In the
left-to-right, one-to-one association of tones to the TBU's, we would expect the
1
second syllable of the low tone disyllabic roots to show a high tone when the
plural suffix is attached. That is, the word kar3mnâ "borders", for instance, will
1
have a three tone sequence [LHL] in the UR.: a Low tone from the root, a High
tone and a Low tone from the suffix. Since there are three tone-bearing units in
1
the word, it should then follow that the 'first low tone will associate to the first TBU
1
on the left and so on. Note, however, that the left to right, one-to-one association
makes a wrong prediction for the tonal derivation in words such as the one under
1
discussion (*kar3mna vs kar3mnâ).
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
176
1
The third conclusion is that, if we do not assume a lexical prelinking for
1
some tones in Lama, the universal association conventions praposed in
Goldsmith (1979) cannot predict the correct forms for some of the data.
1
The facts presented by the data in NC1 and in NC2 involving the same
noun raots suggest the following hypothesis for a straightforward analysis of the
1
tones in Lama.
1
(26) Lama Tone Principles
(a) Ali tones in the UR are free if not lexically
1
marked.
(b) Universal Àssociation Conventions and the
1
Weil Formedness Condition (Goldsmith 1979) apply.
(c) The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) is obeyed.
1
Il
There is one restricted use of lexical prelinking
whereby the second tone of a configuration
is associated as follows:
1
Where Xn = first TBU fram the right and
the value of @ and 13 = H or L
1
1
Note the interaction between the WFC in Principle 1and Principle II. Under
the WFC; Principle Il makes two predictions. The first prediction is that contour
1
tones are automatically created at the phrase final position when the WFC in
Principle 1 (b) applies to associate 13T in the sequence. The second prediction is
1
that if no tone precedes @T ail the TBU's preceding Xn will have the same tone
1
as Xn by a feature spread fram @T since the free 13T is blocked by the
association line of @T.
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
177
1
Let us consider hoVl these principles account for the various data
1
presented so far. We wiil first discuss hoVl level tones are derived. Then, we will
show how these principles account for contour tones.
1
Under Principle 1 the following representations will be derived for words
that show level tones at the surface.
1
(27) Derivation in level tones
1
UR
Left ta right association
WFC
1
a.ponta
ponta
ponta
1
\\
/
H
H
H
1
b.y3t3
y3t3
y3t3
1
\\
/
1
L
L
L
c.nalem
nalem
,
1
1
L H
L H
d.pik3m
pik3m
1
1
1
H L
H L
1
ln (27 a & b) where there is only tone on the tonal tier in the UR, the WFC
applies (after the one-to-one left to, right association) in the case of the TBU's to
1
give the second derivation which is the surface representation. We do not,
1
however, exclude the alternative approach which would posit the same tone for
each syllable in the UR; that approach would trigger the OCP to give the
1
structural representation hi thé final derivation in (27a & b). In (27c & d) only the
association conventions apply. Since the sequence of tones matches the
1
sequence of the TBU's the WFC and the OCP are irrelevant.
1
1
1
,
1"

---

1
178
1
1
Turning to the surface realisations with contour tones, we propose the
following derivations according to the principles stipulated in (26).
1
(28) Derivation in contour tones
1
UR
(Principle II)
Left ta right ass.
WFC(TBU's)
(a)
centi
centi
1
\\/
1
H L
H L
(b)
akand3
akand3
akand3
1
\\ /
1
1
1
1
H
L H
H
L H
H
L H
1
(c)
he he
he he
1
1
1
L H L
L H L
1
(d)
campan
campan
\\/
1
L H
L H
1
The UR. shows the prelinked tone according to the structural specification
1
in Principle II. Note that in (28 b) the WFC spreads the free tone to the free TBU
after the left to right association. In (28 a & d), however, it is the prelinked tone
1
which spreads when the WFC applies. The spreading of the prelinked tone on to
1
the toneless TBU's in its domain falls out fram the fact that no free tone precedes
it.
1
Note also that the derivation in (28) says nothing about the floating tone
which follows the prelinked tone. At this juncture two approaches to these tones
1
suggest themselves.
1
First, the WFC can bè restricted to apply only to the TBU's. In this case,
the tones under discussion remain tloating after the WFC has appplied as the
1
derivation in (28) shows.
1
1
1
,
l"

---

1
179
1
1
Second, the WFC applies to the tones as weil as to the TBU's which the
association conventions do not cover. In this case, the remaining floating tones
1
must associate when the WFC applies. Within this approach, contour tones are
automatically created by the principles of Universal Grammar (UG).
1
Let us consider the facts related to contour tones in the grammar of the
1
language. As mentioned earlier, the falling tone is the only contour tone allowed
in the phonetic representation of the language at the phrase-final position. The
1
rising tone is not allowed in any position. In the phrase-medial position, the falling
tone simplifies to a level high tone.
1
These facts suggest that if we adopt the approach which restricts the
1
WFC, we must devise a language specifie rule which associates the low tone
following the prelinked high tone. The low tone association rule must be
1
restrained to apply only at the phrase-final position. The final low tone association
rule can be proposed as follows.
1
(29) Final low tone association rule
1
Condition: Xn ==
phrase-final TBU
1
tH L ---->
1
The rule in (29) will complete the surface derivation of relevant words in
(28) as shown below.
1
1
1
1
1
I-
I

---

1
180
1
(30)
1
UR (Principle II)
Left ta right ass. WFC(TBU's)
Final L ass.
1
(a)
centi
centi
centi
\\1
\\/1
1
H L
H L
HL
1
(b)
campan
campan
\\1
1
1
L H
L H
This appraach will also explain the data in (25 set 3) where the surface
1
realisation of words Iike yjlnA 'rats' show a downstepped H on the plural suffix na.
We define a downstep as a high tone with a lower pitch level than a preceding
• hightone.Thepitchlevelofthedownsteppedhightoneisloweredbythepitchof
1
an unassociated low tone which precedes il. In the illustrative example the
pracess of downstep is marked an exclamation mark between the two high tones
1
of the word. The exclamation mark means that the high tone of the second
1
syllable is not as high as the high tone of the first syllable. The derivation of this
word is as follows.
1
(31)
UR
Final Law ass.
Phanetic realisatian
,
1
yi - na
yi na
yi'nA
1
1
1
1 \\
HL
HL
HL H L
1
ln (31) the UR shows the prelinked tones in both the raot (yi) and the suffi x
1
(-na). Since the suffix is adjoined to the raot to form the plural, the floating low of
the raot is no longer in the phrase-final position. The unassociated final low tone
1
of the raot remains f10ating and consequently creates a downstep represented by
an exclamation mark in the phonetic realisation. Within this appraach, the
1
downstep implies the following generalisations. First, it shows that the final low
1
1
1
,
l'

---

1
181
1
1
tone (of the root) is not deleted when it is not associated. Second, it also shows
that Lama does not allow falling tones at the phrase-medial position. That is, if
1
falling tones were allowed in the medial position the low tone of the noun root
should be associated to the root. The surface realisation in this word would be a
1
falling tone on each syllable. Thirdly, the downstep is an evidence that Lama
1
does not allow three tones on a single syllable. If we argue that ail tones must
associate, it should follow that the low tone of the noun root which cannot
1
associate to the root will associate to the next available TBU, i.e the TBU of the
suffix. This would then create a configuration of Low-High-Low on the TBU of the
1
suffix. But note from the surface realisation that this is not what actually happens.
1
The surface realisation shows that instead of a three tone association to a single
TBU, the high tone of the suffix is downstepped by the unassociated low tone of
1
the root.
Besides the situation where a prelinked high tone is followed by a low
1
tone, there is also a situation where a prelinked low tone is followed by a floating
high tone. The approach taken so far, which also excludes the association of the
1
high tone that follows a prelinked low tone at any level in the derivation, makes
1
the following prediction. Like the floating low tone in the derivation of yfna, the
floating high tone will phonetically affect the low tone of a following syllable; that
1
is, a low tone syllable following a floating high tone will be phonetically realized
as a falling tone. This prediction is right since this actually happens in the
1
language. Consider the following.
1
(32)
(a)
ri
mother
(b)
yàl
woman
1
cl
father
ra
friend
1
1
1
J

---

1
182
1
ko
sister
1
(c)
yàl
rf
woman's mother
(d)
ri cl mother's father
yàl
cr
woman's father
cl ri father's mother
1
yàl
râ
woman's friend
ra yàl friend's wife
yàl
kô
woman's sister
cl yàl father's wife
1
ln (32) (a) shows low tone nouns. (b) shows a prelinked low tone followed
by an unassociated high tone. That is, a noun which has an underlying floating
1
high tone according to Principle Il and the approach so far presented. The grave
1
accent is used to differentiate the lexical low tone from the ordinary low tone;
consequently, it has no phonetic implication as both tones are phonetically the
1
same. (c) and (d) show an associative construction which will be fully discussed
later on in this chapter. In (d) where the first word has a level low tone, the
1
following word is realized with a level low tone. In (c) ail the level low tone nouns
that follow the word yàl show a falling tone. This indicates that the high part of the
1
falling tone can only come from the floating high tone of the preceding word by a
1
floating high tone association. The floating high tone association to the following
syllable is proposed below.
1
(33) Floating high tone association
1
a.L
(H)
T
L
(H) T
T = tone of next TBU
1
------> 1
1
Il
associated by asso-
x
X
X
x
ciation conventions.
1
Associate a floating high
(H)
which follows
a prelinked low tone
(L)
to the next TBU.
1
b.
yal
ri
yal
ri
1
T
1
1
T\\
L H
L
-H L
- >
L
1
Within the approach under discussion, the rule in (33a) explains the
derivation in (33b), where the high tone which underlyingly beJongs to Yêl is
1
1
1
1

---

1
183
1
1
associated to the folloWing low tone noun .d. How this rule relates to the
association conventions in (26) is an issue discussed at a later stage.
1
But the surface realisation in the following data shows that the approach
taken so far makes a wrong prediction. As the data below show, a TBU with a
1
prelinked low tone is alWays realized with a level high tone when preceded by a
1
floating high tone.
(34)
1
a
1
yàl
woman
rèen
cousin
ràal
brother
1
b
yàl réen
Woman's cousin
1
rèen yâl
cousin's wife
ràal yâl
brother's wife
yàl râal
woman's brother
1
c
x
x
1
1
L H
L H
1
Of interest is the surface realisation of the second words in (34 b). (34 c)
1
shows the UR of (b). FolloWing the approach taken so far, we would expect a
falling tone (H-L) when the floating high tone association rule proposed in (33)
1
applies in (34 c). Note, however, that the surface realisation in (34 b) shows a
1
level high tone on the following prelinked low tone TBU.
Let us now consider how the alternative approach would treat these facts.
1
If we claim that the WFC applies blindly to the TBU's as weil as to the
unassociated tones, this will lead to an automatic creation of contour tones in the
1
UR. Language specifie rules can therefore apply to simplify those contour tones
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
184
1
in predictable environments. This generalisation is motivated by the fact that the
1
falling tone which is the only grammatical contour tone at the surface level must
simplify in specifie environments such as the phrase-medial positions. A single
1
rule of contour simplification can therefore be formulated to account for both
contour tones created by the WFC or by other tone extension rules. The contour
1
simplification rule is proposed below.
1
(35)
Contour simplification rule
Conditions:
1
a)
if B = H then obligatory
simplification.
1
b)
if B = L then B delinks
only in medial positions.
1
Within this approach, the derivation in (28) will be completed as shown in
(36).
1
(36) Derivation in contour tones (28 continued)
1
UR
(Principle II)
Left ta right ass.
WFC
C.simplif. (a)
(a)
centi
centi
1
1
\\/1
H L
HL
1
(b)
akand3
akand3
akand3
akand3
\\1
1\\
\\1
1
1
1
1
H
L H
H
L H
H
L H
H
L H
1
(c)
he he
hehe
he he
1
1
1
1
1\\
L H L
L H L
L H L
1
(d)
campan
campan
campan
\\1\\
\\1
1
1
L H
L H
L H
1
1
1
1

---

1
185
1
1
Recall that in a construction such as val réen 'woman's cousin' where
each noun has a prelinked low tone fol/owed by a floating high in the UR, réen
1
'cousin' shows a level high tone at the surface level. To derive the right results in
that construction, we propose the following process. First, the WFC condition
1
applies to create rising tones on both nouns. Second, following Kenstowicz et al
1
(1988), we propose a spreading rule which spreads the final tone of a preceding
root on to the following syllable. The motivation for such a rule comes from the
1
tonal behavior between the tone of certain noun roots and the tone of the suffixal
syllable. This will be fully discussed and illustrated in the next sections. For now,
1
let us propose the rule that spreads the root final tone as follows.
1
(37) Root final tone spread rule.
T
1
1
\\ \\
1
XJ x
Reet
1
This rule interacts with the other rules as shown below.
1
(38) UR
WFC
Tene spread rule
yal
reen
yal reen
yal reen
1
1\\
1\\
1\\ 11\\
1
1
L H
L H
L H L H
L H L H
1
Note that, at this point, a single tone-bearing unit (in reen) has three tones.
1
Recal/ that the language ddes riot allow such a tonal configuration. If we allow the
contour tone simplification rule (35 Condition a) to apply, we will derive a falling
1
tone in reen, which is ungrammatical. Following Kenstowicz et al (1988), we
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
186
1
1
argue that repair strategies are adopted to solve this triple Iinking of tones to a
single TBU. In Kentowicz et ai's (1988:96) analysis, the low tone, sandwiched
1
between the two associated high tones, is deleted by a rule they propose as
follows.
1
(39)
Low tone deletion
1
1
1
Ordered before the contour simplication rule (35 a), the low deletion rule
gives the expected results in (38). The sample derivation of (34 b) started in (38)
1
is completed as folloWs after the low deletion n.lle.
1
(38) Continued.
1
UR
WFC
Tane spread rule
Law deletian
Cant.simpl
yal
reen yal reen
yal reen
yal reen
yal reen
/\\
/\\
1
1
/\\ //\\
/\\ /\\
1
/ \\
1
L H
L H
L H L H
L H L H
L H
H
L
H
H
\\/
H<
1
OCP=
ln this section, We have established the tonal system of Lama. We have
1
shown that Lama presents free tones as weil as prelinked tones. Free tones are
1
mapped according to thë Association Conventions developed in Goldsmith
(1979). Prelinked tones prèdiet the occurrence of contour ton es. Contour tones in
1
the UR arise as a consequence of the WFC. They are simplified in predictable
environments by language-specifie rules.
1
1
1
l,
l"

---

1
1
187
1
4.2.2. Noun roots and category Î suffixes.
1
ln the classification of the noun c1ass suffixes into tonal categories, we
observed that eight suffixes fall into category 1: that is, a category which, in our
1
classification, shows the same tonal pattern irrespective of the tone of the noun
root. Those suffixes are repeated below.
1
(40) Category 1suffixes.
1
NC2
wala;na
NC4
n
NCS
S3
1
NCS
i
NC9
t3
NC10 m
1
Ali these suHixes show a falling tone. Note that in (39) the suffixes show
1
three different structures: (a) a CV-structure. (b) a V-structure. And (c) a C-
structure.
1
Recall that in our presentation of the suffixes we argued that the nasal
1
suffix -n of NC3 derived from the pronominal fi3 by a schwa syncope followed by
depalatalisation. It follows then that the nasal sonorant [ml is the only suffix of a
1
consonantal structure.
To account for the falling tone on the suffixes grouped in this category, we
1
will 'first consider the suffixes of the CV-structure, and then the suffixes of the V-
structure. Finally We will consider the suffix m in the context of the syllable where
1
it occurs as a NC suffix.
1
The data beloW illUstrate the suffixes of the CV-structure except for the
NC3 suffix left for later discussion.
1
1
1
1.
,
1

---

1
1
188
1
(41)
a.Low + Falling
1
NC2.
1
rlné
mothers
ciné
fathers
karnmnâ
boarders
1
NC6.
s6kas3
white sesames
1
wakasa
verses
c!!I!\\f1~
swallows
NC9.
1
"
beauty
sa1i
tuut
food
1
131t3
birth
b.High + Falling
1
NC2.
y.@13m~
blind people
1
yad3m~
cowives
cas3nâ
grandfathers
1
NC6.
.
,
,.
WUS3
years
W653
rivers
1
h6S"3
pregnancies
NC9.
1
sét3
poison
lét3
~earls
tit"f
oney
1
c.Rising + Falling
1
NC2.
r3ntàm~
deaf people
1
raalnâ
brothers
n3mnâ
grindi ng-stones
1
1
1.
l'

---

1
1
189
1
d.Falling + Falling
NC2.
1
yf!nê
rats
sé!nâ
1
faxes
hehé!nâ
hyenas
1
céntf1nâ
friends
1
ln (41 c & d) the roots can be isolated as suffixless nouns belonging ta
NC1 where they show either a rising tone or a falling tone. We have already
1
discussed this configuration in the preceding section. In (41 a & b) NC2, NC6 and
NC9 show a falling tone suffix preceded by a root-final syllable which shows a
1
low tone. We are already familiar with the data iIIustrating NC2. In the context of
1
the noun roots of NC1, we argued that the suffixes of NC2 have a falling tone in
the UR. An approach which would posit a low tone for the suffixes -S3 and -t3 in
1
the UR would derive correct results for (41 b wus3, sét3 = H H-L) by the root tone
spread rule (37) from the high tone root. This approach will, however, make a
1
wrong prediction for (41 a s6kas3 = H 1: H-L, sart3 =1: H-L) where the root-final
syllable shows a low tone, unless we argue that these roots have an underlying
1
rising tone on the final syllable. But there is no indication that those roots have
1
such a tonal configuration. If for instance s6ka 'white sesame' has a rising tone,
we would expect the high tone ta show up on a low tone syllable that follows. But
1
a test combination of s6ka ra 'friend of white sesame' shows the ward ra with its
low tone, contrary ta r3ntam tâ 'friend of a deaf persan' where the falling tone on
1
râ indicates that dntam has a final rising tone in the UR.
1
1
1
1
l'

---

I
190
1
1
Since ail the CV suffixes in Category 1have the same behavior, it follows
that they have the same tonal configuration in the UR. We propose the following
1
tonal structure for this category of NC suffixes.
1
(42) Tonal structure of Category 1NC suffixes.
6
1
1
H L
1
Note from this representation that this category of suffixes obeys the
stipulations ln Principle Il where @T has been specified in (42) as a High tone. It
1
follows then that the analysis proposed so far to account for this type of tones in
,..
1
NC1 holds. The tonal derivation of the word caléfis3 'swallows' will be as follows.
(43)
UR
Association.
WFC
1
calafi-s3
calafi-s3
calafi-s3
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 \\
1
L H L
H L
L H L
H L
L H L
H L
Turning to the suffix of NC3, we observe the same tonal behavior. That is,
1
the syllable in which the surface suffix -n occurs consistently shows a falling tone.
1
Consider the following.
1
(44)
têen
trees
lêen
loves
1
lüun
windpipes
yüun
river grasses
y°Ltn
crocodiles
1
car:m
polar stars
kpel3n
hawks
lak§n
hunting
k6m3n
kapoktrees
1
hérm3n
forest trees
kpér3n
bridges
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
191
1
ln (44), the final syllable in disyllabic words is preceded by a low tone
1
syllable or a high tone syllable. Following our arguments about the structure of
1
the suffix n in the UR, it appears that the data in (44) show only the surface
results (structurally and tonally) after certain segmental and tone rules have
1
applied. We have shown earlier that [n] is derived by rule from the palatal /fil, the
suffix initial segment of the pronominal fi3 of NC3. Since the syllable occurring
1
with the surface suffix n shows a consistent falling tone, let us assume that the
suffix n3 has the same tonal representation as the other CV suffixes discussed
1
above. Let us further assume that the schwa observed in disyllabic words above
1
is a root final vowel with either a low tone or a high tone. The words car3n 'polar
stars' and k6m3n 'kapok trees' will have the following derivations. First, in the UR,
1
the segmental representation of these words are #can-n3# and #kom3-n3#
respectively. The segmental ru/es of schwa deletion and depalatalisation apply.
1
Resyllabification rules apply whereby the suffixal syllable and the root final
1
syllable coalesce. The initial segment of the suffix which was originally an onsel
to the syllable head schwa becomes now part of the root "final syllable.
1
Second, assuming that the association Iines created by the prelinking
remain hooked to the sonorant of the suffix till syllable coalescence, it follows that
1
the prelinked
tone will be associated with the root final syllable of which the
1
sonorant suffix has now become coda.
Thirdly, the association conventions apply after the segmental rules.
1
These steps are shown below.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
192
1
(45)
1
UR
Schwa deletion Depalat
Syll.coal OCP
Ass.& WFC
1
car3-fl3
car3-fl
car3-n
car3n
car3n
1\\
1
1
1
1
1
L
HL
L
H L
L
H L
L HL
L H L
1
kom3-fl3
kom3-fl
kom3-n
kom3n
kom3n
kom3
\\1\\
1
1
1
1
1
H
H L
H
H L
H
H L
H H L
H L
H L
1
ln (40), the Category 1suffixes also has two suffixes of the V-structure: the
1
suffix ~ of NC2 and the suffix l of NC8. 80th suffixes are illustrated below for
discussion.
1
(46)
1
a.NC2
yal~
women
1
apaal~
men
atuurâ
witches
afalâ-
sons
1
k6t3râ
priests
y3r~ -
persans
b.Nc8
1
yemI
hippos
senI
sangs
1
sarÎ
fro~s
anirt
synnges
kpél[
stools
1
sanI
black-ant hills
ln (46 a & b) each suffix attaches
ta a consonant final noun root. The
1
syllable that precedes the talling tone suffix shows either a low tone or a high
1
tone. As we shall show later on with Category III suffixes, the low tone roots in
(46b) still show that low tone while the suffix R3 of the corresponding singular
1
NC? shows a high tone. In the context of high tone roots, the same suffi x R3
1
1
1
1

---

1
193
1
1
shows a levellow tone in monosyllabic high tone roots and a falling tone in other
environments. This implies that the roots in (46b) do not have a rising tone in the
1
UR. Consequently, the falling tone observed in (46b) must come from the suffix 1.
Some of the roots in (46a), however, have an underlying rising tone. But
1
that underlying rising tone will not have any specifie bearing on the analysis
1
proposed so far. In the discussion of the structural alternation of the suffixes, we
showed that the suffix g is an allomorphic variation of wa. It follows then the tonal
1
structure of wa in the UR is the same for its variant g. As the deletion of Iwl (after
a consonant) has no bearing on the tonal structure of the suffix, the derivation of
1
the tones in (46) is the same as the derivation of the tones in the CV suffixes (cf
43).
1
The last case in the category of the falling tone suffixes concerns NC1 O. In
1
NC10 the segment [ml is the NC suffix. It is the only suffix of C-structure. The
syllable in which it occurs shows a constant falling tone as illustrated in the data
1
below.
1
(47)
lêm
water
1
rêm
sleep
rêm
potassium
fiâm
soot
câls3m
chicken plague
1
hul3n1
irritation, rush
câl3m
blood
nal3m
milk
1
ye~m
rainy season
tel3m
ashes
-..
mos3m
thought
1
ln our investigation, there is no c1ear indication that the suffix m has a
1
vowel in the UR that would delete as in the case of the suffix fi3. NC10 does not
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
194
1
have any corresponding NC which would establish the tonal structure of the root,
1
in order to show whether the suffix m is independently associated with a tone or
not. Note, however, that the syllable to which the suffix m is associated behaves
1
the same way as the suffixes in Category 1. We will therefore argue that the suffix
1
m is prelinked to the high tone in the UR. As in the case of the nasal suffi x .!J. of
NC4 after the segmental rules, the suffix m and its prelinked high tone are parsed
1
with the final syllable of the root in NC10 before the association conventions. It
therefore follows that the final TBU of the root acquires the prelinked tone via
1
suffixation of the C-structure sonorant suffix. This, then, explains why the syllable
in which the suffix m occurs shows a consistent falling tone irrespective of the
1
nature of the tone of the preceding root syllable.
1
ln this section, we have shown that the suffixes in Category 1 have the
same tonal behavior. They ail show a falling tone irrespective of the tone of the
1
root in the UR. To account for this tonal shape in this category of suffixes, we
have argued that Principle Il, which posits a prelinked tone in predictable cases,
1
applies in some suffixless nouns of NC1 as weil as in Category , suffixes. In
1
some cases, segmental rules apply before the association conventions and the
WFC stipulated in Principle J.
1
4.2.3. Noun roots and category Il suffixes.
1
ln the classification of the NC suffixes, we observed two types of Category
1
Il suffixes. The first type shows a three tone pattern of L, H, and HL. The second
type displays a pattern of H, HL, and LH. In this section, we will consider each
1
type of this tonal display.
1
1
1
1

---

1
195
1
4.2.3.1. The low, hlgh; and falllng tone alternatlons.
1
ln this type of Category Il suffixes, we have the NCS suffix ka on the one
1
hand and the NC8 suffixes ya/a on the other hand. Let us consider the tonal
alternation in the suffix ka first.
1
The tonal alternations in the suffix ka can be summarized as follows:
1
First, ka appears with a low tone in words which show a low tone ail
across, or a high tone on the first syllable. The following illustrates this case.
1
(48) Low tone ka
1
a NCS
b NCS
câmpÎnka
Indian millet (name of)
1
p3ceka
stomach
A
sarka
prison
sarkas3
s6ka
white sesame
s6kas3
waka
verse
waka53
1
Note that only S of 22 words in the sample data show the suffix ka with a
1
low tone. Note also that of the five words only three words have a plural form.
1
Furtheremore, ka also appears in the plural form, which suggests that it is part of
the roots in those cases where it appears both in the singular and in the plural
1
forms.
Second, ka appears with a high tone both in the singular and in the plural
1
forms of the nouns. Consider the following.
1
(49) High tone ka.
a NCS
b NCS
1
anléka
fiber shrubs
kânténka
type of eggplant
1
atél3nka
stick
atél3nkas3
1
1
1
,
1

---

1
196
1
'V
1\\
k6r3nka
basket
k6r3nkas3
1
awuké
monkey
awukésa
tuka-
bucket
tukas3-
1
Thirdly, ka appears with a high tone in low tone roots and with a falling
tone in high tone roots. It a\\so shows a high tone in words that show a high tone
1
ail across. This alternation is illustrated below.
1
(50) High tone and Falling tone ka
NC5
NCG
1
a High tone
A
1
raaka
fire wood
raas3 "
fi3ntaka
palm
fi3ntas3
apapaké
cheer
apap"a~
afaka
quiver
afas3
1
ànleka
castanets
ànlés3
amkpaka
cast Iron
àmkpas3
cèmkpanka shea pod
cèmkpas3
1
b Falling tone
katékâ
head tie
katés3
1
aC3kâ
swamp
aC3s3
àtakê
plain mouse
atasa
arakâ
trunk
arasa
1
Note that in (50 a & b) ka appears only in the singular form that is in NC5
1
whereas in (48) and (49) it àppears in both noun classes. Let us assume that in
(48) and (49) ka ls ln fact part of the noun roots; in this case it is not a NC suffix
1
per se since it is present in the plural form where suffixes marking the singular
1
c1ass are hot allowed. Withih this assumption the tonal display in the data in (48)
and (49) will be explained by the association conventions. It follows from the
1
association conventions t~at the words (câmpinka and p3ceka) that show a low
tone ail across have one low tone in the UR which links to the left tone-bearing
1
unit and spreads to the other TBU's, ~ included), by the WFC. The same
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
197
1
interpretation will hold for the word k6r3nka 'basket' which shows a high tone ail
1
across in (49). In (49), however, note that the word awukâ 'monkey' presents a
problem to the lett to right association. We would expect the syllable wu in this
1
word to have a high tone; but note that it has a low tone instead. We have shown
earlier that ~ is used as a nominalizing prefix in the language. If the prefix .Q has
1
its own low tone and the root wuka has a low high configuration then the word
1
awukâ presents no problem for the association conventions adopted in this
analysis. We can derive the right form in this word if we assume that the
1
association conventions take place at the level of each morpheme. In this view,
the root morpheme wuka comes with its low and high tones hooked to the
1
appropriate TBU's. The prefixation rule applies to adjoin the low tone prefix .Q to
1
the root. At this juncture two low tones (the one of.Q and the other of wu) become
adjacent. This triggers the OCP which collapses the two low tones into a single
1
low tone doubly linked.
The morphological behavior of ka leads us to consider that there are two
1
kinds of ka. One ka which is part of the root and which has been morphologically
1
reanalyzed as a NCS marker. Another ka which is a real NCS marker whose tonal
behavior can be predicted. This type of ka is the one illustrated in (SO a & b).
1
Note that in (SO a) ka appears with a high tone preceded by a low tone (except
for râakâ 'wood' and 1l3ntâka 'palm' which show a high tone ail across). Note
1
also that in (SOb) the falling tone of ka is preceded by a high tone in ail cases.
Furthermore, ka does not appear in the corresponding plural NC. The tonal
1
alternation in ka from (SOa) to (SOb) suggests the following analysis. The NCS
1
suffix ka has an underlying high tone and certain rules operate to alter that tone
in some contexts as observed in (SOb). Following Kenstowicz et al (1988), let us
1
1
1
1

---

1
198
1
1
assume that Lama has 'traces of tone polarity'. The main idea in Kenstowicz et al
is that in Moore, another Gur language, ail the suffixes have a high tone in the
1
UR. When the root has a low tone the suffix keeps its high tone. But when the
root has a high tone, the high tone of the suffix becomes low (as by Meeussen's
1
rule). In their investigation, Kenstowicz et al show that the same phenomenon
1
exists in Lama but on a more restricted scale. In this dissertation, we will adopt
the approach which involves Meeussen's ru/e. If we argue that the suffix ka
1
belongs to the group of suffixes which undergo Meeussen's rule in Lama, the
data in (50 a & b) become straightforward. We can argue that in (50a) where the
1
root final syllable has a low tone, the high tone in the suffix ka remains unaltered.
The derivation in (50b) will arise in two steps. First, Meeussen's rule applies,
1
followed by the high tone spread rule motivated earlier. Meeussen's nJle is of the
1
following stucture.
1
(51) Meeussen's rule
H - - - > L
/
H - -
1
1
The word katékâ 'head-tie' will have the following derivation.
(52)
1
Ass.Conv. Meeussen's rule
H-spread
Phon.realisation.
1
kate-ka
kate-ka
kateka
katékâ
1 1
1
1
1
1 1/1
L H
H
L H
L
L H L
1
ln (50 a) three words (raaka 'firewood' n3ntaka 'palm' and apQraka
1
'cheer') show a high tone on the syllable that precedes the suffix ka. Since those
1
1
1.
1

---

1
199
1
1
syllables have a high tone we would expect the suffix ka to show a falling tone at
the surface levaI. But note that ka still shows a high tone. How do we account for
1
this unexpected tonal display? Three interpretations of the data might explain
why ka keeps its high tone.
1
First, it is possible that those raots have a final low tone which blocks
1
Meeussen's rule. In this view, the word f\\.3ntaka 'palm', for instance, could have
the following derivation within the analysis praposed so far.
1
(53)
1
UR
Ass.
WFC
Cont.simpl. (b)
1
n3nta-ka
f\\.3nta-ka
f\\.3nta-ka
n3ntaka
1
1
1
\\ / \\
1
\\
/
1
HL H
HL H
H L H
H
LH
1
Note that the derivation in (53) predicts a wrong rising tone on ka
assuming that after the contour simplification, the low tone of the raot
1
reassociates to the following TBU. It also predicts a wrong downstepped high
tone on ka, assuming that the low tone of the raot does neither delete nor
1
reassociate. Only the low tone deletion rule can be invoked to derive the correct
1
result. But recall that the structural description of that rule is met in (53). Unless
we resort to a different low tone deletion rule, the high tone of ka cannot be
1
accounted for. The motivation for such an independent rule is not obvious.
The second possibility which attempts to explain why the high tone of ka
1
remains in high tone words, is what Kenstowicz et al (1988) have called the
1
toneless-raot approach. They have suggested that in Lama. there are sorne noun
raots which do not have a tone in the UR. These nouns. they argue, acquire their
1
tone fram the Ne suffix. In the present case. since the raots under discussion
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
200
1
cannat stand by themselves without the NC suffixes, let us suppose that they are
1
toneless. The high toné of the suffix ka will spread back ta the toneless TBU's of
the root by the WFC under the under the present analysis. This will explain why
1
raaka 'firewood' for instance shows a high tone ail across. But the derivation of
the ward apaEasa 'cheers' presents problems for the toneless root approach.
1
Consider this representation.
1
(54)
1
UR
a-papa-sa
1
L
H L
1
We would expect this ward ta show a low tone on the first three syllables
1
by the association conventions and the WFC. That is, the free low of the prefix a
is expected ta spread ta the toneless root by the WFC since it precedes the
1
prelinked high tone Lmder Principle Il in this analysis. But note that this approach
1
will neéd éi stipulation ta spread the prelinked H tone instead of the free low tone.
This seems quite unnatural.
1
Thé third possibility is ta daim that these three words are just an exception
ta Meeussenis rule. Several cases in the tonal alternation of the other suffixes
1
tend ta support thls clàini. Consider for instance the alternation in the suffix ya/a
1
ta which we now turn.
The suffixes which show a similar tonal alternation as the suffix ka are the
1
suffixes ya / a of NCS .
ln our sample data of 231 words for Ncs, ~ occurs in 29 words. Of the
1
29 words, ~ occurs with éi low fane in three words, and with a high tone in ail of
1
1
1
,f
l'

---

1
201
1
1
the remaining words. Where ~ shows a low tone, we observe that the word
shows a low tone ail across. This is shown below.
1
(55) Low tone ya
1
alali~
ghosts
aca~
assagai
aCOya
adopted ones
1
However, when ~ shows a high tone, the root-final syllable shows either
1
a low tone or a high tone. Consider the following.
1
(56). High tone ya.
a.
1
shame
type of shrine
mad people
1
cars
end of year
field mice
1
1
warthogs
dances
wrestlings
roofs (of veranda)
1
noses
chests
medicines
1
scabs
swimming pools
red fish
maidens
1
transvestites
1
We will leave the data in (55) for later discussion. Within the approach
taken so far to account for the tonal alternation in the suffix ka, the data in (56a)
1
are straightforward. That is, if we posit a low tone for the root morpheme and a
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
202
1
1
high tone for the suffix ~, Meeussen's rule cannat apply. We will have a
sequence of a low tone on the root-final syllable followed by a high tone on the
1
suffix.
1
(57)
1
UR
Association.
WFC
kponse-ya
kponse-ya
konseya
1
1
1
\\
/
1
L
H
L
H
L
H
ln (57), the association conventions apply at the level of each morpheme;
1
since the root morpheme has two tone-bearing units and one tone, it follows from
the WFC that the two TBU's will associate ta the same tone. This will account for
1
the surface representation of the tones in the data under discussion.
1
Within the tone polarity approach, the data in (56b e.g wa~) show that
Meeussen's rule fails ta apply if we assume that the root-final syllable has a high
1
tone in the UR. If the root-final syllable has a high tone in the UR, we would
expect ~ ta show either a level low tone or a falling tone. A level low tone on
1
ya could be explained by a failure of the high spread rule from the root-final
1
syllable ta the suffix. À falling tone ~ would imply that Meeussen's rule has
applied, followed by the high tone spread rule one syllable ta the right; that is,
1
from the root-final syllable ta the low tone (by Meeussen's rule) suffix ya. But,
note that in (56b) (and in ail the sample data for ya) ~ shows neither a levellow
1
tone nor a falling tone. This remihds us of the case where the high tone suffix ka
1
fails ta undergo Meeussenis rule. The tonal behavior of the roots above with
respect ta the corresponding singular suffix R3 (discussed in the next section)
1
suggests that ya simply fails ta undergo Meeussen's rule.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
203
1
1
Further evidence in support of the daim that the high tone of the suffix ya
fails to undergo Meeussen's rule, comes from the tonal behavior of the suffix ~.
1
Recall that the suffix a has two origins. The ~ which derives from ya by the glide
dissimilation rule discussed earlier shows a high tone in high tone roots, whereas
1
the a which is not derived from ~ undergoes Meeussen's rule.
1
Consider the following data illustrating the derived ~ in (58a) as opposed
to the non derived a in (58b & c).
1
(58)
1
a. High High
mala
chewing-sticks
1
kp3ra
fan-palm nuts
rawa
graveyards
télé
baobab fruit
téna
whips (swat)
1
kaama
pampklns
fi3ma
arrows
fi3nténa
head-skins
1
b. Final Fail
1
temlâ
belts
akumlâ
fists
t3kpasâ
whips
1
c. High ... Final Fall
wasâ
vipers
1
kpalâ
bells
kankâ
snakes
tûkâ
shrubs
k6tâ
ceremonies
1
kûniâ
debts
acaalâ
trappings
aS3s3mâ
cockràaches
1
acamâ
piles
ah6râ
mud
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
204
1
1
As shown in the section on segmental alternation in suffixes, the initial
segment [y] of the suffix ~ deletes either after a schwa or after a (sonorant)
1
consonant. Arguing that this rule applies to the underlying representation of the
data in (58a e.g mal-ya), the following interpretation will explain the tonal
1
alternation in the allomorphic suffix ~ at the surface level in (58). As in the
1
previous data where the suffix ~ resists the high tone lowering rule, (58a) shows
the same tonal behavior after the glide [y] deletes.
1
Contrary to (58a), (58b & c) show the following tonal behavior for the non
derived a in NC8. First, the high tone of the suffix ~ becomes low after the root
1
final high tone. This implies that the roots (58b) have a prelinked low tone
1
followed by afloating high in the UR. Second, the high spread rule from the root
to the (now) low tone suffix ~ applies to derive the falling tone. This will account
1
for the tonal alternation in (58).
Parallel to the low tone ya in (55), we observe a low tone a in the context
1
of some noun roots. This is illustrated below.
1
(59)
1
a
alaliya
ghosts
1
acaya
assagai
acoya
adopted ones
1
b
akp3ra
ducks
kpara
whips
1
akpama
spears
maara
bad omen
yila
thighs
1
kpamila
rings
ameela
(brown) sorghums
awusa
big hoes
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
205
1
kolma
divinities
akama
brides
atoma
impotent men
1
ln (59a & b) bath ~ and a show a low tone. Arguing that the suffix ~ in
(59b) is the one that derives from ~, it follows that (59a) and (59b) are subject ta
1
the same phenomenon which affects the high tone of the suffix ya.
1
Let us assume that the rule (introduced in 37) which extends the final tone
of the root one syllable ta the right applies in (59). Recall that rule (37) has been
1
specified elsewhere as a High tone spread rule which applies after Meeussen's
rule ta create a falling tone on the suffix (cf 58c = kpal-é =>kpal-a =>kpalâ ). In
1
(59) where the root final tone appears ta be a low tone, it follows that the
1
extention rule will be specified here as a special low tone spread rule. Further
evidence will be given in support of the low tone spread rule which we propose
1
as follows.
1
(60) Root Law extension
1
L
Scope of application:
only in
sorne restricted cases
1
\\ \\
1
vJ v
Root
1
When rule (60) applies ta the UR of the data in (59 e.g # aco-ya#), it
follows that a rising tone will be created on the ward final syllable. That is the
1
TBU of the syllable ~ in the ward acoya will have two tones: the low tone from
the root by rule (60) in addition ta its own high tone. The contour simplification
1
rule then applies ta delink the high part as already observed in cases involving
1
rising tones. This will explain the surface low tone on ya and a in (59a & b).
Recall, however, that when the high tone is delinked by the contour simplification
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
206
1
rule it does not delete since it can
affect the low tone of a potential following
1
syllable. That syllable will be realized with a falling tone. But a sample test
involving the data in (59a & b) shows no trace of the high tone when a low tone
1
syllable follows (acoya ra 'friend of adopted ones' and atoma ra 'friend of
impotent men' versus yal
râ 'friend of woman'). The question then is: What
1
happened to the high tone of the suffix ~? At this juncture we have no c1ear
1
answer to this question due to the Iimited set of data under discussion. We will
come back to this phenomenon when we examine the tonal behavior of the suffix
1
R3 of the corresponding NC? The suffix R3 belongs to Category III suffixes
which we consider after the interpretation of the tonal alternation in the second
1
type of Category " suffixes.
1
4.2.3.2. The flgh, falllng, and rlslng alternatlon.
1
This alternation concerns the diminutive noun c1ass suffix pel e in NC5. In
1
the discussion of this suffix, we showed that /p/ was obligatorily de/eted in sorne
cases, while in other cases it was optionally deleted. We also noted that in
1
optional cases, when /p/ does not delete it is the root final consonant which
deletes (sa~salê 'young néré tree'). In relation to the tone, we observe the
1
following facts: (1) ~ shows a high tone in high tone roots, and a rising tone in
1
low tone roots. (2) the derived allomorph e shows a falling tone in high tone
roots. In our sampie data there are no examples of low tone roots to which ~
1
attaches. The differeht tonal alternations are illustrated below.
1
1
1
l,
,
1

---

1
207
1
(61 )
1
a.High tone ~
1
young néré tree
young kapok tree
young shea tree
1
b.Risng tone ~
at..aE!
youth (teenager)
1
wampè
kid
câm2!
chick
cak~mpè
twig of straw
1
an~mpè
orphan
nàmpè
provocation
c Falling tone -e
1
k6mê
young kapok tree
télê -
young baobab tree
1
sémê
young shea tree
yalê-
Iittle woman
apaalê
little man
ayadê
young prostitute
1
waalê
young husband
milê-
young thief
1
If the suffix ~ had a low tone in the UR, we would expect a falling tone in
(61 a) by the high tone spread rule from the root to the suffix as in the case of ka
1
in NCS or a in NCS. The data in (61 a) reminds us of the tonal behavior of the
1
suffix ya, If we posit an underlying high tone for the suffix pe. With a high tone in
the UR for the suffix ~, (61 a) then shows that Meeussen's does not apply as in
1
the case of the suffix ~. Contrary to the derived suffix a which shows the same
tonal behavior as ~; (61c) shows that the high tone of the allomorph ~, which
1
derives from the suffix ~ When Ipl deletes, undergoes Meeussen's rule, followed
1
by the high spread rule frohi the root final syllable. This explains the falling tone
on the suffix in (61 c). Why Meeussen's rule is sensitive to the non-deletion of the
1
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
1
208
1
segment Ipl in (61 a & b) remains an area of further investigation. At this point, we
1
have no explantion for this phenomenon.
ln (61 b), the suffix ~ appears with a low tone at the surface level. But
1
whenever a low tone syllable follows any of the words in (61 b), that syllable
shows a falling tone (an3mpe râ 'friend of an orphan'). Recall that ra 'friend' is a
1
low tone ward (ra ra 'friend of a friend'). The falling tone on the ward friend in the
1
context of the ward final syllable ~ implies that the high tone of the suffix pe has
been affected by a tonal rule in the context of the roots in (61b). Note that the
1
root final syllable in the data under discussion shows a low tone. If we argue that
the low tone of some roots spreads ta the suffix, then the data in (61 b) are
1
straightforward. The tonal behavior of the data in (61 b) supports the low tone
spread rule proposed earlier in (60).
1
The low tone of the root spreads ta the high tone suffix ~ and creates a
1
rising tone. This triggers the contour simplification rule which delinks the high part
of the rising tone. This explains the surface low tone on the suffixal syllables in
1
(61 b). The high tone effect on a potential low tone syllable that can follow any of
the words in (61 b) is explained by the underlying high tone of the suffix pe.
1
ln this section, we have shawn that: (1) Ali the suffixes in Category Il have
1
a level high tone in the UR. (2) Some of the suffixes in this Category undergo
Meeussen's rule and some do not. The suffixes ka (NC5) and a (NCS) undergo
1
Meeussen's rule. Meeussen's rule is followed by the high spread rule from the
root ta the suffix which is then realized with a falling tone. Meeussen's rule seems
1
ta be sensitive ta the segmental structure of the suffix pe. It is only triggered
1
when the segment Ipl deletes; in that case the high spread rule applies as in the
other cases. (3) The suffixes ya (NCS) and pe (NC5) fail ta undergo Meeussen's
1
1
1
1

---

1
209
1
1
rule. While the deletion of Ipl triggers that rule, the deletion of Iyl does not. (4)
There is a low tone spread rule which applies in sorne roots involving the suffix
1
pe. (S) ln the context of sorne low tone roots, the high tone of the suffix ya
seems ta disappear. We consider this phenomenon in relation ta Category III
1
suffixes.
1
4.2.4. Noun roots and category III suffixes.
1
The suffixes of Category III are R3, u, and 52 of NC?, NC3, and NCS
1
respectively. What is common ta these suffixes is that they show the same tonal
alternation of High, Law, Fall, and Rising tones depending on the tone of the root
1
ta which they attach. We will first consider the interaction between the tone of the
root and the tone of the suffix, and we will then discuss exceptional cases.
1
1
4.2.4.1. High tone reallsatlori ln the suffixes.
The Category III suffixes show a high tone when the noun root has a low
1
tone. A c1ear case involving a low tone on the root and a high tone on the suffix is
1
exemplified by the suffix R3.
1
(62)
Law High
wad3
gait
woda
breach
1
red?
spinach
raadJ
whip
.
kpedi
mush without stew
1
kod3
stickiness
sada'
frog
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
210
1
1
Recall that the suffix R~ has two allomorphs: (1) Q;l, when the root final
segment is a sonorant. The initial segment of the suffix hardens to the retroflex
1
stop [dl as observed in (62); (2) r, when the root final segment is a vowel. This
case will be discussed in due course.
1
Let us assume that the suffixes in Category III have a high tone in the UR.
1
The data iIIustrating the allomorph Q;l in (62) show the familiar situation where the
suffix keeps its high tone when the root has a low tone. This implies that the low
1
tone extension rule does not apply to the UR of the data in (62). Note that if that
rule were to apply, the suffix above would have a rising tone instead of a level
1
high tone.
1
ln some cases segmental rules interact with tone rules. Consider the tonal
realisation of three suffixes in Category III illustrated below.
1
(63)
1
a
sèer
field mouse
fèer
shame
1
nùur
end of year (Ieisure time)
asasèer
maggot
1
b
sadù
pestle
1
hus~
lung
kônaù
sickle
kpadù
walking stick
matù-
eggplant
1
cart}
polar star
kperù
ladder
kpelù
hawk
1
wutaTakù
owl
c
1
cato
sift
acÔ
fly
1
1
1
l'

---

1
1
211
kpatè
pride
1
hônaè
moon
wônl<è
donkey
t3fiè -
evil
1
haKô
tilling
w3t6
language
sdnô
handle, tail
sdlÔ
lid
1
ln (63), the final syllable of these words includes the appropriate
1
(underlined) suffix of the noun c1ass. That final syllable has a phonetic low tone.
1
But it has in fact a rising tone as indicated in our transcription above. Any low
tone syllable following any of the words in (63) will show a falling tone ( ra ra
1
'friend of friend' versus seer râ 'friend of mouse', kpelu râ 'friend of hawk', and
hondo râ 'friend of moon').
1
ln (63a), the schwa has deleted and the initial segment of the suffix R~ has
been incorporated to the preceding syllable which is root final. The high tone of
1
the suffix is also associated to that root syllable. Since the root final syllable has a
1
low tone, a low-high combination is created on the same syllable. As a result, a
rising tone occurs. The contour simplification applies to delink the high part,
1
which remains floating.
ln the previous section, we argued that the WFC is ordered after
1
segmental rules. In this view, we would expect a level high tone on the final
1
syllable of the Word àSdseer 'maggot' through the derivations below by the
morpheme level (M. L) association.
1
(64)
1
UR
M.L.Assac
Schwa deI.
Syll.caaIesc.
WFC
1
aSdse-rd
aSdse-rd
aSdsee-r
aSdseer
aSdseer
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
\\ /
L H
L
H
L
H
L
H
L
H
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
1
212
1
After the deletion of the vowel schwa, the high tone remains hooked to the
1
syllable whose component is now just the sonorant Ir/. As in the case of the other
sonorant suffixes discussed in the previous section, the now mutilated syllable
1
must coalesce with the mot final syllable. By coalescence, the mot final syllable
1
acquires the high tone of the suffix.
Note that if the WFC had applied before the segmental rules, the mot final
1
syllable would have had at first a low tone; when segmental rules apply, including
syllable coalescence, the rising tone would automatically occur on that mot final
1
syllable as expected. The contour simplification would complete the derivation.
This appraoch is straightforward for the present case but predicts undesirable
1
results for the data in the previous sections where the ordering of the WFC is
1
necessary. If we argue that this word (and subsequents words in the data in (63))
belongs to the category of noun mots where the low tone of the mot extends to
1
the suffix, it will follow that the ordering of the WFC holds. After the derivation in
(64), the low tone extension rule applies, followed by the contour simplification to
1
give the expected results.
1
The same interpretation accounts for the data in (63b & c) where the mot
final syllable shows a surface low tone on the suffixes u and Q.
1
4.2.4.2. Low tone reallsatlon ln the suffixes.
1
ln the context of mot final high tone syllables, the suffixes in Category 111
1
are realised with a low tone. The data below illustrate the three suffixes in the
mot final syllable which shows a falling tone.
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
213
1
(65)
1
a
1
sâar
Friday
atôor
shallow hole
Iûur-
wrestling
1
wâar
dance
cemaar
piece of pottery
kp3kpâar
nut
kpatêeE.-
bang le
1
br
b
1
tô
yard
la
funeral
nô
dog
amô
lizard
1
raso
cooking pot
c
c'
1
kanü
kan3n
measuring container
1 ' -
p3tÜ
p3t3n
a guy
1
aS3mü
aS3m~
acquaintance
The data in (65) show that Meeussen's rule has applied. The high tone of
1
the suffix has become low after the high tone of the root. The falling in (65) is
1
created by phonological rules which affect the structure of the root final segment
and the suffix initial (or final) segment.
1
ln (65a e.g. #lu-r3# => Iûur 'wrestling') the loss of the suffix final schwa
has led to syllable coalescence where the low tone (by Meeussen's rule) of the
1
suffix is parsed with the high tone of the root final syllable.
1
ln (65), (b') shoWs the root with its underlying final vowel before the plural
suffix 53, while (b) shows only the root consonant and the suffix o. Recall that
1
there is a voWel truncation rule which deletes the root final vowel when a suffixal
vowel is attached. This situation is exemplified by the derivation in (65b e.g #ta-
1
6# => ta-o => tô). Note in (65b' e.g ta-s3) that the root final vowel shows a high
1
1
1
1

---

1
214
1
1
tone. The high tone of the root and the low tone of the suffix are merged into a
falling tone in (65b) after the vowel truncation rule.
1
This interpretation of the data applies also to (65c) where segmental rules
1
and tone rules interact as shown in the derivation of the word as3mÜ
'acquaintance'.
1
(66)
1
UR
K-deletion.
M's rule.Ass. WFC
H-spread Cont.simpl
as3m ku
as3m u
as3m u
as3mu as3mu as3mu
aS3mu
1
1
1
1
\\
1
\\/1
1 \\/1/1
\\
11\\
LH
H
LH H
LH L
LHL
LH L
LH L
LH L
1
The falling tons in (66) has therefore two sources: one through the merger
of the root final high tone and the low tone (by Meeussen'rule) of the suffix. This
1
occurs as consequence of the segmental rules. The second source of the falling
tone is when the high tone of the root spreads to the suffix after Meeussen'rule.
1
Further evidence for the high tone spread rule is given in the data below.
1
(67) High Fall
a
1
1\\
téd3
baobab fruit
kp3d3
fan-palm nut
1
keédJ A
bell
sampâ.rda
ground pea
acand3
pile of weeds
m3mad3
charcoal
1
b
1
wurÔ
chief
kakô
pain
léko
side
1
m3sô
stove
lésQ-
soul
y6rQ
name of Indian millet
1
1
1
l'

---

1
215
1
acahûlô
golden dove
1
calJnkO
chameleon
c
1
k6mû
kapok tree
sému
shea tree
télû-
baobab
1
kpas!l
cough
tékû
blouse
hérmû
forest tree (name of )
1
t~P!l -
forest tree (name of )
t3mû
gourd plant
alâlW
wild lizard
1
kp3kpal!l
mat
awutO
chicken lice
1
ln (67a) the sonorant hardening rule has blocked the schwa deletion.
Consequently, the syllable coalescence does not occur since the syllable nucleus
1
has escaped the deletion rule. The falling tone observed on this suffixal syllable
is a clear indication that Meeussen'rule has applied. As a result, the high tone of
1
the suffix becomes low. The high tone spread rule applies from the root to the
1
suffix where a falling tone is created at the surface levaI. The same process
applies to (67 b & c) where phonological rules and tonal rules interact to give the
1
expected rults. These data are consistent with the analysis taken so far.
1
(68)
UR
M.level ass.
K-deletion V-del.M's
WFC
H-spread
1
kaka-o
kaka-o
kako
kako
kako
1
1
1
1
1 1
\\/1
H
H
H
H
H H
H L
H L
1
a-Iak3-ku a-Iak3-ku a-Iak3-u
alaku alaku
alaku
1
1
1
1
1
1
111111-
1 \\/1
1
L H
H L
H
H L
H
H
L H H L H L
L H L
So far we have shown that the suffixes of Category Il and Category III
1
have a high tone in the UR. In most cases Meeussen's rule applies and that high
1
1
1
l'

---

1
216
1
1
tone becomes 10W. The high tone of the root spreads to create a falling tone on
the suffix. In some low tone noun roots, there is a special rule of low tone
1
extension from the root to the high tone suffix. The low tone extension rule
creates a rising tone which is not allowed at the surface level. The contour
1
simplification applies then to delink the high part and the word final syllable is
1
realized with a low tone. This low tone differs from the level low tone by the
effects of the floating high tone on a following low tone syllable.
1
There is, however, a large body of data where (1) Meeussen's rule fails to
apply, and (2) the high tone of the suffix is lost in the context of low tone roots. In
1
the final section of this chapter on tonal alternation in roots and suffixes we
discuss these problems.
1
1
4.2.5. Exceptions ln tonal alternatlons.
1
Let us first consider cases where Meeussen's rule fails to apply. In
Category Il suffixes, we observed that the suffixes ~ and ~ and (three cases
1
with ka) systematically keep their high tone when the root has a high tone. The
same phenomenon is observed in Category III suffixes. The following illustrate
1
this category.
1
(69)
High High
1
,*
acad3,/*
parrot
acalî
rakuda
stump
rakuTl
1
sand3"
black ant
sanî -
kpéd3"
stool
kpéll
mfir-
nose
mryf
ffir-
scab
1
H~
fàar
store
fa~
namiir
red fish
nami'y!
1
1
1,
l'

---

1
1
217
1
kea1p3r
bottle
kpalp!
nllr
finger
ni
yapaaE.
road
yap~
1
w6ku
stupid person
kpéfû.
bridge
1
saaru
sword
calu-
name of a tree
haaru
leaf
Wé~HU
placenta
1
hyalu-
stomach
Y31~-
horn
1
wun6
hear
wurô
il!
fir6-
small gourd
kpac6
scorgion
1
saar6
com
k616-
worm
kp'as6
mat
1
kônk6
CUp
yawiJ
priee
fés6-
denial
1
ln relation to the suffix ka, we showed that the toneless root approach
1
taken in Kenstowicz et al (1988) poses problems for the principles posited in the
present analysis. The words (acad3 parrot, rakuda stump) marked by an asterisk
1
above present the same problem for the association convention and the WFC as
the word aP2Fasa 'cheers' where the root acquires the high tone from the suffix
1
instead of the low tone from the prefix. Note that the ward rakuda 'stump' shows
1
a clear 10W tone and high tone configuration on the root rakul. Similar cases
involve the alternation in k6mûlk6mpé/k6mê 'kapok tree/young kapok tree'.
1
It seems appropriate to conclude that if there are toneless roots, there are
also cases where tone polarity fails. That is (1) there are high tone roots which
1
are incompatible with high tone suffixes. In such cases, Meeussen's rule applies
1
to lower the high tone of the suffix. (2) Likewise, there are high tone roots which
are compatible with the high tone of the suffix and Meeussen's rule does not
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
218
1
1
apply. In this view, by the same interpretation, we can account for the low-Iow
realisation when the tones of the root and the suffix interact. That is: (a) there are
1
low tone roots that are compatible with the high tone of the suffix. Here the high
tone of the suffix surfaces when the low tone extension rule does not apply; a
1
rising tone is created when that rule applies and consequently the suffix surfaces
1
with a low tone after the application of the contour simplification rule. (b) There
are a/so low tone roots which are incompatible with the high tone of the suffix. It
1
is this category of roots which present a problem. Recall that in the discussion of
the suffix ~ a set of words showed no indication of the high tone of the suffix.
1
Below, we repeat the data with further illustration.
1
(70)
1
a
alaliir
alali~
ghost
1
aCOOr
aco~
adopted person
acad3
aca~
assagai
atand3
atama
castrated rooster
1
maad3
maara
bad omen
teed3
teela-
window
akp3d3
akp3ra
duck
1
akpada
akpar~
nest
aWUS3r
aWUSa
big hoe
wânk3r
wanka
wall
atom3r
atoma
impotent man
1
lukur -
luka -
weil
b
1
,..
akukolu
akukolan
skin disease
cek3tu-
cek3t3n-
shorts
aC3ccifu
aC3cal"Jn
room divider (wall)
1
ak3kaau
ak3kâan
tilling/hunting preserve
teku
tek3n -
drinking gourd
aselu
asel!n
grudge
1
aranTu
arânt~n
girl/boy friend
waaru
waar3n
variety of Indian millet
akonau
akond3n
weedmg period
1
c
1
l,
,
1

---

1
1
219
1
10
aso
aSes3
rabbit
amo
amas3'
second sight (ESP)
anüko
anakasâ
cold
1
cilo -
cilasd
cobra
kpffilko
kpâriKàs3
slave
raamo
raamaS3
open land
1
cako-
cakaS3
termite basket
calo
calaS)
palaver-tree
awarko
awa?Kas3
sin
1
acaro
acaraS3
trade
atro
atras)
baobableaves
apiSQ
apisas 3
capability
1
ln (70a) the data show the suffixes R3 and ya/a of NC7 and NCS with a
level low tone for the suffixes of bath noun classes. Note that (70a) involves the
1
same noun raots where there is no indication of the high tone of the NC suffix. In
(70b & c) the suffixes U and 0 show also a levellow tone while the suffixes of the
1
corresponding noun classes show the falling tone which we discussed in
Category 1 suffixes. Sa far ail the suffixes of Category Il and III have shawn a
1
consistent high tone which in some cases is affected by the low tone extension
1
rule fram the raot. In such cases the high of the suHix becomes f10ating by the
contour simplification rule. We have used the test for the high tone effect ta
1
support our c1aim that when it is delinked by the simplification rule, the high tone
(of the suffix) remains floating at the phrase final position. But when the same
1
test is used with the data showing low tone suffixes in (70), there is no trace of
1
the high tone. A low tone syllable that follows any of the suffixes under discussion
will show a low tone instead of the expected falling tone. For instance aso ra
1
•
'rabbit's friend' is grammatical whereas -asa râ is not. Compare ta yu râ
•
'cracodile's friend' and -yu ra, where the grammatical form shows the expected
1
falling tone fram the suffix in the preceding ward.
1
If we agree that, Iike some high tone raots, there are low tone raots which
are incompatible with the high tone of the suffix, we can therefore argue that such
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
220
1
roots trigger a high tone lowering process. That is, the low tone in those roots
1
causes the high tone of the suffix to become low. This can be viewed as a
restricted process of high tone assimilation. This process can then explain the
1
fate of the high tone in the data above by the lowering rule proposed below.
1
(71) Final high tone lowering.
1
H
> L /
L - - - - -
1
Like the low tone extension rule, the high tone lowering nJle must be
learned and applied in the appropriate context. While the lowering nJle accounts
1
for the data in (70a & b), in a straightforward way, it, however seems to be
related to certain factors in (70c). Note that the root 'final syllable in the
1
'"
corresponding NCS (cl lésa 'cobras') shows a high tone in ail cases except for the
~
A
1
first two words (as~s3 'rabbits', am~s3 'ESP'). Recall that in NCS the vowel
deletion rule applies to delete the root final vowel before the suffixal vowel (#cllé-
1
6# => clio). Recall also that in cases where the root final tone is high and
Meeussen's rule applied in the suffix, the word final syllable would show a falling
1
tone (#lé-6# => lé-o => 10 'funeral'). In (70c e.g #c1lé-6# => clio), we would
1
expect a falling tone on the final syllable for the words that show a root final high
tone in the plural
"
(c1lé-§.2 'cobras'). But note that in the singular form, the suffix Q
1
is realized with a levellow tone. To account for this tonal shape by the final high
tone lowering rule, we argue that Meeusseen's not does apply. This is supported
1
by the situation where the high tone of the suffix remains after the high tone of
the root. If Meeussen's nJle does not apply in the words under discussion, it will
1
follow that the high tone of the root final syllable and the high tone of the suffix
1
1
1.
,
1

---

1
1
221
1
will be collapsed into one tone by the OCP. Since the root final vowel undergoes
1
the vowel deletion rule when the suffixal vowel is attached (#c1lé-6# => c116 =>
clio), the high tone Iinked to the suffi x becomes accessible to the lowering rule
1
'"
which applies. In the corresponding c1ass (cllé-~, the truncation rule cannot
apply. The root final high tone and the prelinked high tone of Category 1suffix are
1
also merged by the OCP as already shown in the section on that category of
1
suffixes with high tone roots.
If this interpretation is accepted then the data in (70) are accounted for.
1
4.3. Conclusion.
1
This chapter has focussed on the following main points.
1
First, noun morphology involves a noun class system whereby roots and
NC suffixes are combined. There are 10 NC in Lama. NC1 is the only noun c1ass
1
which does not have a c1ass suffix. Some noun c1ass suffixes reflect the pronoun
1
of that NC.
Second, a preliminary classification of the noun c1ass suffixes has shawn
1
that there are three categories of suffixes according ta their tonal display at the
surface level in the context of the noun roots.
1
Thirdly, the analysis has shawn that instead of three categories of tonal
1
suffixes there are only two.
The first category has a prelinked high tone followed by a floating low
1
tone. This category of suffixes shows a consistant falling tone irrespective of the
tonal shape of the root.
1
The second category of suffixes has a free level high tone which interacts
with the low tone or the high tone of the noun root.
1
1
l,
~I

---

1
1
223
1
CHAPTER S. TONE INVENTORY IN VERB MORPHOLOGY.
1
S.O. Introduction. Background to verb morphology.
1
ln the preceding chapter we showed that in Lama noun morphology is
1
based on noun raots and noun c1ass suffixes. In NC1 noun raots occur without
any suffix whereas in the other noun classes the presence of the c1ass suffix is
1
compulsory. The suffixation to raots triggers certain segmental and tone rules.
We observed that high tone spread fram the raot to a derived low tone suffix is a
1
general rule whereas the low tone spread rule is restricted to a certain category
1
of raots. The derivation of the low tone fram an underlying high tone suffix results
fram the application of Meeussen's rule. In some low tone raots, the high tone of
1
the suffix becomes low by a final high tone lowering rule.
ln this chapter we consider the phonology and the morphology of the verb.
1
Segmental rules which were not considered in the previous chapters will be
1
discussed in this chapter when necessary. The main focus of the chapter is on
the tone rules in the incompletive verbs. To understand what we mean by
1
incompletive verbs, we will try to define and illustrate first the notion of completive
verbs. We define the completive verbs as those verbs which occur without any
1
segmental or tonal suffixes. The following illustrate completive verbs.
1
(1 )
a.
1
sé
run
té
throw
1
lé
let go
sa
scratch
kpa
catch,climb
fa
beg for, ask for
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
224
1
s6
lift up
w6
spread (mat)
c6
Iisten
1
p~
respect
cu
backbite
nu
press, pin down
1
Y,u
try in vain
ri
put
b.
1
se
greet
kpe
cast
1
re
sleep,swear
le
weave
ne
drink
1
si
wear
si
enter
ti
insult
cl
look for
1
sa
cook
pa
cheat
wa
dance
1
ka
cry
fio
burn
co
seat
yo
hurl at
1
tu
punch
tu
eat
su
stick on
1
su
take
hu
growa boil
hu
judge
lu
forge
1
lu
wrestle
ru
Iimp
ru
shut, close
1
nu
carry on the lap
c.
1
pél
cut
tél
escape
sai
crunch
1
saal
wander
h61
belch,roar
kul
unbury
1
hui
open
wul
weep
t31
open
C31
glve
1
1
1
l'

---

1
1
225
1
kér
lock
k6t
pick up
h6r
stamp
1
kur
squat
kûr
get up
dr
tear out
1
sén
moan
cfn
exhort
cam
induce
1
k6m
rally
sam
praise
ram
crumble down
hém
change
1
lam
dive
..
yam
burry
1
d.
seel
like,love
kpeel
tease,joke
1
tel
keep seed
ceel
turn over
lei
finish over
1
w\\l
admire
wil
hunt for
paal
woo
wal
1
gO,walk
waal
gather
fal
winnow
tal
arrive
1
taal
be short of
maal
stripe
kaal
wash stg
1
al
read, count
yol
be lean,slim
tul
become short
tul
wear
1
sul
carry on the head
hui
scold
lui
stay longer
1
wul
show,teach
mul
do again
lai
leak,shrihk
131
give birth.
1
m31
drive,twist
fi31
look at
cum
agitate oneself
1
tom
mix, dilute Iiquid
lom
become intelligent
nom
animate
1
ron
fix, repair
1
1
l'

---

1
226
1
1
e.
1
,
~
set3
~
eut,
kpéet3
overflow,
hét3 /
make an incision
1
wéet3
sell
Hta/
hurry
pat3
eut
hât3
pound
1
cati (
rinse
caat3,
tear
kp60t3
pack
1
k60t3
take a roundabout
160t3
get aven
kutt
fold
1
luta~
mis/ead
nut3
near
f.
1
hOp3
squat
kpet3
go around
1
tet3
taste Iiquid
tet3
toddle
fet3
fan
fet3
fall down
1
cet3
herd
ceet3
shelter
met3
go around
1
tit3
by-pass
cat3
Slft, have fun
faat3
put on weight
toot3
estimate the weight
1
kot3
knock
hot3
fall down
yot3
water, smear
1
put3
wear out
huut3
mix
huta
pour out
1
huuta
churn, whip
cuuta
shake, provoke
kut3t3
stir a liquid
1
The data in (1) show that completive verbs can be of a CV structure (a &
b), a CVC structure (c & d), a CVCV structure (e & f), or even of a CVCVCV
1
structure as the last example in the data. In (1) we observe that ail the completive
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
227
1
1
verbs show a single level tone, either high or low irrespective of the number of
the syllables (TBU's) they have. This is contrary to noun roots where each
1
syllable chooses either a low tone, a high tone, or a combination of both.
Whereas disyllabic noun roots show any combination of the two basic tones (high
1
and low), it appears from the data in (1) that disyllabic verb roots do not mix the
1
two tones. A tentative generalisation, based on our sample data of about 500
verbs. is that the completive verb chooses only one tone among the two level
1
tones identified in the UR. Following the association conventions developed in
the preceding chapter, the tonal structure of the completive verbs in (1) will be as
1
in (2).
1
(2) Tonal structure of the completive verbs.
1
a.
b.
c.
1
@~
~~
~~\\
CV(C)
CVCV(C)
CVCVCV(C)
ln (2) the value of alpha (@) can be specified as [+] or [-] and Twill be
1
either a high tone or a low tone. From this representation, it appears that no
1
contour tones can be predicted in the completive verbs, and indeed our working
data show no completive verbs with a contour tone at the surface. Recalling that
1
only falling tones can appear in the surface representation as a contour tone, it
might appear that rising tohes occur in the UR and simplify to a level low tone as
1
observed ln some noun roots. If indeed rising tones do occur in completive verbs,
1
we are faced with a gap in the tonal system of the verb since falling tones which
are phonetically allowed do not bccur. How the tones of the completive verbs
1
interact with the tones of the suffixes will declde on the issue.
1
1
1
1

---

1
1
228
1
It follows from our definition and illustration of the completive verb that the
1
incompletive verb will be the verb root plus the tone suffix and/or the segmental
suffix. In this study, we will consider the tone affixes and/or the segmental
1
suffixes to mark on the verb root syntactic notions such as: infinitive form,
progressive form, and perfective (simple or continuous) forms in the traditional
1
definition. What we understand by these notions in the verb morphology of Lama
1
will become c1ear as we discuss and illustrate them.
This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section discusses the
1
various aspects of the segmental and tonal structure of incompletive verbs. The
morphology of the infinitive verb forms, the non perfective aspect, and the past
1
perfective aspects of the verb constitute the main subsections in this part of the
, chapter. The second section concentrates on the tonal and morphosyntactic
1
behavior of a particular verb suffix, Le wa which marks perfectivity. The reason to
1
devote a whole section to a single suffix is that in the verb morphology of the
oriental subgur (Kabiye, Lama), the aspect marker wa raises analytical problems
1
which are beyond the scope of phonology and morphology. We feel that when
considered at the combined levels of phonology
morphology and syntax the
1
1
phenomenon wa can be better understood. The last section concludes the
1
chapter.
1
5.1. Segmental and tonal structure of Incompletlve verbs.
1
We will consider the incompletive verb to be a combination of the verb root
(as exemplified in (1)) and an affix (tone and/or segment). As it will be shown in
1
this study the process of verb inflection modifies (tonally and segmentally) the UR
1
1
l,
1

---

1
229
1
1
of the elements in contact. Let us consider for instance the infinitive formation in
Lama.
1
5.1.1. Morphology of the Infinitive verb forms.
1
ln Lama the suffix U is one of the inflectional affixes which modifies the
1
verb root semantically, segmentally, and tonally. Semantically, the completive
1
verb (the root in citation form) becomes incompletive when the suffix U is
attached to the root. The meaning of the incompletive verb form which results
1
from such suffixation depends on the context of use. Consider the following
example.
1
(3)
1
a.
tu
'eat'
b.
sa
'cook'
"
c.
tuuu sara, saau wé kad3
1
eat-u good, cook-u is difficult
To eat is easy, to cook is difficult
'It is easier to eat than to cook' (Lama proverb)
1
,
/
,..
d.
tut3 tuuu sara, t3 saau wé kéd3
food eat-LJ good, it cook-u is difficult
food eating is good,its cooking is difficult.
1
'Eating is easier than cooking'.
1
The interpretation of (3c) and (3d) shows that the suffix U can be equated
with the English notion of the infinitive preposition to (3c) or the gerund suffix -ing
1
(3d). We will assume that Làma equivalent of the English gerund Verb + lng
occurs as in (3d), that is iri compouhd form where the incompletive verb assumes
1
the function of a deverbal houri. This aspect of the incompletive verb forms used
in a syntactic construction known in the Iiterature as 'associative construction'
1
(Kenstowicz et al 1988) is beyond the scope of this study. We are therefore not
1
1
1.
1

---

1
230
1
1
immediately interested in this category of verb forms. Of interest ta this study are
then the verb forms in (3c). It is this category of incompletive verb forms that we
1
descriptive as 'infinitive forms', for lack of a better terminology.
The combination of the verb root and the infinitive suffix U yields three
1
categories of infinitives at the segmental level and two categories at the tonal
1
levaI.
1
5.1.1.1. Segmental structure of the Infinitives.
1
The segmental alternation in the suffix U leads ta the recognition of three
types of infinitive forms.
1
The first, more general, type is the category where the infinitive suffix does
not undergo any segmental change. This type of infinitives is illustrated below.
1
(4)
1
a.
a'.
1
léeu
ta weave
le
fiéeu
ta drink
fie
sUu
ta wear
si
siiu
ta enter
si
1
tiiu
ta insult
ti
dlu
ta look for
cl
saau
ta cook
sa
1
paau
ta cheat
pa
b.
b'.
1
seelû
ta like,love
seel
kpeelû
ta tease ,joke
kpeel
telû
ta keèp seed
tel
1
ceelû
ta turn over
ceel
lelû
ta 'finish over
lei
wilO
ta admire
wll
1
wilû
ta hunt for
wil
paalû
ta woo
paal
1
1
l,
!
1

---

1
1
231
1
The data in (4a' & b') show the root in citation forms; (4a) and (4b) show
1
ev and eve roots and the infinitive suffix U whlch undergoes the ATR harmony
as discussed in chapter 2. Notice that in ev verb roots the suffix U triggers
1
lengthening in the root vowel. Recall that this process vowel lengthening has
been discussed in chapter 3 as a process of diphthongisation applying mainly in
1
verb morphology. In noun morphology wh en the root vowel and the suffixal vowel
1
are adjacent, the vowel truncation rule applies to delete the root vowel instead.
The derivation in (4a) is the result of the application of the root nucleus extension
1
rule discussed in chapter 3.
The second type of infinitive forms is the category of evp verb roots where
1
the infinitive suffix is observed as schwa. This category is illustrated below.
1
(5)
a
b.
1
,..
law
do
lâp3
to do
how
bind
h9~3
to bind
1
law
swallow
la~a,..
to swallow
yaw
buy
y p3
to buy
yew
abandon
Yé~3"
to abandon
maw
beat
1
m p~
to beat
wow
roast
W6p3
to roast
sew
inject
SéP3
to inject
S3W
die
S3P§
to die
1
lew
get lost
lép3
to get lost
1
ln (Sa) the underlying root final/pl has softened to the labial glide [w] in the
syllable coda position. Iri (Sb) the infinitive suffix U has lost its round feature in
1
the environment of the root final labial stop Ip/. The motivation for both the labial
softening rule and the back vowel mutation rule is discussed in chapter 2. Further
1
motivation for the mutation rule (as opposed to a rule which inserts the vowel
1
schwa in (4b)) comes from the tonal behavior of the infinitive suffix across ail verb
1
1.,
l'

---

1
232
1
1
roots. As it will be shawn later on the tonal alternation observed from (5a) ta (5b)
arises from the suffixation of the infinitive marker U in (5b). The tonal behavior of
1
the infinitiv'e suffix is discussed after we consider the third category of infinitives.
The third category of infinitives concerns the CVm verb roots where the
1
infinitive suffix does not appear at the surface levaI. We illustrate this category of
1
verbs hi the following.
1
(6)
1
a.
b.
wom
capsize
wôm
ta capsize
hom
wake up
hÔm
ta wake up
1
hom
pull
hôm
ta pull
kpem
go home
kpêm
ta go home
lem
peck
lêm
ta peck
1
tam
say
tâm
ta say
nam
grind
nâm
ta grind
nam
fear
nâm
ta fear
r3m
bite
r3m
ta bite
1
ram
try ta
râm
ta try ta
s3m
know
s3m
ta know
sam
shut up
s~m
ta shut up
1
The data above show the completive verb forms in (6a) and the infinitive
forms in (Sb). Note that the infinitive suffix U does not appear segmentally in (6b),
1
What differèntiatès (6b) from (6a) is the tone realisation which will be discussed
1
in the hext subsection. We have motivated in chapter 2 a vowel mutation rule
which deletes the high round vowel luI in the environ ment of the root final labial
1
nasal Iml and which turns thé same vowel ta schwa elsewhere (cf CVp roots
above). It is the application of this rule ta the UR of the data in (6b #hom-u#)
1
which gives the surface represention . hÔm = ta wake up' as observed in the
surface derivation above.
1
1
1
1
1
l'

---

1
233
1
1
The process of infinitive formation distinguishes three types of verb roots.
Type 1does not change the segmental structure of the suffix U. Type Il reduces
1
the suffix U ta schwa by a rule which turns the feature [+round] of the suffix ta [-
round]. Type III causes the deletion of ail the segmental features of the suffix
1
except for the tonal features which distinguish the incompletive verb forms (6b)
1
from the infinitive forms (6a).
The interaction between the tone of the verb root and the tone of the
1
infinitive suffix is described and discussed below.
1
5.1.1.2. Tonal alternatlon ln the Infinitive sufflx.
1
Tonally, we distinguish two types of infinitives. The first type concerns the
CV verb roots whose infinitives are realized with a level high tone irrespective of
1
the nature of the underlying tone of the verb root. This category of monosyllabic
1
infinitives is illustrated below where the high tone of the whole syllable is marked
on the first vowel.
1
(7)
1
a.
a', Law tone roots.
léeu
ta weave
le
1
fléeu
ta drink
fie
sUu
ta wear
si
sfiu
ta enter
si
Hiu
ta insult
ti
1
dlu
ta look for
cl
saau
ta cook
sa
paau
ta cheat
pa
1
b.
b'. High tone roots.
1
séeu
ta run
sé
téeu
ta throw
té
léeu
ta let go
lé
1
1
1
,
1

---

1
1
234
1
saau
ta scratch
sa
kpaau
ta catch,climb
~fa
faau
ta beg for
1
s60u
ta lift up
s6
w60u
ta spread (mat)
w6
c60u
ta listen
c6
1
puuu
ta respect
pu
cuuu
ta backbite
cu
nuuu
ta press down
nu
yuuu
ta try in vain
yu
1
riiu
ta put
rf
ln (7a') the data show low tone roots which are realized wIth a high ta ne in
1
the infinitive (7a); (7b') shows high tone roots which are also realized with a high
tone in the infinitive.
1
An approach which would posit a low tone in the UR for the infinitive suffix
1
U cannat account for the data in (7a & b) in a natural way. With a low tone for the
suffix, we would naturally expect a level low tone for the low tone roots by the
1
OCP effect (Law tone + Law tone = low tone), and a falling tone for the high tone
roots by the WFC (fa -u => fâau 'ta beg for). But as the data show none of these
1
expected realisations are found in (7a & b).
The tonal neutralisation in the infinitives of bath the low tone roots and the
1
high tone roots in (7) suggests the following hypothesis and analysis.
1
First, we make the hypothesis that the infinitive U has a high tone in the
UR. Second, the universal principles (Association Conventions, OCP, WFC)
1
presented in the preceding chapter apply. And thirdly, we argue that the
interaction
between
tone
iules and
segmental
rules
observed
in
noun
1
morphology is consistent with verb morphology.
1
ln this view, by arguing that instead of Meeussen's rule applying it is the
OCP which applies, the derivation of the infinitive forms from high tone CV verb
1
roots exemplified in (7b) is straightforward. The high tone of the root and the high
1
1
1
l"

---

1
235
1
1
tone of the suffix are collapsed into a single high tone. Since the diphthongs in (7)
count as one TBU, the collapsed high tone will link to that TBU in (1b). The
1
derivation of the data in (7b) will be as shown below.
1
(8) Derivation of infinitives from high tone CVroots.
UR
Vewel length.
Syll.ceal.
OCP&Ass.cenv.
SR
1
cv-v
cvv-v
CVVV
cvvv
\\/
1
\\1/
1
\\\\1/
\\\\1/
1
6
6
6
6
6
6
1
H-H
H-H
H H
H
/1\\
1
sé U
sée-U
séeu
séeu
séeu
1
ln (7a), however, the derivation is not straightforward. We would expect
the data in (7a) to show a low tone followed by a floating high tone. That is after
1
syllable coalescence rules, the high tone of the suffix would map to the low tone
syllable of the root, thus creating a rising contour tone. The contour simplification
1
rule would th en apply to delink the high part of the rising tone in the syllable. The
surface representation of the data in (7a) would thus show a level low tone. But
1
note that, Iike the high tone roots, the low tone roots are realized with a level high
1
tone in the infinitive forms. To account for this realisation in (7a) we argue that
there is a low tone deletion rule which deletes the final low tone of the root before
1
the high tone of the infinitive suffix. The low tone deletion rule is proposed below.
1
(9) Verb root finalloW tone deletion.
6
6
6
6
1
1
1
1
H
1
JL H -->
Reet
1
1
1.
1
l"

---

1
236
1
1
It is the application of this rule which gives the correct derivation in (la) as
exemplified below by the word saau 'to cook'.
1
(10) Derivation of infinitives from low tone ev roots.
1
UR
Vowei iength.
L. dei. Syii.coai.
Ass.conv.
SR
CV-V
CVV-V
CVV-V
CVVV
cvvv
1
\\1 1
\\11 1
\\\\1
1
\\\\11
\\\\11
6
6
6
6
6 6
6
6
1
L H
L
H
H
H
H
1
11\\
sa-u
saa-u
saa-u
saau
saau
saau
1
Further evidence for the low tone deletion rule comes from the second
1
category of infinitives where we find the following tonal structures. In this
category of infinitives whose roots are of the eve structure, the final syllable of
1
the infinitive is realized with a consistent falling tone irrespective of the tone of the
root. Leaving the problem of the falling tone for later discussion, we introduce
1
below a c1ear case which supports the deletion of the root final low tone in eve
verb roots.
1
(11 )
1
a.
b.
A
1
yaw
buy
yap3
to buy
yew
abandon
yép§"
to abandon
maw
beat
map~
to beat
wow
roast
w6P,.,3
to roast
1
sew
inject
SéP3
to inject
1
ln (11 a) the underlying final segment /p/ has become [w] in the word final
position by the labial softening rule. These roots show a level low tone. In (11 b)
1
the suffixation of the infinitive suffix has blocked the labial softening ru/e and the
1
1
l,,
l'"

---

1
1
237
1
root final Ipl appears as an onset ta the final syllable where the suffix U has
1
become a schwa by à rule discussed earlier. Of interest is the tonal realisation in
the whole infinitive ward. Note that the root syllable which was orinally low in tone
1
is realized with a high tone in the infinitive. If we agree that the high tone on the
1
root syllable in (11 b) is derived by rule, we can argue that the low tone deletion
rule applies ta the root followed by the WFC which extends the high tone of the
1
suffix on ta the root syllable as shawn below for the ward yap3 'ta buy'.
1
(12)
UR
Vowel mutation
Low del.
Ass.
& WFC.
SR
1
yap-u
yap3
yap3
yap3
yap3
.
\\
/
\\/1
L
H
L
H
H
H
HL
1
The surface representation (SR) in (12) shows an unexplained falling tone
1
on the final syllable. We now turn ta the problem of the falling tone related ta the
infinitive suffix.
1
ln CVC verb roots the infinitive suffix U shows a consistent falling tone.
1
The following data show high tone verb roots in (13a) with the infinitive suffix in
(13b).
1
(13)
1
a.
b.
pél
cut
pélû
ta cut
1
tél
escape·
télû
ta escape
saI
crunch
salû
ta crunch
saal
wander
saalû
ta wander
h61
belch,roar
h6lû
ta belch
1
kul
unbury
kulO
ta unbury
hui
open
hulO
ta open
wul
weep
wulO
ta weep
1
wéet3
sell
wéetû
ta sell
1
1
,
l'

---

1
1
238
1
hât3
pound
hâtû
to pound
fés3
deny
fésû
to deny
,
/
CeS3,.
tell
césû
to tell
1
kun~ané
bring back
kuntanO
to bring back
ték3nâ
touch
ték3nû
to touch
Within the approach taken so far, the interpretation of the data in (13b)
1
would be straightforeward only if we assume that the low part of the falling tone is
1
derived by rule from the underlying high tone of the infinitive suffix. The
interpretation of the data above would then be as follows. That is, first the
1
infinitive suffix has a level high tone in the UR. Second, instead of the OCP
applying to collapse the two high tones into one as in the case of CV verb roots,
1
Meeussen's rule applies to turn the high tone of the suffix into a low tone. Third,
1
the high tone spread rule discussed in chapter 4 would apply to spread the high
tone of the root to the suffixal low tone syllable. This would thus derive the falling
1
tone as observed in the surface representation (pél-u => pélu => pélû tO cut').
But this interpretation is not so obvious when we consider low tone CVC verb
1
roots.
1
(14)
a.
b.
1
seelû
to like,love
seel
like
kpeelû
to tease ,joke
kpeel
tease
1
telû
to keep seed
tel
keep seeds
ceelû
to turn over
ceel
turn over
lelû
to finish over
lei
finish over
wliO
to admire
wll
admire
1
wilû
to hunt for
wil
huntfor
paalû
to woo
paal
woo
takû
to touch
tak3
touch
1
hopû
to squat
hOp3
squat
yedû
to unbind
yed3
unbind
catû
to sift
cat3
sift
1
1
1
1.
,
1

---

1
239
1
1
c.
d.
wom
capsize
wôm
to capsize
1
hom
wake up
hÔm
to wake up
hom
pull
hôm
to pull
kpem
go home
~êm
to go home
1
lem
peck
lm
to peck
tam
say
tâm
to say
nam
grind
nâm
to grind
1
ln (14b &c) we show low tone verb roots with their respective infinitive
forms in (14a & dl. Recall that the infinitive suffix U deletes after the labial Iml in
1
(14d). Note that in (14à) where the suffixation of the infinitive marker derives a
disyllabic verb, the root syllable still shows its low tone whereas the suffixal
1
syllable shows a falling tone. Note also that in (14d) where the deletion of the
1
infinitive suffix derives a monosyllabic infinitive, the tonal derivation shows a
. falling tone.
1
An approach which would posit a prelinked low tone followed by a floating
high tone for these verb roots, as in the case of some noun roots, can account for
1
the derivation of the falling tone of the disyllabic infinitives in (14a) by Meeussen's
rule. That is the tonal representation and derivation of the verbs in (14a) would be
1
as in (15).
1
(15)
1
UR
Schwa deI.
M' s
rule
Ass. &WFC
1
a.
wil-u
wil-u
wilu
1
1
1
1\\
LH
H
LHL
L H L
1
b.
hop3-u
hop-u
hop-u
hopu
1
1
1\\
LH H
LH H
L H L
L H L
1
1
1
1.
1

---

1
240
1
1
The data in (14d), where the infinitive suffix is segmentally deleted, poses
problems for this approach. Note that, within this approach, the representation of
1
the data in (14d) would be as follows.
1
(16)
1
UR
Back vowel deI.
M's rule
wom-u
wom
wom
1
1
1
1
LH H
LH H
LHL
By the WFC we will have three tones associated with one tone bearing
1
unit. To derive the correct result we could still argue that the low tone deletion
1
rule applies to delete the initial low tone of the infinitives in (14d). This would be
consistent with the CV verb roots where the low tone deletion rule applies as
1
proposed earlier. But the problem with this rule in this specifie case is that the
deletion rule would be triggered here by the f10ating high tone of the root instead
1
of the high tone of the suffix.
1
This approach which involves Meeussen's rule is therefore unsatisfactory
for the following reasons. First, we have shown that the completive verbs do not
1
show any falling tone at the surface level. Consequently, positing an underlying
rising tone for the verb roots which show a level low tone in the surface
1
representation leads to a gap in the distribution of contour tones in the verb
morphology of the language. Second, there is no evidence nor enough motivation
1
for a speciallow tone deletidri which would account for the data in (14d).
1
An alternative approach to the derivation of the falling tone in the final
syllable of the infinitives is to argue that there are in fact two tonal allomorphs for
1
the infinitive suffix: one with a level high tone, and the other with a prelinked high
1
1
1.
1

---

1
241
1
1
tone followed by a f10ating low tone. This alternative is supported by the noun
morphology where, as we recall, we find suffixes with a level high tone and
1
suffixes with a prelinked high tone. The representation below shows the two
infinitive allomorphs.
1
(17)
1
a.
b.
U
U
1
1
H
HL
1
Note that (17b) predicts the derivation of a falling contour tone whenever
the allomorph with a prelinked high tone occurs.
1
If we argue that the deietion of the root low tone applies when any of the
suffixes in (17) attaches to the low tone verb roots, the derivation of the data in
1
(14d) beconies straightforward. This would be as follows.
1
(18
1
UR
Vowel mutation
Low del.
Ass.
& WFC.
SR
a.
1
yap- u
yap3
yap3
yap3
yap3
.
1
1
,-
\\ Il
\\/1
1
L
HL
L
HL
HL
H L
HL
b.
1
wom-u
wom
wom
wom
wôm
1
1\\
L
HL
LH L
HL
H L
1
Although the alloniorphic é1pproach accounts for the data, positing two
1
tonal structures for the samé suffix in thé UR is not an attractive solution.
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
242
1
Furthermore, the tonal behavior of a different incompletive suffix is evidence
1
against the allomorphic approach. The perfective suffix wa, fully discussed in the
second section, shows the following tone alternations. In low tone verb roots, the
1
perfective suffix wa shows a level high tone (se 'greet'=> sewa '(has) greeted')).
1
ln one category of high tone verb roots the same suffix shows a falling tone (c6
'listen' => cowâ '(has) Iistened')). As we will see later on, there is a
1
morphosyntactic rule which deletes wa when the verb has a complement (sowâ
'(has) lift'; sowâ + ra => so râ '(has) lift friend'). Of interest ta the present
1
discussion is the tone realisation on wa on the one hand, and the tone realisation
on ra 'friend' on the other hand. If we posit an underlying falling tone for the suffix
1
wa we cannat explain the falling tone on the complement ra which has an
1
underlying low tone. Ta explain the falling tone on the complement, it will be
shawn that it is the high tone of the suffix wa which spreads ta the following
1
syllable. Note that if the low part of the falling tone observed on wa in citation was
in the UR, there would be no straight account for the falling tone on the low tone
1
complement since the low part of the underlying contour tone would black the
1
high tone spread rule. As the analysis of the phenomenon wa will further show,
the high tone of that suffix remains after wa is deleted and postlexical rules apply
1
ta relink that high tone ta low tone roots. The details of these tonal alternations
will be given in the next section. Meanwhile, turning back ta the discussion at
1
hand, it seems appropriate ta approach the derivation of the falling ta ne in the
infinitives by a different alternative.
1
Ta explain the falling tone of the infinitives under discussion, we argue that
1
the low part of the falling tone is derived by a low tone insertion rule in disyllabic
infinitives at the phrase final position. As further motivation for this approach, we
1
1
1
1

---

1
243
1
1
will show that the low part of the falling tone on the perfective suffix wa, in the
context of some roots (c6 '1isten' => cowâ '(has) listened')), also results from the
1
same process. That rule can be specified as a phrase finallow tone insertion rule
proposed below.
1
(19) Phrase finallow tone insertion.
1
@T
H ---->
@T
H-L##
1
1
1
1/
1
6
6
6
6
The interaction between this rule and the other rules is shown below in the
1
derivation of h6p3 'to bind' and hopO 'to squat'.
1
(20)
UR
Vowei mutat.
R.fin.L. deI
Schwa deI Ass.&WFC
Lins
1
a.
1
hop-u
hop3
hop3
hop3
hop3
\\/
\\/1
L
H
L
H
H
H
H L
1
b.
hop3-U
hopu
hopu
hopu
1
1
1
1
/ \\
L
H
L
H
L H
L HL
1
The derivation in (20) shows why the suffix U appears in (b) while it
becomes a schwa in (a) aftèr Ip/. It also shows the scope of the root low tone
1
deletion rule. Note that in (20b) where the root is disyllabic the rule does not
1
seem to apply when brderèd before the left to right morpheme level association
adopted so far. The morpheme level association would link the low tone of the
1
root to the leftmost syllable, while the high tone of the suffix will link to u. Since
1
1
1.
,
1

---

1
1
244
1
there is a TBU between the leftmost low tone syllable and the rightmost high tone
1
syllable, we can argue that that TBU blacks the low tone deletion in (20b). If we
however apply the WFC before the low tone deletion rule, we can still get the
1
right results. First, theWFC will extend the low tone of the root initial syllable ta
the second root syllable in (20b). Second, the low tone deletion rule will apply ta
1
delink the right branch of the doubly linked low tone of the root. This will imply
1
that the schwa deletion rule is also ordered after the root finallow deletion rule.
Note that in (20a) where no TBU intervenes between the low tone syllable
1
of the root and the suffixal high tone syllable, the low tone deletion rule applies ta
that tone which is immediately adjacent ta the high tone of the suffix.
1
This section has shawn that the infinitive formation triggers the following
1
processes.
(1) Segmentally, the infinitive suffi x U loses its round feature in the
1
environment of the labial stop Ipl and becomes a schwa. In the environment of
the labial nasal Im/, the suffix U is deleted. This segmental alternation led us ta
1
establish three categories of infinitives in Lama.
(2) Tonally, the infinitive suffix shows an alternation between a level high
1
tone and a falling tone. The final derivation of the monosyllabic infinitives from CV
1
verb roots shows a level high tone irrespective of the tone of the root in the UR.
We accounted for that derivation from low tone roots by a rule which deletes the
1
low tone of the root. Ta account for the falling tone on the suffixal syllable in
polysyllabic infinitives, ii/e argued for a single high tone suffix in the UR (as
1
opposed ta the same structural suffix with two different tone structures). We
1
motivated a low tone insertion rule at phrase final position ta explain the falling
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
245
1
tone in infinitives. As it will be shown later the low tone insertion rule is supported
1
by another suffix in the verb morphology.
ln the next section we consider another type of incompletive verbs where
1
the suffix behaves differently both segmentally and tonally.
1
5.1.2. Morphology of the progressive verb form.
1
We define the progressive verb form as the completive verb (the verb root)
1
to which a suffix has attached to indicate that an action is in progress. In English
for instance such a grammatical form is tentatively exemplified by 's/he is eatl!J.g'
1
where the underlined elements combine to indlcate that the action of eating is still
going on at the time of speaking. This, of course, is the simplest interpretation we
1
offer. In traditional terms, this syntactic construction is referred to as 'the
progressive or the continuous forms of the verb'. Tense and aspect interact to
1
derive the right form of the continuous or progressive verb phrase in English.
1
ln Lama, the notion of progressivity or continuity is conveyed by the suffix
ku which attaches to the verb root. Tone plays an important role in determining
1
whether the continuity of the action relates to an overt subject (i 'she, he', y6'the
child' etc... ) of the verb or not (imperative continuous). In this section, we will first
1
consider the segmental alternations in the suffix ku and then its tone realisation
1
when the verb-phrase has an overt subject-noun phrase.
1
5.1.2.1. Segmental alternatlon ln the progressive sufflx.
1
ln CV verb roots where the root final vowel is [+round] the progressive
suffix ku appears without any segmental change. This is illustrated in (21 b).
1
1
1.
1

---

1
246
1
1
(21 )
1
a.
b.
s6
lift
s6ku
s/he is lifting
w6
lift
w6ku
s/he is lifting a liUle
1
wc
spread
w6ku
s/he is spreading (a mat)
t6
catch
t6ku
s/he is catchin~
pu
respect
puku
s/he is respectmg
1
cu
backbite
cuku
s/he is backbiting
lu
forge
lukO
s/he is forgin~
lu
wrestle
lukû
s/he is wresthng
1
ln CV verb roots where the vowel is [-round] the velar stop IkI deletes and
1
the vowel luI assimilates to the root vowel in roundness. This has been fully
discussed in chapter 3. Below, we iIIustrate this category of progressive verb
1
forms where (b) shows the SR after the application of the velar deletion rule and
the vowel assimilation rule.
1
(22)
1
a.
b.
sa.
scratch
sâa
s/he is scratching
1
kpa.
climb
kpâa
s/he is climbing
wa
dance
wâa
s/he is dancing
ta
paint
tâa
s/he is painting
1
sé
run
sée
s/he is running
se
greet
sêe
s/he is greeting
si
wear
sn
s/he is wearing
1
si
enter
sÎi
s/he is entering
ln most CVC verb roots only the initial segment of the suffix deletes. This
1
category of verbs is iIIustrated below.
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
247
1
(23)
1
a.
b.
1
pél
cut
pélu
s/he is cuttin~
sai
crunch
salu
s/he is crunc ing
k6r
pick up
k6ru
s/he is picking up
1
kur
get up
kuru
s/he is getting up
tom
dilute
t6mû
s/he is diluting
ron
fix
r6nû
s/he is fixing
sir
tell
srrO
s/he is telling
1
There are other segmental alternations which were not discussed in
1
chapter 3. They relate to two categories of verb roots where the segments of the
root and the segments of the suffix affect each other. These alternations are
1
introduced below for discussion.
1
ln (21) we have shown that the suffix ku attaches to CV verbs when the
root vowel is [+round]. There is however a restricted set of verbs in this category
1
where both the root vowel and the vowel of the suffix lose their feature [+round].
The back mid vowel of the root becomes [+Iow] and the vowel lui of the suffix
1
becomes [-Iow, -round]. Furthermore, the velar IkI of the suffix which normally
1
deletes when it fol1ows a [-round] vowel does not delete. Consider the following
data.
1
(24)
1
a.
b.
co
sit
cak3 s/he is sitting down
hurl at
yâk3 slhe is hurling at
1
~~ accept
kaki s/he is accepting (a gift)
10
lag behind
lak3 s/he is lagging behind
no
burn
i'\\âk3 s/he is burning
1
ho
be full
hak3' s/he is being full (of food)
1
ln (24) we observe first the ola alternation in the root from (a) to (b), and
second [3] instead of lui in the suffix.
1
1
l,
,
1

---

1
248
1
1
To account for the ola alternation in the root we argue that the
representation of the root vowel loI in the UR representation is a combination of
1
feature bundles from separate tiers resulting from the vowel lai and the vowel luI.
Assuming that the height tier is separate from the round tier, the representation of
1
the vowel loI appearing in the roots in (24a) will be as follows.
1
(25)
Input
Output
SR
0
1
[-high]
+ [+high]
[-high]
1
1
/
\\
1
a
u ---->
a
u
1
1
1
1
[ -round]
[+round]
[-round] [+round]
1
The output in (25) shows an intermediate derivation for the mid round
1
vowel loI. That intermediate derivation suggests a dissimilation of the feature
value [+high] on the height tier by a process of spreading and delinking. The
1
feature value [-high] spreads onto the root node from which the value [+high]
which links to the back vowel delinks. On the round tier, however, the two values
1
for the feature [round] remain Iinked each to its original root node. This derives an
1
intermediate complex segment. The representation in (25) for the alternation in
the vowel of the root from the completive form to the progressive form.
1
To derive the surface representation of the incompletive form of the verbs
in (24a e.g co 'sit'), we argue that the intermediate derivation in (25) undergoes a
1
process whereby the featute slots on the round tier are simplified. That is the
1
feature value [-round] is deleted after the feature value [+round] has spread to
the root node. The final representation of the vowel [0] in the incompletive verb
1
roots is shown below as feature slot simplifation rule (1) for reasons to follow.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
249
1
1
(26) Feature slot simplification (1)
1
[ -high]
[-high]
[-high]
1
\\
1 \\
1\\
/
\\
/
\\
/
\\
a
u---->
a
u
------>
a
u
1
1
1
1\\
1
\\
/
[-round] [+round]
1
\\
1
\\
/
[-round] [+round]
[+round]
1
From the representation in (25) of the root vowel of the incompletive verbs
1
in (24a), the derivation of the progressive verb forms in (24b) can be interpreted
as follows. First the feature value [+round] for the feature [round] blocks the
1
deletion of the suffix initial velar /kJ. Recall that the velar stop /kJ deletes only after
1
[-round] vowels. Second, the feature slot for the value [+round] deletes in the
progressive formation by a special rule which deletes [+round] after an adjacent
1
[-round] when both round slots are dorninated by a single feature slot on a
different tier. Note that this process of [+round] deletion is the reverse of what
1
happens in the incompletive verbs; except that here there is no spreading prior to
deletion. Recall that for the derivation of the incompletive verbs it is the value [-
1
round] that deletes. The second part of the rule, which we characterize as feature
1
slot simplification, is proposed below for the progressive verb forms in (24b e.g
co 'sit'=> i
câk3' he is sitting').
1
(27) Feature slot simplification (2).
1
[-high]
[-high]
/\\
----->
,
[-rnd] [+rnd]
[-rnd]
1
Ordered after the K-deletion rule, the feature slot simplification rule (2)
1
explains why the suffix initial velar does not delete in (24b). That is for the
1
1
l,
1
1

---

1
250
1
1
derivation of i câk3 'he is sitting down' from the UR i cau+ku, the k-deletion rule
applies first. Note that in this case it will not apply since its structural description
1
is not met. The feature slot simplification rules apply to delete the features
associated with the round vowel luI from the root node (cau+ku => ca+ku
1
=>cak3). The schwa in the final derivation of the progressive verb form still
1
remains unexplained. We turn now to the u/schwa alternation.
To explain the u/schwa alternation in the suffix (c6 '1isten' => i c6kû 'he is
1
listening' vs. co 'sit down' => i câk3 'he is sitting down'), we argue that after the
deletion of the feature [+round] in this category of verbs, the now unrounded root
- voweltriggersan assimilation byspreading itsfeature [-round] ontothesuffix.
This assimilation is consistent with the process observed in CV roots where at
1
the same time the velar of the suffix deletes and the vowel luI of the suffix
1
becomes [-round] (sa 'cook'=> i
sa-ku => i
sâa 'she cooking').
There is still a problem for this approach in relation to one category of
1
verbs where the mid round vowel of the roots does not change in roundness.
This category is illustrated below.
1
1
(28)
a.
b.
1
1)
s6
lift
i s6kû s/he is lifting
w6
lift
i w6kû s/he is lifting a little
t6
catch
i t6kû s/he is catching
1
c6
Iisten
i c6kû s/he is listening
16
have fun
i 16kû s/he is having fun
k6
be ready
i k6kû s/he is ready for food
1
2)
p6
pray
i p6kû he is praying
1
t6
give
i t6kû he is giving
w6
spread
i w6kû he is spreading
h6
fit in
i h6kû he is fitting in
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
251
1
ln (28) we show roots with a [+ATR] value in (1) and roots with a [-ATR]
1
value in (2). Recall that the set of roots we discussed earlier ail have a [-ATR]
value for the feature ATR and a low tone (co 'sit down'). The low of the
1
incompletive verb however changes to a high tone in the progressive form when
the verb is preceded by a subject (i cak3' he is sitting down'). The tone rules
1
will be discussed later. Meanwhile, note that in the category of verbs in (28) the
1
root vowel remains unaltered segmentally and tonally in the progressive form.
How does then the approach of round deletion account for this category of round
1
mid vowels which do not change from the incompletive verb form to the
progressive form (c6 ïisten' => i
c6k6. 'he is listening')?
1
Crucial to this approach is the assumption that: (a) There are mid vowels
1
such as those in the preceding category of verb roots which undergo the feature
slot simplification rule (2), whereas others do not. (b) The feature value of the
1
tone (high or low) in the root plays an important role in the deletion or the
nondeletion of the feature value [+round].
1
An indication that the nature of the tone interacts with the segmental rule
of round deletion comes from the tonal structure of the verb roots under
1
discussion. Note that what the verb roots in (28) have in common apart from the
1
feature [+round] in their vowel is the high tone. We will tentatively assume that
this high tone blocks the deletion of the feature [+round] for the root vowel in the
1
progressive form. This implies that the low tone observed in the other category of
roots (co 'sit') does not have any bearing on the application of the segmental rule
1
motivated in (27). As it will be shown in the next section, the two categories of
1
mid round vowel roots behave differently in the various forms of the progressive
construction.
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
252
1
Other segmental alternations relate to CVm verb roots. Consider the
1
progressive formation in the following data.
1
(29)
a
a'
1
...
hom
pull
i hôo s/he is pulling
wom
capslze
i wôo s/he is capsizing
hom
wake up
ihOo s/he is waking up
1
kum
harvest
1kûu
s/he is harvesting
b
b'
1
AI"
nam
fiam
Wind
noo s/he Is winding
ear
fiôo
s/he is earing
tam
bind
tôo
s/he Is binding
1
kan
come
kôo
s/he is coming
mam
collide
mOû s/he is colliding with
r3m
bite
rûU
s/he is biting
1
ram
try to
rOù
s/he is trying to
S3m
know
sûù
s/he is knowing
sam
shutup
sOù s/he is shutting up
t3m
weed out
tûù
s/he is weedi ng out
1
c
c'
'"
1
kpem
go home
i ~OO s/he is goinQ home
lem
peck
1los/he is pecktng
tem
finish
i tOo
s/he is finishing ...
1
ln (29) we observe the following structural changes from the completive
1
verb forms to the progressive verb forms.
First, the suffix initial segment /k/ is absent in the progressive forms. This
1
is consistent with the k-deletion rule which deletes the velar stop of the suffix
after a root final consonant or a root final unrounded vowel. Since the roots in
1
(29) are rn-final, it follows that the velar deletion rule has applied. For an
1
underlying representation like #hom-ku# 'pull + progressive suffix ku', the velar
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
253
1
deletion rule should give the derivation homu ïs pulling'. But note that this is not
1
the surface representation of the progressive forms.
Second, the root final labial nasal does not surface in the final derivation of
1
the progressive forms in (29). Instead, we observe a long nasalized vowel in the
final output.
1
Third, the high round vowel of the progressive suffix appears with its
1
[+round] feature value in ail contexts irrespective of the underlying feature value
([+] or [-]) for the feature round in thé root vowel. If the root vowel is a high round
1
vowel (kum 'mow') the vowel of the suffix does not change (i
kQ~ 's/he is
mowing'). When the root vowel is [+round,-high] (hom 'pull') the suffixal vowel is
1
lowered to the height of the root vowel (hom-u => hÔ";). The data in (29a')
illustrate the case of height assimilation. In (29b') we observe two types of
1
assimilation in the back unrounded vowels of the root. (1) Note that the schwa of
1
the root assimilates to the suffixal vowel (r3m 'bite'; i
rÜ~ 's/he is biting') by
acquiring the feature value [+round]. (2) The low vowel, however, not only
1
acquires the same feature value, but also triggers the lowering of the suffixal
vowel (nam 'grind'; i nôà 's/he is grinding'). In (29c') we observe the same
1
assimilation in roundness and height with the front mid vowels of the root and the
1
round high vowel of the suffix (kpem 'go home'; i
kpô~ 's/he is Qloing home').
1
The process of vowel assimilation described above reminds us of the
1
behavior of the progressive suffix ku in the context of unrounded vowels in CV
roots. Recall that in CV roots where the vowel is unrounded the velar stop of the
1
suffix deletes and the vowel assimilates to the root vowel (sa 'scratch'; i
sâa
's/he is scratching' vs.
1
s6 'lift'; i
s6ku 's/he is lifting').
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
1
254
1
To account for the structural alternations between the segments of the root
1
and those of the progressive suffix ku in CVm roots we propose the following
approach.
1
First, the k-deletion rule applies giving an intermediate structure of the
1
form CVm-u.
Second, by motivating a metathesis process whereby the remaining
1
segment of the suffix and the root final segment exchange places, we create a
situation similar to that in CV roots after k-deletion. We will argue for the following
1
point in support of the metathesis rule. The process of metathesis is triggered in
1
this category of verbs to block what we have called the vowel mutation rule.
Recall that in the in'rinitive formation, the infinitive suffive U deletes in CVm verbs
1
(ham 'pull', ham-u => hôm 'to pull' vs. pél 'eut', pélÜ 'to eut'). Note that, in the
progressive formation (i ham- ku => i
ham-u), the k-deletion rule creates the
1
right environment for the deletion of the vowel luI in the CVm roots. Note also
that if we allow the luI-part of the progressive suffix to delete, the infinitive and
1
the progressive forms of the CVm verbs will be structurally the same at the
1
surface representation (hôm 'to pull' & * i
hôm' he is pulling'). The process of
metathesis can therefore be motivated by the nondeletion of the progressive
1
suffixal vowel which cannot attach to the root final labial Iml as evidenced by the
behavior of the infinitive suffix U. If these arguments are correct, the metathesis
1
rule, ordered after the k-deletion rule, can be formalized as in (30).
1
(30) Metathesis rule.
CVm-u ----> CVum
1
123 4 ====> 1243
1
1
1
1

---

1
255
1
1
Ordered after the vowel mutation rule which accounts for the behavior of
the infinitive suffix U and the k-deletion rule we will get the right intermediate
1
derivation as shown below.
1
(31 )
UR
Vowel mutation
k-del.
Metathesis
1
a.
Infinitive.
hom-u
hBm
1
b.
Progressive.
hom-ku
hom-u
houm
1
Third, the surface representation of the progressive forms in (29 e.g hôo
1
ïs pulling') can be accounted for by a process of triple assimilation involving the
features [high], [round], and [nasalality]. Height assimilation is contributed by the
1
root vowel whereas assimilations in roundness and in nasality are contributed by
the suffixal vowel and the labial nasal respectively.
1
Arguing that the feature value [Hound] is the primary feature value
specified for the vowel of the suffix ku, and that the feature value [@high] is the
1
primary feature for vowels in CVm roots, the harmony observed in (29) can be
1
explained by the two disjunctive but complementary rules formalized below.
1
(32) Height and round assimialation rules.
a.
[rHigh]
[r High ]
1
x
x
----->
x x
1
\\1
[ +round]
[+round]
1
[@High]
1\\
X
----->
1
x x
1
1
[ +round]
[ +round]
1
1
l,
1

---

1
256
1
1
The rule in (32a) shows the assimilation in roundness. That is, the vowel
1
of the suffix spreads its feature value [+round] to the slot of the root vowel if that
vowel is unrounded in the UR. The rule in (32b) shows the assimilation in height
1
where the vowel of the suffix Is lowered to the height of the root vowel. When the
value of @ is specified as [+) for the feature [high] in the root vowel, note that the
1
height assimilation rule in (32b) becomes irrelevant (kum-ku => kQu ïs
mowing').
1
The two processes of height and roundness assimilation are illustrated
1
below for the verbs hOo ïs pulling', nOc ïs grinding', and kpÔo ïs going home'.
1
(33)
UR
K-del. Metath.
Height ass.
Rd ass.
Inter.
SR
1
a.
[ +rd]
[ +rd]
1
1
1\\
hom-ku
hom-u
houm
houm
hoom
1
Il
\\1
[-hi]
[-hi]
[-hi]
1
b.
1
[+rd]
[ +rd]
[ +rd]
[ +rd]
1
1
Il
1\\
nam-ku
nam-u
naum
naum
naom
noom
1
1
Il
\\1
[-hi]
[-hi]
[-hi]
c.
1
[ +rd]
[+rd]
[+rd]
[ +rd]
1
1
Il
1\\
1
kpem-ku kpem-u kpeum
kpeum
kpeom
kpoom
1
Il
\\1
[-hi]
[-hi]
[-hi]
1
1
1
1.
;:
1

---

1
257
1
1
The last step is to transfer ail the nasality features of the verb 'final labial
segment by the vowel nasalisation rule proposed in chapter 3. In this specifie
1
case we argue that nasal assimilation to the vowel follows from the assimilation
of the roundness discLissed so far. This suggests that the labial segment Iml
1
should be treated as a round segment which shares the same feature slot with
1
the preceding vowel on the root node. Since this 'round' segment is not a vowel
per se, we argue that the assimilation in nasality is followed by the deletion of the
1
labial nasal on the segmental tier at the phrase final position. We assume that the
deletion of the labial nasal does not trigger the deletion of the association line
1
between the CV-tier and the nasality tier. This is shown as follows.
1
(34) Final syllable structure of CVm progressive forms.
6
6
1
11\\ \\
11\\ \\
cvv
c ------>
cv v c
1\\1
1
1
\\1
1
1
x x
m
x x
1
1
1
1 \\1
[+rd] [+nasal]
[+rd] [+nasal]
1
The represehtation in (34) is consistent with the syllabification principles
1
and rules developed in chapter 3. Note that on the segmental tier the nasalized
long vowel is represented by a single X-slot Iinked to two V-slots and to a nasality
1
feature slot dominated by a C-matrix on the CV-tier. But, for convenience recall
that we transcribe geminate sounds by two segments.
1
ln relation to verb morphology, we have presented here the segmental
1
alternations which were not fully discussed in the preceding chapters. In the next
subsection, we describe and discuss the tonal rules related to the progressive
1
verb forms.
1
1
l,
,:
1

---

1
1
258
1
1
5.1.2.2. Tonal reallsatlon ln the progressive sufflx.
1
To form the progressive or the continuous aspect in Lama the suffix ku is
attached to the verb roots. Segmental rules apply to alter both the root structure
1
and the suffix structure in some cases. Such segmental changes have been
discussed in the previous chapters and in the preceding subsection. In this
1
subsection, we discuss tone rules involved in the progressive aspect. We will first
1
consider the imperative forms where we observe certain tonal alternations form
the simple irnperative to the progressive imperative. This will lead us to make
1
tentative hypotheses on the tonal and semental structure of the progressive
, morpheme. We will then consider the tone rules which underlie the conjugated
1
forms in the present continuous tense.
ln Lama we distinguish two positive forms (as opposed to negative forms
1
which are not discussed here) of imperative aspect: (1) The imperative simple (or
1
completive imperative) where the root of the verb appears without any tonal or
segmental suffix. (2) The imperative continuous (or progressive imperative)
1
where the suffix ku is attached to the verb root. In this case, we observe certain
tonal alternations from the imperative simple to the imperative continuous, on the
1
one hand, and on the other hand, from low tone verb roots to high tone verb roots
1
when both are contrasted. In the data below we contrast the imperative simple
and the imperative continuous with respect to low tone verb roots.
1
1
1
1
1.
l'

---

1
1
259
1
(35)
Imperative simple
Imperative continuous.
1
a.
1
tu
eat
tuku
keep eating
ru
close
ruku
keep c10sing
ru
Iimp
ruku
keep limping
lu
forge
luku
keep for~ing
1
co
sit down
cak3
keep sittmg down
10
lag behind
lak3
keep lag~ing behind
1
k~
hurl at
kak3
keep hur ing at
accept
ak3
keep accepting
b.
1
fie
drink
t'lee
keep drinking
he
pick
hee
keep picking
si
wear
sil
keep wearing
1
ti
insult
tii
keep insulting
sa
cook
saa
keep cooking
wa
dance
waa
keep dancing
1
c.
fal
winnow
falu
keep winnowing
1
wal
walk
walu
keep walking
kpeel
tease
kpeelu
keep teasing
tul
wear
tulu
keep wearing
1
wul
show
wulu
keep showing
woor
praise
wooru
keep praising
soor
rub
sooru
keep rubbing
fl31
look
t'l31u
keep looking
1
kot3
knock
, kotu
keep knocking
tak3
touch
taku
keep touching
1
ked3
unbind
kedu
keep unbinding
pOS3
bark
posu
keep barking
1
ln (35a) round vowel roots are contrasted in the two imperative forms and
we observe the segmental alternations discussed earlier. In (35b) [-round] vowel
1
roots are also contrasted and we observe the deletion of the velar Iki followed by
the assimilation of the sutfix luI to the root vowel in the progressive form. (35c)
1
shows the contrast between various CVC(V) verb roots. Here, in the progessive
form, we observe the deletion of the velar followed by the deletion of the root final
1
1
i1·
1

---

1
1
260
1
schwa in the case of root final obstruents. What is common to the data in (35) is
1
the tonal realisation in the suffix ku. At the surface level we observe that the
imperative continuous shows a level low tone on both monosyllabic words and
1
disyllabic words.
If we make the hypothesis that the suffix ku has a low tone in the UR the
1
data for the progressive forms in (32) will be straightforward. We will have the low
1
tone of the root (imperative simple) followed by the low tone of the suffix in the
UR. At the surface level we will derive (by the OCP) a single low tone doubly
1
linked in disyllabic words following the principles adopted so far.
But note that we can likewise posit a high tone for the suffix ku and argue
1
that the special low tone extension rule, motivated in chapter 4, applies in low
tone verb roots. Within this approach, we will derive a rising tone on the final
1
syllable (tuku
=>
tukù
= L-LH). This will therefore trigger the contour
1
simplification rule which delinks the high part of the rising tone. Recell that
delinked high tones from contour simplification usually dock to the following
1
syllable and create a falling tone when that syllable has a low tone. But a test
such as 'kpeel u
ra = keep teasing friend' where ra 'friend' has a low tone
1
does not show the effect of our hypothetic floating high from the progressive
1
suffix ku. Although we could argue that there is a special rule which might delete
that high tone after it delinks, there is no c1ear evidence that the progressive
1
suffix ku has a high tone in the UR. By observing the tonal realisation of this
suffi x in the context of high tone roots, we will be in a position to determine the
1
nature of its tone.
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
U
261
1
(36)
Imperative simple
Imperative continuous.
1
a
1
s6
lift
sokû
keep lifting
w6
lift
wokû
keep lifting
w6
spread
wokû
keep spreading
t6
catch
tokû
keep catching
1
h6
fit in
hokû
keep fitting in
pu
respect
pukO
keep respecting
cu
backbite
cukû
keep backbiting
1
nu
pin down
nukû
keep pinning down
b
1
pél
cut
pelû
keep cutting
tél
escape
telû
keep escaping
sâl
crunch
salû
keep crunching
1
kaal
stroIl
kaalû
keep strollin~
kul
unbury
kulO
keep unburymg
hui
uncover
hulO
keep uncovering
h61
belch out
holû
1
keep belching out
m61
grunt
molû
keep grunting
sén
moan
senû
keep moaning
"
Wéet3
sell
weetû
keep selling
1
ma
hurry up
fit0
keep hurrying up
~at3"
tear out
~atû
keep teann~ out
at3
pound
atû
keep poun ing
1
rék3
visit
rekû
keep visiting
fés3
deny
fesû
keep denying
13S3
choose
13SÛ
keep choosi ng
1
c
sé
run
see
keep running
1
sé
plant
see
keep planting
té
throw
tee
keep throwing
sa
scratch
saa
keep scratching
1
~ca
catch
kpaa
keep catching
spread
taa
keeep spreading
ha
glve
haa
keep givin~
ya
burst
yaa
keep burstmg
1
ma
built
maa
keep building
1
ln (36) the imperative continuous shows a consistent falling tone on the
suffix and a low tone on the root syllable in (a & b) whereas (c) shows a levellow
1
1
l,
.'
1

---

1
1
262
1
tone on the monosyllabic words. Contrasting the imperative simple and the
1
imperative continuous the following generalisation suggests itself. The high tone
roots lose that high tone in the imperative continuous; that high tone seems to
1
shift to the suffixal syllable in derived disyllabic words.
The problems we have to account for are of the following nature. First,
1
how to derive the low tone observed on the root syllable in the imperative
1
continuous from the high tone roots observed in the imperative simple (ma 'built';
maa 'keep building'). Second, how to account for the falling tone on the suffix in
1
(36 a & b nu 'pin down'; nukü 'keep pinning down').
ln relation to low tone roots, we have shown that the suffix ku is not
1
morphologically associated with an underlying high tone. Without the puzzle
1
created by the data in (36c) we would have concluded that the progressive suffix
has a low tone in the UR. Since (36 a & b ) show a falling tone on the suffixal
1
syllable such a conclusion would have been obvious if: (1) the data in (36 c) had
a falling tone, and (2) the roots in (36 a & b) had kept their underlying high tone.
1
We would account for the falling in (c) by the effect of the segmental rules. That
1
is, the high tone of the root and the low tone of the suffix would be collapsed into
a falling tone after the segmental rules have applied (sé- ku => sé-u => * sêe
1
'keep running'). The derivation of the falling tone in (36 a & b) would be explained
by the high tone spread rule from the root to the suffixal syllable (s6-ku =>
1
* s6kü 'keep lifting').
Although the tonal realisation on the suffix in (a & b pel.Q 'keep cutting'),
1
supported by the low tone roots in the imperative continuous, leads us to believe
1
that the progressive suffix ku has a low tone in the UR, we daim that this tonal
realisation is misleading for the following reasons. First, if the continuous
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
263
1
imperative in (36) were showing a low tone ail across, we would sepeculate that
1
the low tone of the suffix causes the high tone of the root to become low. But, as
the data show, this is not the case. Second, there is evidence that the tone of the
1
root is affected by a grammatical tone which cannot directly associate to the
progressive suffix according to the association conventions adopted so far. The
1
evidence in support of this claim comes from the present continuous forms which
1
take the suffix ku but show
tonal structures different from those under
discussion. The present continuous forms will be discussed in due course.
1
To account for the tone realisation in the continuous aspects (imperative
and present), we propose the following approach. First, we make the hypothesis
1
that the progressive aspect is marked by a disjunctive morpheme whose parts
1
are: (1) a grammatical floating tone and (2) a segmental suffix, i.e ku. Second, we
argue that the verb root is infixed between the f10ating grammatical tone and the
1
segmental suffix . Thirdly, the grammatical tone has a feature value [@T] whose
specification is determined by the aspect. Below we give the formalisation of the
1
structure of the progressive morpheme.
1
(37) Structure of the disjunctive progressive morpheme.
a. General structure.
1
Tonal part----------Segmental part
1
------------ ku
1
Where:----- =disjunction
@ = [+J or [-J
Condition: roots are infixed between
1
the tonal part and the segmental
part of the affix.
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
264
1
b. Specification for the Imperative Continuous.
[-lI]
1
----------ku
1
Under this hypothesis, the data so far considered become straightforward
for ail the low tone verbs in the imperative continuous. The representation and
1
the derivation for the verb suku 'keep taking' will be as shown below.
1
(38)
UR
OCP
Association & WFC
1
su-ku
su-ku
suku
\\
/
1
(L)
L
L
L
1
ln (38), the tone in parentheses is the floating grammatical low tone of the
imperative continuous followed by the low tone of the verb root in the UR. It
1
follows from our general analysis that when no other rule (deletion) affects two
identical and adjacent segments, the OCP applies to collape them into a single
1
doubly Iinked element.
The derivation in high tone roots (pél 'cut', sé 'plant') will be as illustrated
1
in the following for the verbs pela. 'keep cutting' and see 'keep planting'.
1
(39)
1
UR
K-del.
Vow.
lowering
Ass. &WFC
Cont.simpl.
pel-ku
pelu
pelu
1
1
1
(L)
H
(L)
H
(L)H
se-ku
se-u
see
see
see
1
/\\
1
(L)
H
(L)
H
(L)
H
(L) H
(L)
H
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
265
1
To derive the falling tone in the disyllabic words such as pelO , we argue
1
that the phrase final low tone insertion rule applies in the imperative continuous.
The application of this rule will give the final correct results observed in (36 a & b
1
pelu => peIO).
The final low tone insertion rule will not be available for the data
1
represented by the derivation in see 'keep planting' where there is a floating high
1
tone arising from the contour simplification rule. The problem now is to account
for that floating high tone which does not show any effect on a potential low tone
1
syllable which follows (ahulu 'vegetable'; sé ahulu 'plant vegetable' vs. see
ahul u 'keep planting vegetable'). In the test in parentheses the imperative
1
simple shows that the high tone of the root has spread to the first low tone
1
syllable of the word ahulu. In the imperative continuous, we would expect the
floating high tone of see to dock on that first syllable. But note that the surface
1
realisation shows that syllable with its low tone. From this evidence, we can
account for the derivation of a level low tone in the data in (36c), exemplified by
1
the verb see 'keep planting', by an unmotivated floating high tone deletion rule
restricted to this category of verbs in the imperative continuous forms. The
1
floating high tone deletion rule is proposed below.
1
(40) Final high tone deletion.
1
(H)----> 0/
#
Condition:
imperative continuous only.
1
The high deletion rules which stipulates to delete a floating high tone at
1
the end of the word will complete the derivation in (39) for the word see.
1
1
1.
l'

---

'1
1
266
1
1
This approach accounts for ail the data in the imperative continuous.
Moreover, it is consistent with the major tone association principles and rules
1
motivated in the preceding chapter; namely, the left to right association of floating
tones, the OCP and the WFC. The low tone insertion rule motivated to account
1
for a category of verbs in the infinitive forms is further supported by a large body
1
of data in the imperative continuous forms. In the imperative continuous, only the
CV high tone roots with a [-round] vowel trigger the high tone deletion after the
1
contour simplification rule. Thus they appear with a level low tone in the final
derivation.
1
The motivation for positing a grammatical tone loosely related to the
segmental (toneless) suffix ku for the continuous aspect is further supported by
1
, the present continuous tense to which we now turn.
1
We consider the present continuous as an aspect in which ail the
information is given about the action described by the verb. Such information
1
relates to the subject who is doing the action, the progression of the action which
is marked by a grammatical tone and the suffix ku. Below we introduce high tone
1
verbs in the imperative simple (where nothing changes in the UR of the root)
1
followed by the present continuous tense.
1
(41 )
Imperative simple
Present Continuous
1
a.
s6
lift
i s6kû
1
w6
lift
i w6kû
w6
spread
i w6kû
t6
catch
i t6kû
h6
fit in
i h6kû
1
1
1
l,
,
1

---

1
\\1
1
267
1
c6
listen
i c6ku
pu
respect
i puku
nu
pin down
i fluku
1
b.
1
pél
cut
pélu
sâl
crunch
sélu
kul
unbury
kulu
wul
weep
wulu
1
kur
get up
kuru
k6r
pick up
k6ru
hét3
hétu
,
pound
,-
1
cat3..
rinse
cétu
rék3
visit
réku
wéet3
sell
wéetu
ffta'
hurry up
fftu
1
hfka
sob
hfku
ln (41 a) we show CV verbs where the root vowel is [+round] and the suffix
1
ku appears without any segmental change in its structure. We prefer to leave out
the CV forms with [-round] vowels for later discussion. In (41 b) the velar stop of
1
the suffix has deleted after the root final segment and we observe only the vowel
1
part of the suffix. What is interesting in both (41 a) and (41 b) is the tone
realisation on the final syllable in the present continuous. The suffix ku is realized
1
with a level high tone in the context of high tone roots (nu 'pin down'; i
nuku
'he is pinning down'). This reminds us of the imperative continuous where that
1
suffix is realized with a level low tone in the context of low tone roots (kpeel
1
'tease', kpeelu 'keep teasing'). Without the complications observed in other
roots (ru ïimp', i
rukd 'he is limping') we would have concluded that in the
1
present continuous, the suffix ku simply copies the tone of the root. The data in
(41) would therefore need ho further analysis in relation to the tone. But when we
1
consider low tone roots we note that the complications discussed in relation to
1
the imperative continuous still arise in the present continuous forms. In the
1
1
l,
'!
l"

---

1
1
268
1
following we introduce low tone roots in the imperative simple and their tonal
1
behavior in the present continuous.
(42)
1
Imperative simple
Present Continuous
1
a
1
ru
limp
i rukO
ru
close
i rûkû
1
lu
forge
i lukO
tu
eat
i tûkû
tu
punch
i tukO
1
2
...
10
lag behind
i lâk3....
1
yo
hurl at
i Yâk~
co
sit down
i câk
3
1
se
greet
sêe
fie
drink
fiêe
11
drag
10
1
ti
insult
tîi
sa
cook
sâa
ma
jump
mâa
1
b.
ceel
turn round
céelû
1
tal
arrive
tâlû
kal
read
kâlû
sul
carry
sûlû
1
mul
refleat
mulO
sir
te 1
sirO
tar
share
târû
tom
dilute
t6mû
1
ron
fix
r6nû
hOp3
squat
h6pû
tet3
S!~
tétû
1
cat3
SI
câtû
fek3
search
fékû
tak3
touch
tâkû
ted3
reap
tédû
1
med3
sneak away
médû
1
1
,1·
1

---

1
269
1
c.
1
'"
hom
pull
hôo
hom
wake up
hOo
1
kum
scythe
kûu
kpem
go home
kpOô
lem
peck
IOô
kan
come
kôo
1
nam
grind
nôô
iiam
fear
iiôo
t3m
weed out
tûu
~-'
1
r3m
bite
ruu
d.
1
how
bind
i h6k3
wow
roast
iw6k3
lew
get lost
i lék3"
1
sew
inject
j sék3
S3W
die
i s3k:i
law
swallow
i laka
1
law
do
i lak3
maw
beat
i mak3
1
ln (42 a) we iIIustrate three categories of CV verbs according to their
segmental behavior. (42 a1) shows the full progressive suffix ku; (42 a2) shows
1
the round vowel of the suffix ku which has become [-round] (lak3). And (42 a3)
shows a complete structural change in the suffix ku (i
sêe). Instead of two
1
syllables as in (a1 & a2), (a3) shows a one syllable word resulting from the
1
segmental rules of k-deletion followed by syllable coalescence and vowel
assimilation.
1
ln (42b) we illustrate sonorant final roots and obstruent final roots. (42c &
d) show the CVm and thë CVp verbs respectively. Note that in ail cases where
1
the final derivation for the present continuous is disyllabic (ceel 'turn round' => i
1
céelü 'he is turning round') the root syllable which has a low tone in the
imperative simple, now shows a high tone and the suffixal syllable shows a falling
1
tone.
1
1
1
,
l"

---

1
1
270
1
Aiso of interest is the fact that the [-round] CV low tone roots in the
1
imperative (se 'greet' => i
sêe' he is greeting') show a falling tone on the
derived monosyllabic word in the present continuous.
1
The question we need to c1arify is the origin of the high tone on the root
syllable.
1
Throughout the discussion of the tone rules, we have shown that the high
1
tone spread rule is a general rule which applies whenever the context is created
for it to apply. It can therefore follow that the high tone observed on low tone
1
verbs in the present continuous comes from the subject of the conjugated verb.
But this speculation does not hold since the subject form used in the data under
1
discussion is a low tone pronoun. Moreover, when we replace the pronoun i
's/he' by a low tone word such as ra 'friend' the tonal structures observed in the
1
data above do not change (ra
sêe 'friend is running', ra
rukll 'friend is
1
Iimping'). This shows that the high tone in the present continuous forms has its
origin elsewhere.
1
ln relation to the imperative continuous forms, we have shown that in
addition to the segmental suffix there is a grammatical tone specified as Low for
1
that aspect. If we argue that the value of that grammatical tone is specified as
1
[+High] for the present continuous, the interpretation of the data presented so far
becomes straightforward for High tone verbs as weil as for Low tone verbs. The
1
structure for the progressive morpheme for the present continuous aspect will be
as shown in (43).
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
271
1
(43) Specification of Progressive morpheme for the
1
Present Continuous tense.
1
----------ku
Where (+H) =grammatical floating high tone
1
@ = l+] or [-] and
T = hlgh or low tone for the infixed
verb root.
1
From this specification, the derivation of the present continuous forms for
1
high tone verbs illustrated in (41 s6 lift, i s6ku 'he is lifting') will be as follows.
First, the grammatical high tone and the high tone of the verb root are bath
1
represented in the UR. Since the final output of the verbs in (41) show a hjgh
1
tone on bath syllables (s6 'lift', i
s6ku 's/he is lifting'), we argue that the OCP
and the WFC interact ta derive a doubly linked high tone at the surface level. This
1
is shawn below.
1
(44)
UR
OCP
Association & WFC.
SR
1
so-ku
soku
soku
s6ku
\\
/
(H)
H
H
H
1
The derivation of the present continuous for the low tone verbs where
1
falling tones are observed is as follows. In CV verbs where segmental rules apply
ta derive a single syllable by deleting the consonant and assimilating the vowel of
1
the suffix, a falling tone results. That is the grammatical high tone and the low
1
tone of the root are bath hooked ta the derived syllable. This will be illustrated
together with the disyllabic verbs. In d~syllabic verbs, the falling tone of the
1
suffixal syllable is derived by the high tone spread rule. That is, the grammatical
1
1
l,
1"

---

1
1
272
1
high tone hooks ta the root syllable while' the low tone of the root hooks ta the
1
suffix; th en the high spread rule applies from the root syllable ta the suffixal
syllable ta derive a falling tone. This is shawn below.
1
(45)
1
UR
K-del.
syll. coal.
Ass. &WFC
H
spread
a
1
ma-ku
ma-u
maa
maa
1\\
(H)
L
(H)
L
(H)
L
(H) L
1
b
1
kal-ku
kal-u
kalu
kalu
1
1
1/1
(H)
L
( H)
L
(H)L
(H) L
1
We have provided an explanation for ail the low tone verbs and for most
1
high tone verbs. But, we have said nothing about one category of high tone verb
roots; that is the CV verb roots where the root final vowel is [-round]. Recall that
1
this category of verbs deletes the suffix initial segment and assimilates its vowel
(ma 'build', 1 ma-kû
=>
1
maa 'he is building'). In the present continuous,
1
those verbs show a falling tone instead of an expected level high tone according
1
ta the derivation provided for high tone verbs. Recall that in the derivation of high
tone verbs the OCP and the WFC interact ta collapse the grammatical high tone
1
and the underlying high tohe of the root (1 #s6-kû# => i
s6kû 'he is lifting').
By the association conventions and the WFC a doubly linked high tone is derived
1
on bath syllables in the present continuous. We would expect the same process
1
ta happen with the category of verbs under discussion. But the data below show
that this is not what actually happens.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
273
1
1
(46)
1
Imperative simple
Present Continuous
sé
run
sêe
sé
plant
sêe
1
té
throw
têe
sé.
scratch
sâa
catch
kpâa
1
~fâ
beg for
faa
té.
spread
tâa
hé.
give
hâa
1
Instead of a level high tone, the present continuous shows a falling tone in
1
(46). To account for the low part of the falling tone in this category of verbs, two
competing alternatives suggest themselves. First, the process of word final low
1
tone insertion observed elsewhere. Second, Meeussen's rule which lowers the
high tone of the root in this category of verbs.
1
To explain the low part of the falling tone we can argue that the OCP
1
applies in ail the categories of high tone verbs, but the final low tone insertion rule
applies only to monosyllable words in the present continuous. This will then
1
explain why we have a contrast between falling tone monosyllabic words in (46)
and level high tone disyllabic words in (41 i
s6k6 'he is lifting'). The non
1
application of the low tone insertion rule to polysyllabic words in the present
1
continuous will however be unmotivated. If we argue that the insertion rule
applies in the imperative continuous (and elsewhere) and not in the present
1
continuous, we can motivate a different approach to explain the origin of the low
tone in this category of high tone CV verbs. An argument in support of a different
1
approach is that, in the imperative continuous, the high tone of this category of
1
verbs is affected by the grammatical low tone. Recall that after ail the segmental
and tone rules of association and contour simplication apply (sé 'plant'; séku =>
1
1
l,
,1
1

---

1
"
1
1
274
1
sèé
=> see 'keep planting'), there is no trace of the delinked underlying high
1
tone of the root. Recall also that we accounted for the absence of that high tone
by a special floating high tone deletion rule. Since the underlying high tone of ail
1
categories of roots are affected by the grammatical tone (deletion in the case of
[-round] CV forms in the imperative continuous, OCP in the present continuous
1
as already discussed ), we argue that the underlying high tone of the verbs in
1
(46) are subject to a high tone lowering rule.
If the argument that the underlying high tone of the verbs in (46) are not
1
subject to the OCP effect, we can account for the falling tone by Meeussen's.
That is the grammatical high tone causes the underlying high tone of the [-round]
1
CV verbs to become low ((H)H => (H)L). Association and WFC will derive the
1
final surface representation as observed in (46). First, both the grammatical high
tone and the high tone of this category of verbs are represented in the UR.
1
Second, instead of the OCP applying here, Meeussen's rule applies to lower the
high tone of the root. With the interaction of the segmental rules, the
1
monosyllabic verbs in (46 # i
(H)
sé-ku#
=> i
(H)
sé-u => i
(H) see
=> i
sée 'he is planting')))) will be derived as expected.
1
The analysis presented to account for ail the facts in the continuolJs
1
aspects of imperative and present are summarized as follows.
(1) ln the imperative continuous, the grammatical low tone hooks to the
1
root syllable of the verb. If there is a suffixal syllable after segmental ru/es have
applied, the underlying high tone of the verb hooks to that syllable. In this case a
1
word finallow tone is inserted to create a falling tone. If in the final derivation the
1
output is a monosyllabic word, the grammatical low tone and the underlying high
tone of the root are combined into a rising tone by the principles of tone
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
275
1
association. The obligatory contour simplification rule, which delinks the high part
1
of a rising tone in any position, applies and the underlying high tone of the verb
root becomes floating. But unlike high f10ating tones discussed in noun
1
morphology, the floating high tone of the imperative continuous is subsequently
deleted.
1
Low tone verb roots are straightforward in the imperative continuous. The
1
grammatical low tone and the low tone of the root are subject to the OCP.
(2) Ir; the present continuous, the underlying high tone of [-round] CV roots
1
is affected by the grammatical high tone. It undergoes Meeussen's rule and
becomes low. Thus the derived monosyllabic words show a falling tone.
1
Meeussen's rule is in complementary distribution with the OCP and the WFC
1
which apply in the other category of high tone verbs. The derivation in low tone
verbs is straightforward irrespective of their category. The falling tone in derived
1
monosyllabic words arises from segmental rules (se 'greet'=> #: i
(Hl
se-ku#
=> i
séku => i
sé-u => i
sêe 'slhe is greeting'). In disyllabic words the
1
falling tone is derived on the low tone final syllable by the high tone spread rule.
This accounts for the progressive verb forms.
1
1
5.2. Segmental and tonal structure of perfective verbs.
1
We will define perfectivity as the form of aspect that gives the following
information about the action described by the verb in Lama: The action described
1
by the verb is completed or considered as completed at the moment of speaking.
ln English, the auxiliary 'have' serves that purpose. But tense and various
1
shades of aspect (continuous vs. noncontinuous) interact to determine the nature
1
1
1
l'

---

1
1
276
1
of perfectivity in English. Thus we distinguish between 'Past, Present, and
1
Future Perfect simple or continuous'.
Although various syntactic elements can be used in Lama to convey the
1
same information as in English, we do not intend to go into the details of
perfectivity. In this section, we will only focus on the suffix that marks perfectivity
1
on verbs in Lama. Perfectivity in marked by suffixing the morpheme wa to the
1
verb root. Phonological and morphosyntactic ru/es apply to alter the segmental
and the tonal structure of that suffix. To understand the overall behavior of the
1
suffix of perfectivity, this section is divided into three parts. First, we will recall the
segmental alternations of the suffix wa. Second, we will discuss the interaction
1
between the tone of the perfective marker and the tone of the verb root. Thirdly,
1
we will consider the morphosyntactic behavior of the suffix wa in conjunction with
other elements of the verb phrase such as the complement.
1
5.2.1. Segmental altemallon ln perfective verbs.
1
We have fully discussed the segmental alternation in the morpheme wa in
1
the preceding chapters. Let us simply recall that in CV verb roots wa appears
with ail its segmental elements. In eve roots, the glide Iwl deletes and only lai of
1
the suffi x occurs at the surface javel. It also deletes when the root has a final
1
schwa; in that case the schwa deletes before the suffix vowel lai. In eVm verb
roots, Iwl hardens to [pl followed by a prenasalisation process which turns the
1
two labial sounds, [ml and [pl, into a comp/ex one [mp]; consequently the
preceding vowel is nasalized. The three structural shapes of wa are illustrated
1
below for convenience.
-1
l,
,
l'

---

1
1
277
1
(47)
Root
Perfective
1
a.
1
se
greet
sewa
has greeted
sé
plant
sewa
has planted
sa
cook
sawa
has cooked
sa
scratch
sawa
has scratched
1
co
sit
cowâ
has sat
c6
Iisten
cowâ
has Iistened
1
b.
pél
cut
pelâ
has cut
1
saI
crunch
salâ
has crunched
kal
read
kala
has read
kûr
get up
kurâ
has gotten up
rék3
visit
rekâ
has visited
1
hat3
pou,nd
hatâ
has pounded
fés3
deny
fesâ
has denied
wed3
throwaway
weda
has thrown away
1
hOp3
squat
h6pâ
has squatted
c.
1
hom
pull
hompa
has pulled
kpem
go home
~êmfa
has gone home
lem
peck
1 mp
has pecked
1
nam
grind
nâmpa
has gound
tam
bind
tampa
has bound
r3m
bite
r3'mpa
has bitten
1
ln the next section, we discuss the tonal rules which underlie the
1
perfective verb forms.
1
5.2.2. Tonal alternatlon ln perfective verb forms.
1
When the perfective suffix wa is attached to low tone verb roots, we
observe the following. In one category of verb roots the suffix wa shows a level
1
high tone. In another category of roots, it shows a low tone at the surface level.
1
But that low tone is misleading in that when the perfective verb is followed by a
1
1
l"

---

1
1
278
1
word whose first syllable has a low tone that syllable will show a high tone. The
1
two categories of low tone verb roots are illustrated below.
1
(48)
Root
Perfective form
1
a.
se
greet
sewa
he has greeted
1
kpe
cast
kpewa
he has cast
he
pick
hewa
he has picked
si
wear
slwé
he has worn
si
enter
siwa
he has entered
1
sa
cook
sawa
he has cooked
wa
dance
wawa
he has danced
ta
paint
tawa
he has painted
1
ku
gather
kuwé
he has gathered
tu
punch
tuwé
he has punched
su
take
suwa
he has taken
1
yo
hurl at
yowa
he has hurled at
co
sit down
cowa
he has sat down
lew
get lost
lepa
he is lost
1
hew
abandon
hepa
he has abandonned
ow
bind
opa
he has bound
wow
roast
wopa
he has roasted
1
taw
c1imb down
tapé
he has climbed down
S3W
die
s3pa
he has died
law
swallow
lapé
he has swallowed
law
do
1
lapa
he has done
maw
beat
mapa
he has beaten
yaw
buy
yapa
he has bought
1
hom
pull
i hompa
he has pu lied
kpem
go home
!~emfa
he has gone home
lem
peck
Il mp
he has pecked
1
nam
grind
1nâmpa
he has ground
r3m
bite
i ~mpa
he has bitten
tam
attach
i tampa
he has attached
1
b.
cat3
sift
i cata
he has sift
1
paas3
start
i paasa
he has started
tak3
touch
i taka
he has touched
kot3
knock
i kota
he has knocked
WOS3
1
ask
i wosa
he has asked
1
l,
.
1

---

1
1
279
1
tet3
sip
teta
he has sipped
tek3
lie
teka
he has lied
fek3
search
feka
he has searched
1
wed3
throwaway
weda
he has thrown away
tes3
recall
tesa
he has recalled
mis3
stick around
misa
he has stuck aruond
1
ln (48a), we show CV, CVp, and CVm verb roots ail of which show a high
1
tone on the suffix in the perfective form. In (48b), we observe disyllabic verb roots
in which the suflixal syllable shows a low tone in the perfective form. This leads
1
to the generalisation that in monosyllabic low tone verbs the perfective suffix wa
shows a high tone whereas in disyllabic low tone verbs it shows a low tone.
1
If we posit a high tone for the suffix wa in the UR, the data in (48a se
1
'greet'; i
sewa' he has greeted') will be straightforward. The association
conventions will Iink the low tone to the root syllable and the high tone to the
1
suffixal syllable.
However, we have to explain: 1) the origin the low tone of wa in (48b i
1
cata he has sift), and 2) what happened to the high tone of the suffix.
1
To account for the low tone on both syllables in the perfective forms in
(48b), we can argue that the low tone spread rule introduced in noun morphology
1
also applies in this category of low tone verb roots. Recall that in noun
morphology there is a category of low tone noun roots where the low tone of the
1
root spreads to the high tone suffix and creates a rising tone (kper-û
=>
1
kperù ïadder'). Recall also that the rising tone is sirnplified to level low tone by
the contour simplification rule which delinks the high part of the contour tone. Of
1
relevance to the data in (48b) is the fact that the delinked high tone in noun
morphology does not delete since it docks to the adjacent low tone syllable of the
1
following word (ra 'friend'; kpèru
râ ïadder's friend'). The question then is
whether the same process occurs in the perfective verbs exemplified by (48b). A
1
1

---

1
1.
280
1.
sample test similar to the one run in noun morphology shows the same results
1.
(fek3
ra 'search friend'; i
feka 'he has searched'; i
fek3
râ 'he has
searched friend').
1.
Ignoring for now the structural changes in the perfective verb when a
1.
complement follows, we can draw the following conclusions in relation to the data
in (48b).
l,
First, the high tone of the perfective suffix wa is present in ail the
perfective verbs in (48).
1
Second, no tone rule applies in (48a) after the association conventions
have applied to link the low tone of the root to the first syllable and the high tone
1
of the suffix to the second syllable in the perfective aspect.
1
Third, in (48b), the low tone spread rule applies after the association
conventions and the segmental rules. This creates a rising contour tone. Since
1
rising tones are not allowed in any position, the contour simplification rule applies
to delink the high part of the contour tone.
1
Fourth, the delinked high tone remains floating in the phrase final position.
1
But in the phrase medial position, it docks to the first available low tone syllable
that follows. In the third subsection we will show that when morphosyntactic rules
1
apply to delete the perfective suffix wa its high tone relinks to some of the root
final syllables or to the low tone syllable of the following word (i feka 'he has
1
searched'; i
fek3 rA 'he has searched friend'). The relinking depends on rule
ordering which we discuss in the appropriate section. Meanwhile, let us consider
l'
high tone roots in the perfective aspect.
1
When the suffix wa is attached to high tone verbs to form the perfective
aspect, we observe two types of tone realisation. The first type relates to [-round]
l,
l'
1:,
~

---

1
281
1
1
CV verb roots Where, in the perfective, the root syllable shows a low tone and the
suffixal syllable shows a high tone. The second type relates to [+round] CV verb
1
roots and the other roots of the structure CVC or CVC[schwa]. Here we observe
a low tone on the root syllable and a falling tone on the suffixal syllable. Both
1
types of perfective forms are illustrated below.
1
(49)
1
Root
Perfective form
a.
1
sé
run
sewa he has run
sé
plant
sewa he has planted
1
té
throw
tewa he has thrown
sa
scratch
sawa he has scratched
ta
spread
tawa he has spread
na
see
nawa he has seen
1
b.
1
h6
fit in
i howâ he has fit in
s6
lift
i sowâ he has lift
c6
Iisten
i cowâ he has listened
1
cu
backbite
i cuwâ he has backbitten
nu
pin down
i fiuwâ he has pinned down
pél
cut
pelâ he has cut
1
sai
crunch
salâ he has crunched
kul
unbury
kulê he has unburied
wul
weep
wulê he has wept
1
kur
get up
kurâ he got up
k6r
pick up
korâ he has picked up
hat3
pound
hatâ he has pounded
cat3
rinse
catâ he has rinsed
1
rék3
visit
rekâ he has visited
fés3
deny
fesâ he has denied
kada
start
kadê he has started
1
Two main points need explanation in these data. First, the low tone of the
root in the perfective form. Second, the low part of the falling contour tone on the
1
suffixal syllable.
1
1
l,
,,.
1

---

'1
1
282
1
The data in (49) would have been consistent with the general tone rules
1
developed so far if the underlying high tone of the roots were present in the
perfective forms. We would have explained the data in (49a * sé-wa) by the OCP
1
effect where the two high tones are collapsed into a single high tone doubly
Iinked. And the data in (49b cu-wa => * cu-wâ) would have been explained by
1
Meeussen's rule followed by the high tone spread rule. But note that the surface
1
realisation in (49) is different from what we expected.
The general low tone pattern of the root syllable in the perfective (49),
1
however, suggests the following approach which accounts for the data. If we
argue that in the perfective the high tone of the root is affected by the high tone of
1
the suffix, the data in (49) will be consistent with the rules formulated so far.
1
Namely, the interaction between the OCP and Meeussen's. Recall that for two
adjacent high tones in the UR, either the OCP applies to collapse them (#mal-
1
ya# => mala 'chewing-sticks'), or Meeussen's rule applies to lower the second
high tone (#katé-ka# => katéka => katékâ 'headtie').
1
For a correct derivation of the data under discussion, what we need then is
the mirror image of Meeussen's rule to account for the low tone of the root in the
1
perfective form. That is, instead of lowering the high tone of the perfective suffix
1
wa, Meeussen's rule lowers the high tone of the root after the high tone of the
suffix (#i h6-wa# => i
ho-wa => i
howâ 'he has fit in'). The low part of the
1
falling tone in (49b howâ) will be accounted for by the final low tone insertion rule
which has been motivated to explain the tone realisation in certain categories of
1
imcompletive verbs. We will show that the low part of the falling tone in (49b) iS
1
indeed inserted at the phrase final position. When a low tone syllable follows any
of the perfective verbs in (49b), that syllable is realized with a high tone. Consider
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
283
1
sentences like (1) i
sowâ 'he has lift' and (2) i
so râ 'he has lift friend'. In the
1
second sentence where the perfective verb is followed by a low tone
complement, morphosyntactic rules apply to delete wé; note, however, that ra
1
shows a falling tone although the perfective verb root shows a low tone. This
implies that: (a) The mirror image of Meeussen's rule applies. (b) The low tone
1
insertion rule applies only in the phrase final position of the perfective verb. (c)
1
The high part of the falling tone on the complement râ 'friend' can only come
from the floating high tone of the deleted wâ. We do not exclude the application
1
of the high tone spread rule before the deletion of wé. (d) Recall that although the
falling tone simplifies in the phrase medial positon by delinking the low part, a
1
following low tone syllable is never realized with a high tone (i
sêe 'he is
1
greeting'; i
sée ra 'he is greeting friend' vs. i
sée
! y6 'he is greeting child').
Note that phonetically the floating low tone downsteps (! ) the following high tone.
1
From these arguments, we formulate the mirror-image of Meeussen's rule
as follows.
1
(50) Meeussen's rule: mirror-image.
1
H -----> L /
H
1
A sam pie derivation of the perfective verbs in the data of (49) is presented
below.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
284
1
1
(51 )
UR
w-del.
Ass.
M' s r:M-I
F.L.insert
1
so-wa
sowa
sowa
sowa
1
1
1
1
1
1 \\
H
H
H H
L H
L H L
1
se-wa
sewa
sewa
1
1
1
1
H
H
H H
L H
1
pel-wa
pela
pela
pela
pela
1
1
1
1
1
1 \\
1
H H
H H
H H
L H
L H L
This section has shown that the perfective suffix wé. has a high tone in the
1
UR. Low tone roots behave differently from high tone roots in the perfective
aspect.
1
ln one category of low tone verbs the low tone spread rule applies to
create a rising contour tone on the suffixal syllable; the high tone of the suffix is
1
delinked by the simplification rule. The perfective verb forms show then a low-Iow
1
configuration at the surface level for that category (i
kot-wa => i
kota 'he
has knocked'). In the other category of low tone verbs no rule applies after the
1
association conventions (i se-wa => i
sewa' he has forgotten').
Ali the high tone verb roots show a low tone on the root syllable. This is
1
explained by the mirror-image of Meeussen's rule. In the category of [-round] CV
roots the suffixal syllable shows a level high tone (i sé-wa
1
=> i
sewa' he has
planted'). But in the other category of verbs the rule which inserts a low tone in
1
the phrase final position applies and the suffixal syllable shows a falling tone (i
pél-wa => i pela. 'he has eut').
1
The occurence of the suffix wé. is however regulated by certain syntactic
rules. In the next section, we discuss how those rules interact with the
1
phonlogical rules considered in the morphology of perfective verbs.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
285
1
1
5.2.3 Tonal and morphosyntactlc behavlor of WB.
1
ln the perfective aspect, the suffix wâ appears segmentally only when the
verb is not followed by a complement. But, when wâ does not appear, we
1
observe the effects of its high tone on the first syllable of the complement jf that
syllable has an underlying low tone. In this section, we will first consider the
1
syntactic categories that are incompatible with wâ, and th en we will consider how
the deletion of wâ affects the tone of the verb root and the tone of the
1
complement of the verb.
1
5.2.3.1. Morphosyntactlc distribution of WB.
1
The description and the analysis presented in the previous section
1
concerned the perfective verbs in citation, that is when the perfective verb is in
the sentence final position or when the verb has no complement. We use the
1
term 'complement' as a cover term to mean any syntactic phrase (noun-phrase,
adverbial-phrase etc... ) following V in the perfective VP.
1
ln Lama when the verb is followed by a direct object (the noun on which
1
the action is performed) the perfective suffix wâ does not appear. The data below
illustrate this case.
1
(52)
1
a.lncomplete Verb Phrase in Perfective
i pelâ
he has eut
i kulA
he has unburied
i korâ
1
he has picked up
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
286
1
i hatâ
he has pounded
i catâ
he has rinsed
i rekâ
he has visited
1
b.Complete Verb Phrase in Perfective.
1
pel râ
he has cut friend
kul râ
he has unburied friend
kor râ
he has picked up friend
rek:1 râ
he has visited fnend
1
hat3 afe
he has pounded Indian millet
cat3wôw
he has rinsed c10th
1
ln (52a) we show the perfective verbs without any complement. Note that
the perfective suffix wâ surfaces in (52a), whereas in (52b) we observe only the
1
verb root followed by the direct object of the verb. Although (52b) does not show
the perfective suffix, the sentences have the reading and the interpretation of
1
perfectivity.
The suffix wâ does not surface when the perfective verb is followed by an
1
adverbial-phrase of time or manner, or a noun-phrase which gives the location of
1
the action, the cause of the action, etc...Consider the following data where (53a)
shows the perfective verbs in citation and (53b) shows the various phrases which
1
add details about the action described by the perfective verb.
1
(53)
1
a.
i s3pâ
he has died (he died)
1
iwala
he has gone (he went)
b.
1
S3
"
r3d3
he died yesterday
S3 Léma
he died ln Lome
S3 fiÛS3
he died of starvation
1
wal Léma
he went to Lome
wal r3d3
he went yesterday
wal fffi
he went quickly
1
1
1.
,
n

---

1
287
1
1
From the examples in (52) and (53), we can make the generalisation that
the suffix wâ does not appear segmentally whenever the perfective verb is
1
followed by any complement as defined earlier.
In traditional terms, the
1
complements of the verb can be categorized under 5 syntactic functions: (1)
Direct/Indirect object of the verb, i.e on whom or on what the action was
1
performed. (2) Location, i.e where the action described by the verb took palce.
(3) Cause, i.e why the action took place. (4) Time, i.e when the action took place.
1
(5) Manner, i.e how the action was performed.
As our generalisation shows, wâ is inc'ompatible with any expression that
1
follows the verb and forms part of the perfective VP. The following data confirm
1
this generalisation. The data show in (54a) the different complements of the
perfective verbs; in (54b) those complements are replaced by their equivalent
1
Wh-expressions and still wa does not appear.
1
(54)
1
a.
b.
i kor râ
i kor wô
i kor ano
1
he picked a friend
he picked what? he picked who?
what/who did he pick?
1 s3 r3d3
153 MY.Q
1
he dled yesterday
hedled~?
When did he die?
1
i S3 Léma
i s31ô
he died in Lome
he died where?
Where did he die?
1
.-
i S3 nus3
i S3 s3no
he died hunger
he died how?
He died of starvation
How did he die?"
1
.-
i S3 s3mo
he died why?
1
Why did he die?
1
1
l'

---

1
288
1
1
Unlike in English where the Wh-element is obligatorily fronted (except for
1
echo questions), the data in (54b) show that the Wh-elements in Lama are in-situ
constructions. That is, the questioned element does not move to the front of the
1
sentence. But for emphasis, the Wh-expressions exemplified in (54b) can move
to the sentence initial position. Such fronting gives different structures of the
1
perfective verb. Consider the data below where (55a) shows the Wh-expression
in-situ and (55b) shows the same sentence with the Wh-expresssion optionally
1
fronted.
1
(55)
1
a.
b.
1
i S3 S3mo
s3mo i S3p~
he died why?
Why did he die?
1
i S3 s3no
s3no i S3p~
he died how?
How did he die?
1
i s31ô
10 i S3p~
he died where?
Where did he die?
1
i S3 liyo
uyo i S3p~
he died when?
1
When did he die?
i kor wô
i kor âno
wo/ano i kor~
1
he picked what? he picked who?
what/who did he pick?
What we observe when the Wh-expression is fronted is that the perfective
1
suffix wâ appears. To account for the appearance /nonappearance of wâ in the
complete perfective sentences, we propose the following.
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
289
1
First, we make the hypothesis that the perfective suffix wâ and the
1
complement of the perfective verb are in complementary distribution. That is
when the latter occurs the former is deleted.
1
Second, we argue that both the perfective suffix wâ and the complement
of the verb occur in the 0 S(tructure). This is supported by the Ex-situ
1
constructions where both the perfective suffi x and the complement of the verb
1
appear (cf 55b).
Third, on the evidence of the data in (55b), it followsthat wâ only deletes
1
when it is followed by the complement of the verb at the phonetic level (PF),
where, we argue, repair strategy ru/es operate. We will discuss the repair
1
strategy rules later.
1
From the evidence shown by the various data above. we propose the
following morphosyntactic rule which deletes the perfective suffix wâ before any
1
complement of the verb.
1
(56)
a. In-situ wa-deletion.
1
@T-H
BT
_@T-H
BT
= Phonological Level.
1
V-wa
Wh
{
1
1-2
3 ====>
1
1-0
3
= Syntactic Level.
b. Ex-situ movement rule.
1
@T-H
BT
_B T
@T-H = Phonological Level.
1
V-wa
Wh
{
1
1-2
3 ====>
1
3
1-2
= Syntactic Level.
Conditions: 1-2 3 =occur in that order.
1
@T = [+] or [-] High tone of the verb fOOt.
H =High tone of the perfective suffix.
BT = [+] or [-] High tone of Wh-expression.
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
290
1
Rule (56a) says to delete ail the segmental features of wâ whenever the
1
verb is followed by a complement (Wh = 3). This accounts for the data where the
verb has a complement in the in-situ construction. Rule (56b) accounts for the
1
optional movement of the complement to the sentence initial position. The
fronting rule is ordered before the deletion rule since otherwise we would get the
1
ungrammatical sentence such as (*uyo
i
53 'when did he die' vs. uyo
i
1
53pa).
The phonological information shows that only the segmental structure of
1
the perfective suffix is affected by the morphosyntactic rule. Note that at the
phonological level the tone of the perfective suffix remains and forces the
1
perfective interpretation on the verb root after the deletion of wé.. The evidence in
1
support of this analysis is given in the next section. Meanwhile, we consider
below another relevant syntactic construction where wé. shows an asymmetric
1
distribution.
When two clauses are conjoined by the preposition n3, that we translate
1
by the English and, the perfective verb of the second clause does not show the
perfective suffix. The verb of the first clause shows the suffix if no complement
1
follows. This is illustrated below.
1
(57)
1
a.
Asa tUwa (n3) ra fie.
Asa eat-wa (and) friend drink.
1
Asa ate and friend drank.
b.
1
*Asa tu (n3) ra fiewa.
Asa eat and friend drink-wa.
1
Asa ate and friend drank.
1
l,,
1

---

1
1
291
1
c.
1
Asa fiewâ (n3) ra tu.
Asa drink-wa (and) friend eat.
Asa drank and friend ate.
1
d.
*Asa tUwâ (n3) ra newâ.
1
Asa eat-wa and friend drink-wa.
1
The brackets in (57) show that the preposition n3 'and' is optional.
Sentences (57a) and (57c) show the verb of the first clause marked for wé.
1
whereas the verb of the second clause is not marked. Note that (57c) shows a
permutation between the verbs of the two clauses. In sentence (b) the verb of the
1
first clause is not marked and the sentence is ungrammatical. Sentence (d)
shows both clauses marked for wé; here also, the sentence is ungrammatical.
1
To account for the distribution of wé in this type of syntactic construction,
1
an approach suggests itself. The events described by the verbs of the two
clauses are semantically related in that both happened within the same time
1
referrence. That is both events are completed at the time of speaking. Moreover,
the two clauses are linked by the prepositional phrase n3. Sentence (c) shows
1
clearly that the occurrence of wé in the first clause does not depend on the
1
nature of the verb. On this evidence, we propose the following syntactic rule
which accounts for the perfective inflection in the data in (57).
1
(58)
1
First Clause Condition.
In a semantic re1ationship,
only the frrst INFL.is segmentally
1
marked for Perfective Aspect wâ.
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
292
1
The tree diagram that shows the relation between the two inflectional
1
nodes of sentence (57a) is proposed below.
1
(59)
CP
/\\
1
op c'
/\\
C
IP x
/
\\
1
IP y CP
/\\
/
\\
NP
l'Op
C'
1
1 / \\
/ \\
1
Ix VP
C
I/P~
1
/ \\
/ \\
1
\\
1 Vil V NPI
NP l '
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
/ \\
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Ix
VP
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
/ \\
1
1
l i t i 1 1
1[0]
V NP
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Asa tuwa
0
ne ra
ne 0
Asa
eat-wa and friend
drink
1
Asa ate and (her)friend drank.
1
ln (59) x shows the coindexing between the two INFLs; the INFL. of IP y is
the upper INFL and the INFL.of IP z is the lower INFL. The maximal projection
1
for both INFLs ;s the IP x node. This representation assumes that the verb of the
upper clause has moved to INFL where syntactically the perfective suffix occurs.
1
The terminal element t i (t = trace) shows the place of the verb Vi before
1
movement. Vi and tiare therefore coindexed. The terminal element " of the NP
nodes indicates that the NP node is empty from the OS to the phonetic form (PF).
1
That explains the inapplicability of the in-situ wâ deletion rule in the upper clause.
Note, however, that whenever a complement of the verb is introduced in the first
1
clause the wâ deletion rule applies as observed previously (Asa tu maan
(n3)
1
ra ne lêm 'Asa ate rice and friend drank water'). In this sample sentence
1
1
.!
1

---

1
1
293
1
where each verb has a complement, none of the verbs is marked for wa. The first
1
clause condition rule applies to mark only the first verb (tuwa 'ate'). Since that
verb has a complement (mâan 'rice') the wa deletion rule applies and we
1
segmentally observe no perfective suffix at the surface level.
This section has first shown that the perfective suffi x wa deletes whenever
1
the verb is followed by a complement. In coordinate clauses, only the verb of the
1
first clause is segmentally marked for wà The wa deletion rule applies in that
clause whenever its condition of application is met.
1
The deletion of wâ triggers certain tonal rules which are not observed
when the perfective verb is considered in citation forms as those discussed
1
earlier. In the final section on perfective verb forms we consider those tonal rules
1
in the Iight of the previous sections.
1
5.2.3.2. Tone reallsatlon ln the complete perfective VP.
1
We define the complete perfective VP as the perfective verb followed by a
complement. In this construction, the perfective verb loses its suffix by the
1
morphosyntactic rules considered in the previous section. When the perfective
suffix wa deletes, its high tone remains. The effect of that high tone on the verb
1
root leads to the distinction of two categories of perfective VP's. In the first
1
category of perfective VP's, the root final syllable which showed a low tone in
citation with wâ (sewa 'has greeted') now shows a high tone in the medial
1
position (i sé râ' he has greeted friend'). In the second category of perfective
VP's, the low tone of the (final) root syllable remains low after the deletion of the
1
perfective suffix wâ (s6 'lift'; i
sowâ; i
so râ 'he has lift a friend'). We discuss
1
each category of the VP's in turn.
1
l,,
l'

---

1
294
1
1
The first category of perfective VP's in the medial position concerns [-
round] CV verb roots and disyllabic verb roots. The CV verbs show a high tone
1
after the deletion of wa and the CVCV verbs show a high tone on the last syllable
and a low tone on the first syllable. This tonal realisation occurs irrespective of
1
the tonal structure of the verb root in the UR. The following data contrast the verb
1
root and the perfective verb in citation (GOa & b); (GOc) gives an illustration of the
perfective verb with a low tone complement for discussion.
1
(GO)
1
Root
Perfective form
a.
b.
1)
1
se
greet
i sewa he has greeted
si
accompany
i siwa he has accompanied
sa
cook
i sawa he has cooked
1
2)
sé
run
i sewa he has run
1
té
throw
i tewa he has thrown
sa
scratch
i sawa he has scratched
na
see
i nawa he has seen
1
3)
WOS3
ask
i wosa he has asked
tek3
lie
i teka he has lied
1
fek3
search
i feka he has searched
wed3
throwaway
i wedahe has thrown away
tes3
recall
i tesa he has recalled
1
4)
.-
hat3
pound
i hatâ he has pounded
cat3
rinse
i catâ he has rinsed
1
rék3
visit
i rekâ he has visited
fés3
deny
i fesâ he has denied
.kada
pick on (so)
i kadA he has picked on (so.)
1
c.
1)
1
i sé râ
he has greeted friend
i si râ
he has accompanied friend
1
1
1.
1

---

1
1
295
1
2)
i sé râ
he has run fram friend
1
i né râ
he has seen friend
3)
i WOS3 râ
he has asked friend
1
i fek3 râ
he has searched friend
4)
1
i reki râ
he has visited friend
i kada râ
he has picked on friend
We have explained (60 b2) by Meeussen's mirror-image rule which lowers
1
the high tone of the raot (60 a2). We accounted for (60 b3) by the low tone
1
spread rule followed by the contour simplification rule which delinks the high part
of the rising tone on the suffixal syllable. Finally, (60 b4) is derived by
1
Meeussen's mirrar-image rule and the low tone insertion rule on the final syllable.
The data in (60) show a consistent falling tone on the complement ra
1
'friend' which has a low tone in the UR. The falling tone on the complement of the
perfective verb supports the low tone insertion rule and the high tone spread rule.
1
If the low part of the falling tone observed in (60 b4 i
rekâ 'he has
1
visited') were in the UR we would not explain the falling on the low ra 'friend'.
Since the low tone insertion rule applies only in the phrase final position, the
1
complement of the perfective verb removes the context of application of that rule.
That is, when the complement of the verb is added, the perfective verb is no
1
longer in the phrase final position. The high tone of the suffix is therefore
1
adjacent to the low tone of the complement (i rekâ ra). The falling tone of the
complement is explained by the high tone spread rule fram the verb (i rekâ ra
1
=> i
rekâ râ => i
rek3 râ).
Note that in (60 b3 = i
wosa 'he has asked') the perfective verb shows a
1
low tone on both syllables, but when it is followed by the low tone complement
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
296
1
(Sa c3 = i
wos3
râ 'he has asked friend'), that complement shows a falling
1
whereas the verb itself shows a level high tone on the final syllable and a low
tone on the first syllable. Recalling that the verbs in (Sa b3) show a final low tone
1
in citation, it follows that that final low tone derives from a contour simplification.
The falling tone on the complement in (Sa c3) is explained by the same high tone
1
spread n.lle from the perfective verb in the medial position.
1
This accounts for the origin of the high part of the falling tone on the low
tone complements in the complete perfective VP's. We, however, need to explain
1
the tonal alternation between the perfective verb roots when wâ occurs (SOb) and
when wâ does not occur (Sac).
1
To account for the tonal alternation from (SOb) to (SOc) in a straightforward
1
way, we make the following hypotheses. First, the tonal rules formulated to
account for the perfective verbs in citation (SOb) also apply in the complete
1
perfective VP's (SOc) where the complement of the verb occurs. Second, the
syntactic rule of WB deletion applies after certain phonological rules. Third, the wâ
1
deletion rule interacts with certain phonological rules. Fourth, wâ deletion rule
triggers tone readjustment rules. We will refer to those readjustment ru les as
1
post-lexical rules.
1
From these hypotheses, it follows th en that most of the phonological rules
that apply before the syntactic rule of wâ deletion are lexical rules.
1
Within this view, we will need only two addition al rules to account for the
derivation of the data in (SOc) where a syllabla that showed a low tone in citation
1
form (SOb = i
sewa 'ha has graatad') now shows a high tone befora the
1
complement (se ra 'greet friand'; i
sewa 'ha has greeted' vs i
sé râ 'he has
1
1
l,
1

---

1
"
297
1
1
greeted friend). The two interrelated readjustment rules will be: (1) Root low tone
deletion rule; and (2) Perfective floating high tone reassociation rule.
1
Of the two rules, only the perfective high tone reassociation rule is new.
Recall that the root low tone deletion rule was already introduced to account for
1
the data in the infinitive verbs. In the infinitive formation, the high tone of the
1
suffix !l causes the low tone of the CV verb root to delete and the final result is a
level high tone for the infinitive verb (se 'greet'; se-u => see-u => séeu 'to
1
greet'). We recall the low deletion rule below.
1
(61) Verb root finallow tone deletion.
6
6
6
6
1
1
1
1
H
1
JL H ---.>
Root
Arguing that the low deletion rule applies lexically for the infinitive
1
formation and postlexically in one category of perfective verbs, we propose the
1
formulation of the postlexical rule as follows.
(62) Root Final Low tone deletion (Postlexical)
1
L
{H}
{H}
1
"
1
""'-
6
1
r [~~;~~ l':_-->
1
l~~~~~~ ~ ~~~l J
]
1
Root]+{perfective}]
Root]+{perfective}]
1
1
1
l"

---

1
298
1
1
The structural description of the postlexical low tone deletion is motivated
by the following facts. First, in the Infinitive formation the roundness of the vowel
1
in the ev verb roots is irrelevant (ru 'close' ru-u => ruuu 'to close'). Second,
as we will observe later on with the second category of perfective verbs, the low
1
tone deletion rule does not apply wh en the vowel of the ev roots is [+round] or
1
when the final segment of eve roots is a sonorant.
The second postlexical rule which reassociates the high tone of the
1
deleted perfective suffix W8. is proposed below.
1
(S3) Perfective High tone reassociation.
1
{H} ----->
H
/
V]Root
V]Root
1
This rule says to associate the floating high tone of the perfective suffix
1
({H}) to the root final toneless TBU. The final TBU of the root has become
toneless by the root final low deletion rule. The two postlexical rules are ordered
1
after the syntactic rule of W8. deletion. A sample derivation of the data in (SOc) is
given below to show the interaction between the various (lexical, syntactic, and
1
postlexical) rules. The perfective verbs chosen for illustration are i
wos3
râ 'he
1
asked friend', i
sé râ 'he greeted friend', i
rek3 râ 'he visited friend', and i
sé râ 'he ran from friend'.
1
1
1
1
1
l,
1

---

1
299
1
(64)
1
1) Derivation in low tone roots.
a.
1
UR
w-del
Ass.&WFC
H-spr
wa-del
wos3-wa rawos3-a ra wos3-a ra wos3-a ra wos3 ra
\\/
1
1
\\/
1 /1
\\/
/\\
1
L-H-L
L-H-L
L
H
L
L
H
L
L H HL
Root final Low dei. Perfect.H.tone reassociation
1
wos3
ra
wos3 ra
1
/\\
1 1
/\\
1
L H
H L
L H
H L
b.
1
UR
w-del.
Ass. &WFC
H-spr.
wa-del
se-wa ra
se-wa ra
se-wa ra
se ra
1
1
1
1
1
1 /1
1
/ \\
L
H
L
L
H
L
L
H
L
LH H L
Root final Low dei. Perfect.H.tone reassociation
1
se ra
se ra
/\\
1
/ \\
1
H
H L
H
H L
2) Derivation in high tone roots.
a.
1
UR
w-del.
MIs rule:M-I
Ass. &WFC
H-spr.
1
rek3-wa ra
rek3-a ra rek3-a ra
rek3-a ra
rek3-a ra
\\ /
1
1
\\/
1 /1
H
H
L
L
H
L
L
H
L
L
H
L
1
wa-del
Root final Low dei. Perfect.H.tone reassociation
rek3
ra
rek3
ra
rek3 ra
1
\\/
/1
1
/\\
1
1
/ \\
L H H L
L
H H L
L H H L
1
1
1
1
1
1

---

1
300
1
b.
1
UR
w-del.
M's rule:M-I
Ass. &WFC
H-spr.
1
se-wa ra
se-wa ra
se-wa ra
se-wa ra
1
1
1
1
1 /1
H
H
L
L
H
L
L
H
L
L
H
L
1
wa-del
Root final Low dei.
Perfect.H.tone reassociation
se ra
se
ra
se ra
1
1
/ \\
/\\
1
/ \\
LH H L
H H L
H
H L
1
Where two identical tones follow one another as in the final derivation
above, the OCP applies to derive a single tone which is doubly Iinked if the
1
perfective VP is considered as a phonological phrase.
1
Turning to the second category of perfective VP's where the complement
appears and wâ deletes, we observe that the verb root conserves the low tone
1
that it shows in the citation form. The low tone complement, however, shows a
falling tone. The following data show the contrast between the perfective verbs in
1
citation form and wh en they are followed by a complement.
1
(65)
a.
b.
1
1)
ku
gather
ikuwé
he has gathered
1
tu
punch
i tuwé
he has punched
su
take
Isuwa
he has taken
yo
hurl at
iyowa
he has hurled at
1
2)
s6
lift
isowâ
he has lift
cu
backbite
icuwâ
he has backbitten
1
nu
pin down
if\\uwâ
he has pinned down
3)
1
ew
abandon
i 'hepa
he has abandonned
'how
bind
i opa
he has bound
maw
beat
i mapa
he has beaten
1
1
l,
l'

---

1
301
1
1
yaw
buy
iyapâ
he has boug ht
hom
pull
i h5mpâ
he has pulled
1
lem
geck
i lémpa
he has gecked
r3m
ite
i r3mpâ
he has itten
tam
attach
i tampâ
he has attached
1
4)
pél
cut
pelâ
he has cut
saI
crunch
salâ
he has crunched
1
kul
unbury
kulê
he has unburied
wul
weep
wulê
he has wept
kûr
get up
kurâ
he got up
1
k6r
pick up
korâ
he has picked up
c.
1
1)
i tu râ
he has punched friend
i su râ
he has taken friend
1
2)
i so râ
he has lift friend
i cu râ
he has backbitten friend
1
3)
i ye râ
he has abandonned friend
1
i hom râ
he has pulled friend
4)
1
i kul râ
hehasunburiedfriend
i kor râ
he has picked up friend
We recall that the data in (65 b2 & b4) are derived by Meeussen's mirror-
1
image rule and the final low insertion rule which does not apply in (65 b1 & b3).
The data in (65c) show the deletion of the perfective suffix wa and the low tone
1
complement of the verb which is realized with a falling tone irrespective of the
1
tone shape of the perfective verb in the citation form (65b.).
Within the analysis tàken so far, the tonal realisation on the roots in the
1
complete VP in this category of verbs is accounted for as follows. In relation to
the low tone deletion rule the data in (65 c1 = i
tu ra. 'he has punched friend'
1
& 65 c2 = i
so ra. 'he has lift friend') are straightforward. Since the final vowel
1
1
l,
!
l'

---

1
1
302
1
of these CV roots is not [-round] the structural description of the rule is not met
1
and consequently it does not apply.
But (65 c3 = i
hom r~ 'he has pulled friend' & 65 c4 = i
kor
râ 'he
1
has picked up friend') which are CV [+sonorant, -syllabic] roots also fail to
undergo the low tone deletion rule. Although the stipulation in the rule accounts
1
for these roots, we need further speculation on the structural description. If we
1
assume that these root final sonorants act Iike TBU's, we can argue that the
postlexical low tone deletion rule is blocked in this category of verbs.
1
The perfective high tone reassociation rule will naturally fail to apply since
the potential candidate (the root) is not toneless. We can therefore conclude that
1
the two postlexical rules are simply not available to this category of perfective
1
verbs. The lexical rules discussed earlier apply. And when the wé. deletion
applies, the 110ating high tone is collapsed (by the OCP) with the tone of the
1
complement. This explanation remains speculative since we have no clear
evidence that the sonorants are TBU's in Lama. Further investigation within the
1
moraic approach to the status of TBU's might shed Iight on this problem.
Within the approach taken so far, we do not exclude a generalisation of
1
the application of the two postlexical rules to ail the complete perfective VP's.
1
This alternative analysis must however exclude the application of the final low
tone deletion for the category of perfective verbs under discussion. For these
1
verbs, then, we could argue that only the perfective high tone reassociation rule
is available at the postlexical stratum. In this view, the high tone reassociation
1
rule will not be motivated by the root low tone deletion rule but by the deletion of
1
the perfective suffix wà The derivation for this category of perfective verbs will be
as follows. After the deletion of the suffix wâ (i kora r~ => i kor {H} râ),
1
1
l,
1

---

1
1
303
1
the f10ating high tone {H} reassociates to the low tone root. This reassociation
1
creates a rising contour tone (i kàr râ) for lack of the low tone deletion. Since
the rising tone is not allowed, it follows that the rising simplication applies to
1
delink the high part. Note that the perfective high tone becomes floating once
again. Pushing this analysis, we can still argue that, when it delinks this time, the
1
perfective high tone is collapsed with the high tone of the complement. Needless
1
to point out the intricacies of this alternative analysis.
1
5.3. Conclusion.
1
ln this chapter, we have shown that the association conventions and the
general principles adopted for the analysis of noun tonology are supported by the
1
data in verb morphology. We have also shown that certain rules are governed by
specifie syntactic categories such as noun suffixation and verb inflection.
1
Noun suffixation for instance governs Meeussen's rule in its traditional
1
formulation. Perfective verb inflection governs Meeussen's mirror-image rule.
Instead of lowering the second high tone in two adjacent high tones, it is the first
1
high tone which is lowered in perfective inflection.
Verb inflection also governs low tone deletion in one category of verbs. In
1
noun tonology low tone deletion arises only when the low part of a rising tone is
1
sandwiched between a preceding high tone (from the high tone spread rule) and
the following high tone wHich is part of the rising contour tone. The phrase final
1
low tone insertion rule is specifie to verb tonology in that this was not observed in
the noun tonology.
1
The perfective verb inflection shows an interesting interaction between
1
phonological rules and syntactic rules. In citation form, the perfective verb
1
1
l'

---

1
1
304
1
appears fully inflected and tonal realisations change in one category of verbs
1
when the verb is followed by its complement. The complement of the verb
triggers a syntactic rule which deletes the perfective suffix wâ. When W8 is
1
deleted, two postlexical rules apply to readjust the tonal structure of the mutilated
perfective verb. The two rules, the root low tone deletion rule and the perfective
1
high tone reassociation rule, apply to monosyllabic roots and disyllabic roots
1
where the root final TBU is [-round]. The final TBU of these roots shows a low
tone when wâ is present and it shows a high tone after the deletion of W8. In
1
[+round] CV roots and CVC roots where the final C is a sonorant the postlexical
rules do not apply.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1.
.'
l'

---

1
1
305
1
REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY.
1
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Aritiba, Adji Sardji. 1988. Un type particulier de morphème relateur en Lamba.
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Assamela, A. Misseham. 1976. Mariage Traditionnel "Lamba" et Mariage
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Chrétien. Mémoire de fin du Grand Séminaire. Ouidah, Rép. Pop. du Bénin.
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141-178. Mouton, Paris.
Bole-Richard, Rémy. 1983. Systématique Phonologique et Grammaticale d'un
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Parler Ewé: Le
Gen-Mina
du
Sud-Togo
et
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1
Brinneman, R. C. 1980. Considération pour l'enseignement du Kabiye aux
1
Lamba. Conference of the West African Linguistics Society, University of
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1
Chomsky, N. and M. Halle. 1968. Sound Pattern of English, Harper and Row,
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1
Clements, G. N. 1981. Akan vowel harmony: a nonlinear analysis. Harvard
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Studies in Phonology 2, 108-177. Indiana University Linguistics Club,
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1
Clements, G. N. 1985. The geometry of phonlogical features. Phonology Year
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1
Clements, G. N. and S. J. Keyser . 1983. CV Phonology: A Generati ve
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Theory of the Syllable. The MIT Press.
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306
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Commission Nationale de Linguistique du Togo. 1983. Listes Lexicales du Togo,
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Acct-Institut de linguistique appliquée.
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1
Delord, J. 1977. Le Kab!,ïE. Institut National de la Recherche Scientifique, Lomé.
1
Downing, L. J. 1987. Segmental and tonal alternations in past tense verbs in
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1
Evans, D. 1987. Vowel harmony in Lama: the elusive process. Ms, University of
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1
Fivaz, D. and Patricia E. Scott. 1977. African Languages: A Genetic and
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Decimalised Classification
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1
Goldsmith, J. 1979. Autosegmental Phonology. Garland Publishing Company,
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1
Greenberg,
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H.
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1
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1
G.E.R.L.A.
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Information
et
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(Thèses
de
linguistique
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1
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1
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1
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307
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Houis, M. 1974. La description des langues negro-africaines: 1, La description
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d'une langue. Afrique et Langage, 1, 11-20. Paris
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Linguistics, S.I.L. Kandé, Lomé.
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1
and Theory. Academic Press. New York.
1
Kenstowicz, M. and M. A. Ourso. 1988. Tone in Lama. 19th Conference on
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1
Kenstowicz, M., E. Nikiema, and M. A. Ourso. 1988. Tonal polarity in two Gur
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1
Ladefoged, P. 1964a. A Phonetic Study of West African Languages. Cambridge
1
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1
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
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1
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1

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1
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308
1
Ourso, M. A. and C. Ulrich. 1989. Sonorant-strengthening in Lama. Paper
1
presented at the 20th Annual Conference on African Linguistics. University of
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1
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1
Canada.
1
Ourso, M. A. and E. O. Yu. 1989. The semantics of noun classes. 20th
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1
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1
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1
2,233-269.
1
Stewart, John. 1967. Tongue root position in Akan vowel harmony. Phonetica,
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1
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1
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1
Summer Institute of Linguistics. 1986. Wute Kpisasi (Proverbs) S.LL. Kandé,
1
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1
,
l'

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1
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309
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Westermann, O. 1913. Die Mossisprachengruppe. Anthropos, 8, 467-504, 810-
1
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1
Yu, Ella O. 1988a. Reconstruction evidence for noun c1ass splitting in Lama. 19th
Confrence on African Linguistics, Boston University.
1
Yu, Ella O. 1988b. Agreement in left-dislocation of coordinate stnJctures. Chicago
1
Linguistic Society, Part two: Parasession on Agreement in Grammatical
Theory, 322-336.
1
Yu, Ella O. (forthcoming). Theoretical aspects of noun c1ass in Lama. University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Ph.O. dissertation in Linguistics.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
l'

---

IJ,
1
310
1;
VITA
l"
Méterwa Ourso was barn on January 1, 1950 in the District of Kéran (Kantè).
l'
After his elementary education at the 'Ecole Primaire Publique de Kandé' from
1956 to 1963, he entered the 'Collège Moderne de Sokodé' (which became Lycée
I~
Moderne de Sokodé later on). He graduated there in 1970' Baccalauréat série Philosophie
et Lettres'. From 1970 to 1975 he attented the 'Université du Bénin à Lomé-Togo' where
l'
he got his 'Licence ès Lettres' (BA) in English Language and Linguistics.
1:
From 1978 to 1980, Méterwa Ourso attended st Luke's College of Education,
University of Exeter in England. He finished his thesis for the Master's degree in 1980 on
l,'
the subject 'Focus on Communicative Competence in E L T, FormaI Education'.
In 1985, Fall Semester, he was admitted on the Ph.D program in the Department
1
of Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He defended his Ph.D
dissertation on July 19, 1989.
l'
Méterwa Ourso is an experienced teacher bath at the high school and at the
1
university levels. He is a staff member of the University of Bénin, Lomé. During his
studies he held several teaching, research, and graduate assistantships at the University of
l'
Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
He holds several academic recognitions and scholarships including the following:
1:
1988: nomination and initiation to the Phi Kappa Phi (Interdisciplinary) National Honor
l'
Society of U.S.A, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Chapter.
1985-1989: Fulbright scholar, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, U.S.A.
1:
1985, Summer: African Leaders' scholar, University of Princeton, U.S.A.
1978-1980: British Council scholar, University of Exeter, Great Britain.
1
1977, Summer: French Cooperation scholar, University of Cape-Coast, Ghana.
l,
1970-1975: Togolese National scholar, University of Bénin, Lomé, Togo.
1
1
1

---

ri
1
311
1
His conference presentations and publications include the following.
1
Forthcoming. Phonological processes in the noun class system of Lama. Studies
in African Linguistics. 20. 2.
1
1989a (with C. Ulrich). Sonorant-strengthening in Lama. Paper presented at the
20th Annual Conference on African Linguistics. University of Illinois at Urbana-
1
Champaign, April 19-22, 1989.
1
1989b (with E. O. Yu). The semantics of noun classes. 20th Conference on
African Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, April 19-22, 1989.
1
1989c. Critères de distribution des affixes en Lama. Journal of West African
Languages. 19, 1,35-56.
1
1988a (with M. Kenstowicz) Tone in Lama. 19th Conference on African
1
Linguistics, Boston University.
1988b (with Kenstowicz, M., and E. Nikiema). Tonal polarity In two Our
1
languages. Studies in Linguistics Sciences. 18, 1,77-103.
1988c. Root control, underspecification, and vowel harmony. Studies in the
1
Liguistic Sciences. 2, 110-127.
1987a. Constraints on borrowing and nativiation. 18th Conference on African
1
Linguistics, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada.
1
1987b (with E. O. Yu). The noun class system of Lama. 18th Conference on
African Linguistics, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada.
1
1986a. Polyglossia: the case of Togo. 17th Conference on African Linguistics,
University of Bloomington, Indiana.
1
1986b. Issues in the use of French and English as media of instruction in Sub-
1
Saharan Africa. 29th Annual Meeting, African Studies Association. Madison, Wisconsin,
October 30th-November 2nd, 1986.
1
1
1
l,

---

ri
:1
312
1
Méterwa Ourso will resume his teaching and research activities In his home
....
0',
'(>\\...
University in Lomé, Togo, in the FaU Semester 1989.
1
,
'l,
1<.>
/
"" ,:<~\\
Méterwa Ourso is married and father of three s01~f (~!!~~~\\Old,
1
Asseham: 12 years old, Simno:5 years old) and one daughter, N~qou: 7 years old~.11~1
.- -ç
\\
/
.0
", / >...,
./ ,.~'-"""'.\\
1
His home addresses are:
' (,::s< "-._- -,,\\,,-5::>
,.,. ,( nerne'd'"
,.~~
1)
Méterwa Ourso
1
Boîte Postale 8373,
Lomé Togo,
West Africa.
1
Or
2)
1
Méterwa Ourso
Professeur de Lettres à l'Université du Bénin,
Facultés des Lettres et Sciences Humaines,
1
Département d'Anglais,
BP 1515,
Lomé Togo
1
West Africa.
1
1
,
1
r
. /

---