•
COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN
DRAVIDIAN AND PULA: R LANGUAGES:
- A POSSIBLE RELATIONSHIP-
THESIS SUBMITTED
fOil
THE
DEGREE
Of
OF
DaCTOR
DOCTOR
Of
OF
PH IlOSOPHY
-
-
- - ---_. --- -- -~-~
-
- - ---_. --- --
: CONSI;I~ AFRICAIN ET MALGACHE
POUR L'IN$EIGNGMENT SUPERIEUR
c. A. M. e, 5, ..... OUAGADOUGOU
lArriv€l~ ,3.1..MAl.1995 :
i
' Arriv€lê
,3·1. .MAI .1995
Enr~~i?t~~ $.Q~~ 1'I:_~.'O .Q.a..~~~._'
1:
Eqrê~i?t~ê $.Q~~ 1'I:_~ ..o.Q'à.'~~~'_'
1:
\\
MAMADOU NDIA
NOIAYE
CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY IN LINGUISTICS
ANNAMALAI
UNIVERSITY

---

..
Prof. S.V. Shanmugam, M.A., M.Litt., Ph.D.
Professor of Linguistics,
Centre of Advanced Stüdy
Study in Linguistics,
Annamalai University,
ANNAHALAINAGAR.
CERTIFICATE
-
This is to certify that the thesis
"COl'iPARATlVE
"COl'iPARATIVE STUDIES IN DRAVIDIAN AND PULA:R
LANGUAGES - A PqSSIBLE
Pq,sSIBLE RELATIONSHIP" is a bonafide
record of research work done by }~~~DOU .NDIAYE,
Research Fellow of the Centre of Advanced Study in
Linguistics, ANNAl1ALAI UNIVERSITY.
It is also
certified that the above work has not previously
formed the basis for the award of any Degree to the
candidate.
This original research work of the
candidate is a contribution towards the Indo-African
Linguistic Studies.
ANNAMALAIN~AR
S.V. SHANMUGAM
- [2"0-10-1980'

---

1'0
To ~ frien~
Serln Batrba" Njaay
and
MuaUfaa
TaJrt)adu
Whoae
Whose c:ouraqe and fai th
faith
have lftsp1re4 tboe

---

--
"Every scholar, every research worker in
contemporary AFRICA is prepared to direct
his thinking, his teaching and his research
towards the needs of the CONTINENT."
(John Spencer)

---

ACKNOWLEOOEMENT
Grateful acknowledgemen~ 15
is due to the Government
of India under whose scholarsh1p
scholarship othis
'this work has been
acc011i'lished.
acco11i'lished.
l
I am a180
also thankfUl to the Government of the Repub11c
Republic
of SSNEGAL
SENEGAL for havlng
having selected me to undertake th15
th1s WOn
UD4er the Indo - Senegalese cultural
eul tural exchange progratl'lfte.
l
I ext;end
extend therefore my thanks to the different. goveJ:ftlœn'tal
goveJ:ftftln-tal
bOdies, name1y
namely 1:I1e office of the I.C.C.R (Madras) and
the Enbasay
Enba8ay of SENEGAL in Delhi for the1r
their constant and
yaluable
valuable assis~nce.
1
I am grateful to the Annamala1 University
Authont1es
Authorities for hav1ng
having prov1àed
provided me with a decent
accomodaUon showing t.hus that. hospitality i8
is n.ot a
mean1ngless
meaningless ward
word 1n Tamil Nadu but a living real1ty.
reality.
Ta
TO Professor Aghesthial1ngOI'l\\, Head of the
Linguist1cs
Linguistics Department, 1
I OWe ~ s1ncere
sincere thanks f~ bis
his
international understandinq
understanding personallty
personality and pater~l
affection.

---

A special mention goes to my guide,' Professor
s.v. Shanmugam for his dynamism, availability,
intellectual probity;unestimable assistance and paternal
attention.
sp.
Sp. Thinnappan, Reader in the Linguistics Department,
has instilled the taste of the Tamil
Tarnil Language and Culture
in me.
l
I
am grateful to him.
Professor P.S. Subrahmanyam deserves a special
gratitude for his valuable advices and help.
l
I
am also thankful ta
to all the teaching and non-
teaching staff of the Linguistics Department for their
helpful assistance.
l
I
am
deeply indebted to my colleagues research
scholars for having created a homely atmosphere whic~ has
helped me in carrying out this work in a total peace of
mind.
Last but. not. least lI thank A. Somasundaram, M.A.
for ne8 tly
neatly doing the typing of this thesis.-

---

ABBREVI AT! ONS
Languases
Br.
·.
Brahui
.
,"
COr.
CDr.
• •
Central Dravidian
•
Central
FK.
·.
Fulakunda
.
Ga.
Oa.
• •
Gadaba
•
Go.
• •
Gondi
•
I~.
• •
lrula
•
-Ka.
• •
Kannada
•
I<b;
• •
Kurumba
•
Kas.
1<a5.
·.
Kasaba
·.
Ko.
.'.
I<o-ea
.
KOd.
• •
Kodagu
•
•
Kol.
• •
Kolami
•
Kur.
·.
Kurux
.
•
_ Ha.
• •
Ma layalam
•
Ma
NOr.
• •
North Dravidian
•
North
NK.
• •
Naiki
•
...
NK..
NK
(Ch.)
Naiki Chan da
Chanda
011.
••
Ollari
••
. Pa•
• •
Parji
•
POr.
••
·Proto Dravidian
••
·Proto

---

r-.
".
Pe.
••
'I.
Pengo
PF
".
Peul Fu:ta
.
Peul
Pu~
PU~
• •
Pula:r
•
Se.
• •
Se:re:r
•
sOr!
SDr!
• •
South Dravidian
•
South
Ta.
• •
Tamil
•
Tamtl
ore.
're.
• •
Telugu
•
Teluqu
Tu.
Tulu
t! •
Tu.
'" .
Tuk.
••
Tukuleur.
' I .
Tukuleur •

---

JOURNALS
BSOAS
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies c
JAOS
Journal of the American Oriental Society.
General
Abl.
Ablative
Ace.
Accusatif
Adj.
Adjective
cf.
Confer
clm.
Class marker
Dat.
Oat.
Dative
Fem.
Feminine
Ge.
Genitive
Hum.
Human
ld.
id.
idem (the same as before)
i.e.
id est (that ls
is to say)
Imp.
Imp~rative
Inf.
In£.
Infinitive
lntr.
Intr.
Intransitive
Mas.
Has.
Masculine
Neg.
Negative
. Neu.
Neuter
5q.
Sq.
Singular
51b.
Sib.
Sibilant.
Tr.
Transitive

---

....
SYMBOLS
/ / = Phonemic brackets
= Phonemic
[ J = Phonetic Il
Phonetic
It
{ j = morphophonemic
j =
rv
:::&
alternation
/ = phonemic context
/ = phonemic
f>
=
zero
>- = lexical evolution
< = derivation
~
= phonological or semantic evolution
* = reconstructed forro
form .
If
It
1:
I :
idem (the same as before)
"'":-'.
"""'.~

---

~.'
.
..
CONTENTS
Page No.
General Introduction
• •
1 -
4
Part lI : PULA:R
·•.
5 -129
•.
INTRODUCTION
·.
5 - 10
.
1.
I.
Phonology
• •
11 - 63
Phonemic inventory
• •
11 -
•
12
1.2.
Contrasts
• •
13 - 23
Vowels
• •
13 - 17
1.2.2.
Consonants
·.
18 - 23
·.
1.3.
.Allophonic distribution
·.
24 - 37
.
1.3.1
Al-lophones
·.
24
.
.'
1.3.1.1.
Vowels
• •
25
27
1.3.1.2.
Consonants
-,
Consonants
• •
28 - 37
1.4.
Phoriemic nature of the
• •
38
prénasalized
• •
prenasalized 'stops
I~5.
Consonant gemlnation
gemination
• •
38
:Supra segmental phonemes
• •
38
1.7.
"Nasàl
"Nasal ization
• •
38 - 39
1.8.
. Clusters
• •
40 ..
•
48
1.9.
Syllables
• •
49 - 53
1.10.
Conditioned variation of the-
..
54 - 61
~nitial consonants
1.11.
MorphoPhnemics
MorphoPbnemics
• •
62 - 63

---

II.
11.
Morphology
• •
64
•
- 129
II.!.
11.1.
Nouns
II.1.1.
11.1.1.
The class system: Classifi~..:~.~..
Classifi~..:~.~ ...
64 - 74
-
cation of the nouns
II.1.2.
11.1.2.
Inventory
·. 65 - 66
. 65 -
II.1.3.
11.1.3.
Correspondances between the
·. 67
.
- 69
-
singular class markers and
the plural class markers
II.1.4.
11.1.4.
Classification
·. 70
.
II.1.5.
11.1.5.
Correspondances between noun
71 - 72
classes and class markers
II.1.6.
11.1.6.
Grouping
73 - 74
II.2.
11.2.
Gender and number
75 - 77
II.2.1-
11.2.1-
Number
77
II.3.
11.3.
Personal pronouns
78 - 81
II.4.
11.4.
The noun determinatives
82 - 95
-
II.4.1.
11.4.1.
The definite 2rticles
·. 82 - 89
. 82 -
II.4.2.
11.4.2.
The demonstratives
90 - 93
-
II.4.3.
11.4.3.
The possessives
·. 94
.
II.4.4.
11.4.4.
The interrogatives
·.
95
.
II.5.
11.5.
The adjectives
·.
96
.
- 99
-
II.6.
11.6.
Numerals
·. 100 -106
. 100
II.7.
11.7.
Derivative suffixes
107 -110
II.8.
11.8.
Adverbs
·. 111 -113
. 111
II.9.
11.9.
Interjections
• •
114 -115
•
114
II.10.
11.10.
Verbs
116 -129
II.10.1.
11.10.1.
The infinitive
• •
116 -118
•
116

---

II.10.2.
Tenses
• •
119 -
124
1
I
II.10.2.1.Present tense
119 -
121
·.
II.10.2.2.Future tense
122
·.
·
II.10.2.3.Past tense
123 -
124
II.11.
Negation: Negative suffixes
125 - 126
·.
II.12.
Imperative
127 -
129
Part II
: DRAVIDIAN
130 -
316
·.
III.
Ill.
The Dravidian Languages
130
III.1.
Introduction
.
~
130 ~ 138
~
130 ~
III.2.
Phonemic inventory
139 - 172
·.
·
III.2.1.
Vowels
139 - 149
III.2.1.2.Diphthongs
ai
and
au
·.
150
152
.
150
III~2.2.
Consonants
153 - 172
III.3.
Syllabic structure
·.
173 - 176
.
III.4.
Nouns
177 - 180
III.S.
III.5.
Gender and number
181 - 183
III.6.
Pronouns
183 -
190
III.7.
Adjectives
• •
191 - 192
III.8.
Numerals
·.
192 - 199
.
III.9.
Inflectional increments
200 -
201
III.10.
Cases
·.
202 -
244
.
202 -
III.11.
Verbs
·.
245 - 316
.
245 -
III.11.1. Transitive and causative suf-
245 ~. 263
fixes
III.11.2. Past suffixes
264 -
277

---

_.....
_------_.
.....
Il,
11,
'''.1>."'.
- ~.,,,;'
,
..
,
III.11.3.
Non-past suffixes
27B
• •
- 2B7
-
III.11.4.
Negative suffixes
• • 2BB
•
- 305
III.11.5.
Infinitive suffixes
• • 306
•
- 312
III.11.6!
Pronominal suffixes.
·. 313
.
- 316
Conclusion
• • 317
•
- 318
IV.
Part N: Comparative st~~_
st~~~
• • 319 -
406
• 319 -
.
Phonology
IV.1.
Resemblances
319
• •
- 338
and contrasts
IV .. 2.
Morphology
• • 339
•
- 357
-
IV. 2-.1.
Nouns
·. 339
.
- 356
IV.2.1.1.
Resemblances
·. 339
.
- 346
-
IV. 2.1. 2.
Contrasts
347 - 357
-
IV. 2. 2.
Verbs
·. 358
.
- 382
IV.2.2.1.
Resemblances
·. 35B
·.
- 367
IV. 2. 2. 2.
Contrasts
·. 368 382
·. 368
Conclusion
·. 383
.
IV.3.
Compar"ati ve lexicology
384 - 406
General" conclusion
·. 407
.
- 408
IV.4.
Index
• • 409
•
"- 437
"- -.
IV.4.1.
PULA:R vocabulary
·. 409 - 414
. 409 -
IV.4.2.
DRAVIDIAN"vocabulary
·. 415 423
. 415
IV.4.3.
Common vocabulary
·. 424 - 437
·. 424 -
Bibliography
.
·. 43B - 446
.
. 43B - . .
.
. .
. ",
-

---

..--------------
..
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Comparative studies in Linguistics open new horizons in
the realm of research and they actually reduce the diffe-
rences and distances, bringing different nations to close
quarters.
The geographical proximi ty
proximity of AFRICA and INDIA, the.
cultural affinity found in the sculptures and bronze ima-
ges, the habit of disposing the dead in urns in the bowels
of the earth, the ethnie
ethnic resemblances, the worship of
Mother goddess, Naga - cult etc., naturally t~mpted scho-
lars like J. Mayer, Alfredo Trombetti, E.H. Tuttle,
L. Homburger, N. Lahovary, Cheikh 'l'.
'I'. Ndiaye, Upaèhyaya
UpaChyaya and
others ta
to find out the factors responsible for the relation-
ship as noticed in the heterogeneous Negro-African langua-
ges and the South India DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES.
Already in 1951, linguists, philologists, anthro-
pologists, ethnologists and historians had explicited what
they had then called the 'unity
'unity of the Indo-African l •
Inde-African'.
Since then, the Republ1c
Republic of SENEGAL, in the initia-
tive of its President Leopold sedar Senghor, took a part~-
cular and dynamic interest in that matter, having had in
1965, the intuition that the culture of the Senegalese
people had something to do w1 th India.

---

- "2 -
The remarkable research work of Prof. Cheikh T •
....~.
....¥.
Ndiaye has shown encouraging results and hence inaugurated'
the way for further research in the linguistic field.
Therefore, the comparison between the DRAVIDIAN
LANGUAGES and pula:r
Pula:r is justified, even
even though we do not
have all the successive developments of the Pula:r language
and other Negro-African Languages because these languages
do not have wri tten records.
But they ra ther
rather have an oral
tradition for a lc~ger period of time.
However comparisons
of one sort or the other between languages are, as old as
the study of languages.
But then the problem of methodo-
logy has to he
be considered.
Comparative linguistics rises
a good number of theoretical questions.
For here, like in
the naturalsciences,
natural sciences, it is nec8ssary to think about the
basic principles and methods which will guide and control
the research work.
.The researcher in linguistics should
not, by a kind of personal obsession and will, impose his
views on any kind of relationship between two or more than
two languages; he should, on the contrary, study carefully
the nature of the relations of the given languages.
For
that, he should elevate himself above his own Dialect,
Tribe or Nation, and by this attitude, make the science of
Language progresse
progress.
In this thesis three parts are distinguished:
1) A Descriptive Grammar of Pula:r (Phonology and
morphology)

---

-
3 -
,"
2) A Descriptive Grammar of the Dravidian
Languages
(Phonology and Morphology)
3) A Comparative study of DRAVIDIAN and Pula:r
(Contrasts and Resemblances,
including
phonemico - Semantic resemblances in the funda-
mental vocabulary.)
As regards the Dravidian Languages, the data are
not our original work; they have been taken mainly from
Dravidian nouns and Dravidian verb Morphology
(cf: Bibliography)
and from the DED and its supplement.
Moreover we have referred to the Proto stage and
to the old stage of these languages whenever we felt i t
was necessary.
For Pula:r, we have also referred te
to a
particular dialect and even to other languages related to
i t whenever our study necessitated it.
The transcriptional system of the Pula:r language
has been made as similar to that of the Dravidian Languages
as possible for technical reasons but also because these
languages use almost the same transcription, whereas the
Pula:r alphabet is still to be finalised.
Thus a few minor adjustments have been made:
a) The length mark / : / found in most of the Dravi-
dian Languages has been preferred to the Pula:r system
which consists of doubling the vowel
(system codified by
the Senegalese authorities).
(exx : Te.
gu:h -
'to swallow'
(DEDS 1539)
i5
is compared
,
,wîth·
,with·
Pu.
gu:ha:de' to put into the mouth and gobble ' ;
gobble';

---

- 4 -
also Ta.
ma:y 'to
Ito die'
(DED 3949) with
Pu.
ma:y 'to
Ito die'.)
die ' .)
b) The velar voiced nasal I~I found in the Dravidian
languages has been retained against I!J
1 in Pula:r.
I!J
I in
,
(~x)C. : Ka~ so~ku
I to catch, attack'
attack I is compared with
,
Pu. sollgu
sohgu
I to catch, attack' ; also
,
,
Ta. toflku
to hang I with
,
Pu. to~gu
to prevent to go by hanging or tying').
Once the question of methodology is solved we may claim
that in linguistics,
the interpretation of facts is sub-
ordinated to the method of work used.

---

Part
l
I
PULA:R

---

- 5 -
INTRODUCTION
Africa is today moving fast into the modern world
but not·with
not-with much precise knowledge
knOWledge of what she is, or
what Her peoples are or have been.
Africa therefore deserves a massive research effort.
on almost every front.
So, rarely has the research worker
had so'much
so" much to offer as in contemporary Africa.
This is true in the field of various disciplines, in
general, as in the field of the linguistic research, in
particular.
It is the purpose of our research work to contribute
to the needs of the Continent on one haùd
hand and to our own
country on the other.
A srnall
small country like SENEGAL (~ 210 000 square miles)
counts upwards of ten languages, aIl
all of thern
them unwritten and
hardly studied.
However the main languages spoken in
SENEGAL by a population of 5,200,000 are:
Wolof
40 %
pula':r
21 %
Sere:r
·
·
19 %
·
·
Manding
8 %
Jo:la
·
8 %
·
(1977 census : Direction des Statistiques,
DAKAR SENEGAL).

---

..
-
6 -
..
-
6
The Pula:r language which interests us-particularly in
this study is spoken in the Region of Fleuve by the
Tukuleur (9 %),
in the Region of LUGA by.
by, the PEUL (12%)
the region of Casamance by the FULAKUNDA and the PEUL
GA:ou, the Region of SENEGAL ORIENTAL BY the PEUL FU:TA.
,
In SENEGAL, PULA:R is to be understood as the whole
of the various dialects spoken by the Tukuleur, Peul, Fula-
kunda, Peul Fu:ta and Peul Ga:nu.
But PULA:R spreads far over from S~NEGAL and is
spoken in the Republic of Gambia,
in v'iestern
y,jestern t1ali, t1auri-
tania, the Democratie
Democratic Republie
Republic of Guinea, Upper volta, Guinea,
Niger, NIGERIA, CAMEROON and C~AD.
Its speakers are over fifteen millions.
Consequent
to this geographical area and to the variety of the dialects
many lexical and phonetic divergences are found.
But what-
ever the precise differenees
differences be,
they do not forbid intelli-
gibility among spe~kers of divergent origine
origin.
This idea was already pointed out by the French
linguist H. Labouret when he noted:
,
,
,
"Repartis inegalement sur une super:·.ficie
super:',ficie conside
'rable, les PulSé'
Pulne' ont su preserver
e 'unite: de leur
langue.
Un pasteur du Baguirmi comprend sans trop de
peine un Toucouleur du Fouta Toro au SENEGAL ou un habi-
,
tant du;: Fouta Djalon en Guinee."

---

BP~--
BP ,_.
~. '
~.
,
.'
-
7 -
Pula:r is classified into the west Atlantic sub-
group of the NIGER -
CONGO group of Languages
(J. Green-
berg: 1966:7)
and appears to'be, according J. David
SAPIR (JOAL Vol.3: 1964) one of the most famous languages
of this group.
The Pula:r speakers or Peul or Fulani have been
given various controversial origins.
They are said to
be a crossbreEd of ARABS and BERBERS.
I t is said also
that they are Judeo - syrian people and even Malayo -
Polynesians.
However the Fulani themselves have their own version
regarding their origin.
They claim to be of Arab origin
and belong to the same tribe as that of the Prophet Moha-
mmad, viz. the Qorayshit tribe.
They claim alse
also to be
the descendants of one common ancestor, an Arab by name
Oqba ben Yasir who had married a Black Princess by name
Tajimaau of the Maasina Empire.
To this couple,
i t is said that four sons were born~
- The first son, URAB will become the founder of
the URURBE TRIBE
- The second,
that of the FEROBE TRIBE
- The· third, the BODEWAL
- The fourth,
the DAYEEBE.
However, of all- these hypotheses the most acceptable one
i5
is that which states thatthe Fulani come·from
come-from Nubia and

---

- 8 -
Abyssimia (actual sudan and Ethiopia).
The Fulani are
therefore a Nilotic people who might have migrated from
East to West through the SAHARA Desert at a time when this
region was wet and green.
After reaching the SENEGAL
valley (actual Republic of Mauritania)
they mi9ht have
proceeded eastward and southward.
Their migrations took place between the 2nd century
AD and the 20th century AD; but they succeeded in setting
up astate
a state only in the 14th century of our era.
In the 15th century, they created two kingdoms
located in the Region of ~la:sina (actual Republics of
Mali and NIGER), namely
-
the kingdom of Jallo:be
-
the kingdom of De:niyanke
The Fulani were nomads and animists by their religion
though these kingdoms were located in muslim Empires like
tlle
tIle Empire of r~LI and the EMPIRE of SONGHAI.
A few works, though of recent time,
are found in
Pula:r.
They consist mostly of sorne
some research pap~rs and
publications by Europeans and Africans from various dis-
ciplines.
A bibliography is given
(cf:
(ct: Bibliography); it
covers the period 1881-1973.
The first part of our study will be presented as a
Pula:r Grammar.
I t is purely descriptive in nature and
does not treat linguistic data historically; the data are
,
not drawn from recorded sources.

---

-
9 -
..
The description of both the phonetic and morpholo-
gical aspects of the Pula:r Language is exclusively based
on our personal observations.
However, we do not claim
to have produced a complete IIgrammarll;
11 grammar 11 ;
we are aware of our
limits anà
ana aIl
all the grammatical aspects have not been analy-
sed, our prime intention being to raise tne
toe most important
features, having in mind that the first step towards sci-
entific knowledge of a language is to draw up a careful
descriptive study of it.
The phoneme inventory is determined on the basis
of the positional distribution of al10phones.
The graphie
graphic
representation, nature and number of phonemes are those
given by the Ministry of Education of SENEGAL.
The morpheme-cutting is our own initiative since
the Decret concerning the orthography and word -
separa-
tion is not yet published and made available to us,
at
the time of writing this Igrammarl.
The study of word -
structure
(morphology)
is
based, in this grammar, on the assumption that the word
is the minimal free form,
i.e. capable of operating inde-
pendently.
This will raise the problem of distinguishing
between a word and a suffix, between a composite word and
two independent words.
To help to solve this problem,
i
itt should be remembereè
rememberec that any morpheme can be a
suffix,
i.e. a part of a composite word if the preceding unit
does not represent an independent word (a free form).

---

10
This approach will make i t ~ossible to determine
the system of parts of speech of Pula:r, which comprise
nouns, Gender and number, PronounsJAdjectives, Numerals,
Derivative suffixes/noun determinatives, adverbs, inter-
jections, Tenses, Negative suffixes and Infinitive suffi-
xes.
The systematic description of the Pula:r syntax is
not included in this study because we consider that this
part of the grammar
significance in the
comparati~e study
Languages and Pula:r.

---

-
11 -
I. P H 0 N 0 LOG Y
•
1.1. Phonemic inventory
I.1.1 Vowels
There are five short vowels in the Pula:r dialects
of SENEGAL.
All the short vowels contrast with their
corresponding long vowels.
They are represented below,
in chart I.
----------------------------------------
.
.
Front
; Central
:
Back
!
!
.
I
~----------~--------~---------~--------~
i t .
!
;
.
,
I
:
i High
.
i
i:
i
I
U
u:
:
t
'
•
;
I
~----------~--------~---------~--------~
1
I
I
1
~
•
•
1
1Mi d
e e:
i
') 0:
I
,
i
.
~----------~~-------t---------~--------~
: Low
i
a
a:
~
I
.
~----------~----------------------------•
Chart I
I. 1.2.
Consonants
There are eight stops, three implosives,
(four pre-
nasalized stops), four nasals,
four fricatives, one late-
ral, one trill and two sem~ vowels ,which are distinguished
as phonemes.
They are arranged in Chart II.

---

- 12 -
..
However, the prenasalized stops are treated separately
and are not given in .the chart.
--------.----------------------.------------------------
!
j
~
~
:
i
!
J
I
.
i Bila- !Labio i Alve- 1
:
i
i
,
°bi 1
ID
t
l '
1
. Palatal.Velar
,uvular
:
;
a
en a
,
0
ar
1
I
~
~
•
;
i
' J
~-------+------------1----------------~-------1------
•
I
'
.
,
:
i
!
I
:
i
~
I
IStops ,: P b
i
!
t
d
:
c
j ; k g !
~'
I
!
i
I
I
I
r~~~:=-tl'-----il------l-------li-------i-------i------I
! sives
. b
\\
i
er!
:t'!
i
!
~-------l-----~------J-------~-------l-------~------l
1 Nasals
; m ;
;
n ;
n I n
i
I
I
I
,
I
I
:
I
•
1
.
f
:
~
I
~-------t-----~------~--------~-------+-------1------1
.
'
!
I
I
'
! Frica- ,
I
I
I
!
!
I
[ t i v e s :
I f
I s !
~ h
i
q
1
,
I
I
.
.
I
I
.
. ,
l '
~-------~-----~------~--------~---------------.------4
i
I
i
I
i
I
i
:
I Later- , !
1 .
i als
i
;
.
1
i
!
I
i
:
.
.
,
I
~
l
~-------~-----------------------------~-------~._-----~
t
'
~
~
i Trill
i
r
t
:
~
I
}
:
t
;
~-------·-----~-----------------------~-------·------i
i
:
I
;
;
!
i
· S e m i '
;
i
.:
.
;
;
I
.
W
t ;
I
.
.
; Vowe Is !
I
:
:
Y ;
i
!
!
I
I
i
.
~
j
;
~--------------------~-------------------------------.
r
i
Chapt. . 11
•

---

!
•
- 13 -
I.2. CONTRASTS
I.2.1. Vowels
I.2.1.1. Qualitative contrasts
Initial
/i. e/
ilde
'pimento'
elde
'gap in a mouth made by the falling of a tooth'
innde
, name'
enndu
'breast'
/e. a/
enndude
'to measure'
ann dude
'to know'
ertere
, groundnut'
artere
'having come back'
/a, 0/
ambude
'to be jealous I
ombude
'to cover, close'
awla:de
'to rest one's head on something'
owlude
'to sweat'
/0, u/
okkude
'to give'
ukkude
'to put in. throw in'
Oytude
'to become hot, to pain'
Uytude
, to reduce'
1.2.1.1.2.
Medial
/i, e/
rimde
' to lie'
remde
' to cultivate'
riwde
'to chase'
rewde
' to follow'

---

- 14 -
le, al
demal
'cultivation'
damal
, door'
fempa:de
'to be fixed'
fampa:de
I to
throw'
la, 01
mar de
'to marry'
morde
'to move slowly without making
noise I.
jalde
'to laugh'
jolde
'to get in, enter'.
1.2.1.1.3
FIN A L
I.j- el
J
dami
'billy goats'
dame
I doo rs '
guri
'skins'
gure
'flocks, villages'
le, al
sire
, tobacco'
sira
'name of a person'
pitte
. 'trap for birds I
mbitta
'kind of dove'

---

- 15 -
•
la, 01'
mbaila
, forge'
bailo
'blacksmith'
awa
'yes, ok'
awo
'fishing party I
10, u/
biro
'office'
rnbiru
I wrestler'
1.2.1.1.4.
Initial
la:, 0:1
a:rtude
I throw wide apart l
o:rtude
'to return from conducting cattle '
10: , u:1
o:rde
I to conduct cattle'
u:rde
' to smell'
0:101
I loud cry I
u: 101
la kind of grass'
1.2.1.1.5
Medial
la:, 0:1
ja:rde
Ito greet l
jo:rde
Ito pour on l
wa:wde
'to be able to'

---

-
16 -
-.
wo:wde
I to get used tol
/o;u.:/ so:wde
I to shout '
su:wde
·1 to
put in water I
wo:wde
I to get used tol
wu:wde
I to sweep, filter '
2.1.1.6.
F I N A L
/e:, a:/
fure:
I corpse I
pura:
I sound uttered to chase away
birds I
1.2.1.2
Quantitative (durational) Contrasts
1.2.1.2.1
Initial
/i, i:/
ilde
I pimento I
i :lde
Ito sneeze l
ira:de
Ito plunge in mud I
i :ra: de
~o get angry, stir Upl
/e, e:/
esa:de
Ito become father, etc.
in law
e:sa:de
Ito split '
la, a:/
awde
I to fish I
a:wde
I to
sow l
/U./\\A.~/
I
, to MD..'u ~l",kt.
U,TcU
•
U. \\ f 1"
" \\0 An\\t\\\\ I

---

\\l. '" llt
u,°o
_
. "A~\\
._a·_ .......
Ia-Jet:1
artude
a:rtude
/0, 0:/
o
'he, she'
0:
'this
(man, woman)·
olowere
• sweat'
0: 101
'loud cry'
I.2.1.2.2
Medial
/; ;: /
limde
'to count'
)
.
l i :mde
'to put in order'
dirde
• to push'
di :rde
'to thunder'
rewde
'to follow'
re :wde
'pool of water'
ferde
'to emigrate, to exile
fe :rde
'to hit,
dash against
/
eA.
sarde
'to spreac.'
I
eA.:/
sa:rde
'to have loose rrotion'
hawde
'to win'
ha:wde
'to amaze'
/0 I 0:/
sowde
'to fold'
so:wde
'to shout'
fodde
'must'
fo:dde

---

- 18 -
•
/u
'to keep as guest invite
I v.:j
surde
su:rde
'to smoke'
juri!de
'to collect honey'
ju:mde
'to be mi staken I
CONSONANTS
I.2.2.1
QualititativE
Contrasts
I.2.2.1.1. INITIAL
Jp, b/
peccal
'a piece of a split of bamboo'
beccal
'rib'
pa:gal
, a piece of wood fixed in the ground
to tie as cOvlS'
ba:gal
t a
bucket for drawing water from a well'
/h, B/
bir-de
'to weave straw'
bir-de
'to milk'
bu:ncu-de
'to pay back a present'
buncu-de
'to crush'

---

- 19 -
..
It, d/
tonndu
, lip' .
donndu
• jackal'
da:nde
• neck'
ta:nde
'anvil'
Id, di
dakku-de
'to win'
dakku-de
'to patch, put any piece and cover a
hole'
dart-a: de
'to stop,
face somebody'
Ja:rtu-de
'to give a slap'
Ic,' jl
cumu
'firing, fire'
jumu
'collect of horey'
cofel
• cheek'
jofel
'small lung'
Ik, g/
kalle
'testicles'
galle
'house'
kure
'bullets'
gure
'villages, flocks'
IY, yl
yuw-de
'to sting'
tyUW-de
'to be half boiled'(as rice)'

---

-
20 -
yakk-ude
'to spoil, destroy'
,yakk-ude
'to chew'
Im, nl
moddu-de
'to finish to swallow'
noddu-de
'to call'
mel-de
'to pave'
nel-de
'to send (as message)'
In, n;
naf-de
'to be useful, helpful'
~
naf-de
'to take one handful
(as of sand)!
na:le
'centre of a circle formed by people
while dancing'
na:le
, storks'
I·,p' "
,··b· /
tempu-de
tembu-de
semp-a:de
'to be fixed'
semb-a:de
'to wash one's feet'
heb-a:de
'to get ready'
heb-a:de
'to be available'
hubb-ude
'to make a female coiffure'
hubb-ude
'to light'

---

~.'
~~.
:: ."
-
21 -
•
/ ..t-., ,··d· /
'to be suspended'
we:ltu- de
'to be in good terms'
weldu-de
'to recover (as the senses)
fe:rtu-de
'to experience together'
fe:rdu-de
'to be' left behind'
ad-e:de
'to be dried'
ad-e:de
'to be waited fori
fad-e:de
'to be omitted'
fad-e :de
'wip'
lo:col
'dust or anything insi~e the eyes'
lojol
I big
tail'
la:cal
'destinitYI end of life'
lajal
/·k.·, . g. .;
'dust removed from the grinded millet'
,.J
na:ko
'ask (imperative)'
N
na:go
'beat (imperative)8
juflko
, arm'
juflgo
'that which is slow'
rro :yi
'whi te ants'
rro:~
'to die'
ma':y-de
'to act'
ma:~-de

---

· -
22 -
wa:me
, flood '
wa:ne
'champion I
fa:m-de
I to
understand'
fan-de
'to be out of fashion, old'
I-·n· "
.h-;
la:nat
'bigh boat '
la:nal
I arrow I
won-de
'to be I
,.J
wo:n-de
Ito incline '
I.2.2.2
Quantitative (durational) Contrasts
I.2.2.2.1
I1edial
10 eel
6
jabal
, acceptc.nce I
jaObal
'\\.,relcome I
hab-ude
I to fight I
habbu-de
It:> tie'
Id, dd/
gude
I clothes'
gudde
'holes '
hade
'before'
hadde
'to prevent to do
to refuse I
6
10 aCV
6
facf-e: de
'to .be omitted'
faad-e:de
'to faint'

---

-
23 -
/j, jjl
majal
'lightning' _
majjal
'ignorance'
/k, kk/
sekere
'cheek'
sekkere
'having inserted'
soku-de
'to close, shut'
sokku-de
'to fill any hole by putting and
pressing in things.
Im, mm/
tame
'sieve'
tamme
'weed'
lami
'stems'
lammi
'that which is bitter'
In, nnl
jine
'swimming'
jinne
, devil'
dana
'separated, apa rt'
danna
'hunter'
/1, III
kule
'big spoon used for stirring as r.ice'
kulle
'animals, beasts'
celal
'deviation'
cellal
'health'

---

-
24 -
Ifr
1.3. ALLOPHONIC
DISTRIBUTION
~:;'.'
~-.r
pula:r has 37 phones, out of thes'e phones 10 are vocoids,'
and 27 contoids.
Vocoids have 2 types of durational differences, i.e.
short and long.
r------------!--;~~~~---~---;~~~~~~--l---··-~~~k--i
J
iunroundeci; Unrounded i Rounded I
i------------------------~------------i-----------~
,
,
I
I
I
I
:
.
I
:High
I
i
i ; :
~
u
u:
I
1
---.,-..----
1..- - - - . - - - - - - ;
.---l
lHigher Mid
;
e
e;
~
I
0
0:
i
',LOW
---r-----r- -·~-r·---·--·-l
a
.
:
~
~
-------------------------------------~-----------
chart
1
All the vowels have allophones.
I. 3.1.
Allophones
r-------------I--;;~~~-----I--~~~~~~~---~--~~~~--1
~-------------~~~:~~~~--- i_~~:~~~:~__l-:~~~~~
I
!
I
I
i
I
.----Jl-.-~-~
High
i
rLOvIer High 1
I
_._.._ _~__!
!High Mid----
e
I
0
A
a
i
.
.J
,~~
!
~
I
----I
,
1
• '
f
~------------- ------------~-_._---------~--------!
Chart 11

---

-
25 -
r-------l-~~~:=-r~:~~:--r-:~~::=~------l-~----I------T
I
: ~ial
I dental I
lar
palata~ velariuvular
I
f
~
I
i
1:::::--1-:--:--' ------- -:---:- -:---:-r:--:-1------
~------- -------~------- ------- -------~-----~------1'
I;0;~-
I
6
cf
l'
I
I
r-------
' . -------~------- ------- -------t----~------t
rJ
I
i
n
-------
I t~ves
I q !
L
I
I
' ; .
I;:i;=-T-----~---------:-----r-----r---T----l
r-------t-------L------ --------
1
r------- -----1.-----4
.
.
I
I
I
ITrill!
~'
I r .
I
I
~.-------~------
I '
--------l--------~-------
I
-----~-----i.
I ,i
,i ~~:~lS I W
I!
,
1Y
I
\\
I
1
I
I
'
-------_~_-------------_~_--------------_~_---_~_----~
Chart 1lt
1.3.1.1,
VOWELS
/ i /
has two allophones
[ r J
and
1. (r]
, lower high unrounded front vowel, occurs
medially in between two consonants, and initially.
[ride]
'pimento'
/ilde/
[rlewolJ.
'flowing of water
/ilewol/
[glleJ
'pimentoes'
/gile/
[ artlrd:l
I to
bring 'back I
/artirde/

---

26 -
2.
[ i 1 ' high unrounded front vowel, occurs only in
final position.
[nAmmi]
, food'
/ffammi/
[fe:ti]
'troublesome'
/fe: t i /
[gldiJ
'gun'
/gidi/
/e/ has three allophones CE] , [E]
and
[e]
•
1. [~]
, mid unrounded front vowel,
i t occurs only in
the initial position.
!ErterE.]
, groundnut'
/ertere/
[Eld£. ]
'gap in the
/elde/
mouth due to
the following
of a tooth'
'to try'
/eta:de/
2. [£.-]
, lower mid unrounded front vowel, occurs
in the final position.
[ho:rEJ
' head'
/ho:re/
[h"kk£]
, sin'
/hakke/
[e:wJl. :d£]
'scar'
/e:wo:de/
3.
[ e ] , high mid unrounded front vowel occurs
medially.
[demAl]
'cultivation'
/demal/
[hlnerE..]
'nose'
/hinere/
[ElelduJ
'big grey lizard' /eleldu/

---

-
27 -
/
a /
has two allophones
[A}
and
( a.]
1.
(/\\J ' lower mid unrounded central vowel occurs
medially.
[dA mAl]
' door'
/damal/
[d" rndiJ
'height'
/darnde/
[kA ba ]
'bottle'
/kaba/
2. [ a ]
, lower unrounded central vO'.-lel occurs else-
where.
[ala:duJ
'horn'
/ala:du/
~o:da ]
'crQcodile'
/no: da/
[as~ ma:nJ
'sky'
/asama:n/
[aduna]
'world'
/aduna/
/
0
/
has two allophones
[ .n. ]
and
[0 J ·
1. en J ' mid rounded back vowel occurs medially.
[mb.n..ddi J
'snake'
/mboddi/
[h.n.nnduJ
'finger'
/honndu/
[cfllelJ
'bord'
/colel/
2.
[0) , high mid rounded back vowel occurs elsewhere.
[Ombo:d t.l
'lid'
/ombo:de/
[onttuna J
'at that time'
/ontuma/
[rna:roJ .
'rice'
/ma:ro/
IfaroJ
'paddy field'
/faro/
/
u /
has two allophones
[ UJ and
[ u ]
•

---

-
28 -
1.
[U]
, lower high rounded back vowel, occurs in the
initial position.
[Udurner£ ]
J door'
/udurnere/
[untu ]
'shabby cooked meat'
/untu,l
[und €. 1
'to grind, crush'
/unde/
2.
[u J ' high rO"Jnded back vo,,,,el, occurs elsewhere.
[puccuJ
'horse'
/puccu/
,[wuttE,J
' cloth, dress'
/wutte/
[kudduJ
'spoon'
/kuddu/
[re:duJ
'belly'
Ire: dui
..
lA . . . .
~
.... ...
~ . _ ; i
~
\\MJ.ni:~
1.3.1.2.
CONSONANTS
1.
/p/ has an allophone
[pJ ' bilabial unaspirated
. voiceless'pl~sive which occurs in the initial position
before all the vocoids, and in the medial and final
positions.
[po:ti]
'water pot'
/po:ti/
[pt\\,cf\\rnJ
I flame'
/pacaITV'

---

- 29 _
Lio: p eJ
'Imld'
/10: pe/
[bIL\\p]
'a kind of sword'
/bi\\ap/
2.
/b/ has one allophone
[bJ
' bilabial unaspirated
voiced plosive which occurs initially and medially •
. [ba:ba ]
, father'
/ba:ba/
[ ba. tta: ri ]
'lunch'
/botta:ri/
[nj..C\\.bdi
,]
'price, salary'
Jnjobdi/
[ngA bbu ]
'hippopotamus'
/ngabbu/
3. /
h / has one allophone
[0]
, bilabial unaspirate
voiceless implosive.
It occurs initially before all the
vocoids, and medially.
[ 01\\ nndu J
' body'
/6a nndu/
[
bernd£ 7
'chest'
/bernde/
....
[tAbO]
'rain'
/tobo/
[ lu:b.n.l ]
'smell, odour'
/lu:bol/
4. /
t /
has an allophone
Et]
, alveolar unaspirated
voiceless plosive which occurs initially, medially and in
the final position after the high mid unrounded front
vowel
e
•
[ te:wJ
'meat •
/te:w/
[t..Q nnduJ
'lip'
/tonndu/
[ s " tA llaJ
'kettle'
/satalla/
.[KAytA1J
'paper'
/kaytol/
[aiet J
, sunday'
/alet/
[1/\\ msetJ
'blade'
/lamset/
[KArketJ
'metal sheet'
/korket/"

---

- 30 -
5.
/
d / has an allophone
[dJ, alveolar unaspirated
voiced plosive; occurs only in the initial and medial
position.
[ d~bbo 1
'woman'
/debbo/
[ dD-ddu J
'running'
/doddu/
[ ya:du J
' going'
/ya:du/
[ si:do ]
' joke'
/si: dol
[ lA. dde ]
' forest'
/ladde/
6.
/ d / has an allophone [d] , alveolar unaspirated
voiceless implosive.
It occurs in the initial position
before all the vocoids and in the medial position.
[dum 1
' this'
/dum/
~
[ d'emng/\\ 1 ]
, tongue'
/demngal/
[ didi ]
'two'
/didi/
[cft\\di]
'roots'
/cfacfi/
[ ned'cfo ]
'person'
/necldo/
~ 7.
/
c /
has an allophone [c)
, pal atal unaspirated
voiceless stop which occurs initially and medially.
(cll,lel 1
'small bird'
/colel/
~
[ce:dU
]
'summer'
/de:du/
(la:ci ]
'tail'
/la:ci/
[ puecu J
'horse'
/puccu/
-------------------------------------------------------------
Note that among the consonant stops only the voiceless stops,
viz. p and t are found to occur in the final position.
We have not tried to find any linguistic explanation since
there is a very limited number of words ending in a voiceless
stop available in this language.

---

".....r.
- 31 -
..
8.
I j I has an allophone [j J ' palatal unaspirated
voiced stop.
I t occurs in the initial and medial posi-
tion.
Cji:r( 1
• squirrel'
Iji:rel
I
- '
[ j 1\\ ngo J
I tomorrow'
Ijangol
[ kD. bjA 1 l
'peel'
Ikobjall
[ vlnjere]
, rabbit'
Iwojerel
9.
I 'f" / has one allophone [T J ' palatal unspirated
voiceless implosive which occurs initially and medially.
[ ) lA 1
]
'bone'
l:fiall
r ,,,') ulbt ~
'charcoal'
l::f ulbel
I.-
~
J
[ 'f' i :YA m 1
'blood'
IY' i::f ami
J
[ nu:Ju J
' ant'
Inu:j'Ui
[
ll'f:f erE
J
'hiccup'
Ili:fj ere/
10. I k I has one allophone
[ Kl , velar unaspirated
voiceless plosive which occurs in the initial and medial
position.
~ Ka:w )
'uncle'
/ka:wl
[
kew;\\ 1 .J
'bamboo tree'
/kewall
[ hA nki J
'yesterday'
/hankil
[
wAhki
]
'soul l
/wonkil
[- hA kkIl J
'brain'
/hakkill
11.
I 9 I has one allophone
[ g]
I
velar unaspirated
voiced plosive which occurs initially and medially.

---

- 32 -
[ 9 t\\ l"E ] .
'house'
Igallel
[ 9 .n.~ko J
'man'
Igorkol
[ he: gE "J
'hunger,
famine'
Ihe:gel
J
,- je:g.ttmj
, six'
Ije:gom/
L-
[ legg" 1 J
'tree'
Ileggall
[ nl\\ ggE ]
'cow'
Inaggel
12. I
m I
has an allophone
[m]
, bilabial voiced
nasal.
I t occurs in all positions.
[ ma:ro
]
'rice'
Ima: rol
[
ma:yo
]
, sea'
Ima:yo/
[ nj" m" lu
]
'tiger'
/njamalu/
[ wa:mE
]
' flood'
/wa:me/
[ jemma J
'night'
/jemma/
[ nebbl\\ m ]
'oil'
/nebbaml
-[ ndIYA m]
' \\-later'
/ndiyam/
13. /
n /
has an allophone
[n ]
'
alveolar voiced nasal
which occurs.in the initial, m~dial and final positions.
[ no:da ]
'crocodile'
Ino: dal
[ nSl wru]
, ear'
/nowru/
rl la:na ]
'boat'
/la:na/
[
jIn£ 1
'swimming'
I j ine/
[
dA nna 1
'hunter'
/dannal
...
( as" ma:n ]
, sky'.
lasama:nl
[ a:n
]
'you (S9) ,
/
a:n /

---

-
33 -
14.
/
~ / has one allophone (~1 ' oalatal voiced
nasal which occurs in all the positions.
,.,
N
-
L n 1\\ mmi J
, food'
/nammi/
(hAw 1
'disease I
/fiaw/
[rnIhlra:wo )
Iyounger orother
/rninira:wo/
or sister'
[ ngA na:ri ]
'profi t l
/ "-9Qha: ri/
[yumpa:h
]
'uncle's wife '
/yurnpa:n/
l vi1\\ mpa:n J
la festival for
/wampa:n/
peasants'
15. /
n / has one allophone [n ] ' velar voiced nasal.
It occ~s in all the p03itions.
[nunununu
J
I murmuring I
/nunu.~unu/
[-- n" ccu~ J
I a ~ind of sHord I
/naccu/
.
[ c ". n/\\ r 1\\ 1 ]
Ibasket'
/ canara;l/
[
k.!ll.Q na
]
'antilop'
/kolona/
[ s i : r l \\ n
1
'stool,
chair '
/si:ran/
[dnIln
]
Ihook I
/dolin/
16.
/
f /
has one allophone
[ f ]
,
labiodental groove
fricative w~ich occurs initially, medially and finally.
[ f n y r !
1
'light '
/foyre/
[ fA ro ]
Ipaddy field '
/faro/
[
kA fu J
, festival'
/Kafu/
[ fo: fa: ngo 1
I breathing I
/fo: fa:ngo/_

---

-
34 -
..
f A f
'all'
/fof/
17.
/s/ has one allophone
[ s J ' alveolar voiceless
groove fricative occurs in all the positions.
(' sa: r E. -t
'village'
/sa:re/
J
[ su:du
-.
'room'
/su: dui
j
[ b/\\ sA 1 1
•sleeping mat'
/basal/
[ asA ma:n J
'sky'
/asama:n/
[ ka: lIs
J
'money'
/kalis/
[ fus
J
' nothing'
/fus/
18.
/
1 /
has one allophone r 1"1 ' alveolar voiced
'--'
.....
lateral which occurs initially, medially and finally.
[ 1/\\ dd[ ]
'forest, bush'
/ladde/
[ lewru ]
'moon'
/lewru/
[ ala:du ]
'horn'
/ala:du/
[
kulJt.l )
'fear'
/kulol/
[ legg"l]
'tree'
/leggal/
[ b1!. gg.J1. 1 1
'rope'
/boggol/
-'
19.
/
r /
has one allophone [ r J I alveolar voiced
trill which occurs in all the positions.
r rI, wa:ndu ]
, dog'
/rawa:ndu/
'-
[ ro:rnru ]
, mouse'
/ro:mru/
r ho:rc: 1
'head'
/ho:re/
-'
[ hA. rE. ]
'fight
/hare/
r sa:m" r 1
'small drum'
/sa:mar/
-
...
[ j a :ITU:lUr ]
'somebody's
/ja:mbur/
..
propriety'

---

-
35 -
...
20.
i h I has one allophone [h] , velar aspirated fri-
cative which occurs in the initial and medial positions.
[ha:la
J
'speech'
Iha: la!
[ hlnndu]
, wind'
Ihinndu/
rbnhi I
'a kind of tree'
I b ohil
-
-
.,
a kind of tree
' Ikohil
rk" hi 1
..
.'
21.
I q I has one allophone (q] , uvelar voiced fri-
cative which occurs only medially.
r
-:
L hulqu:r:1a J
'gullet'
Ihulqu:mal
[mb.QqU
J
'barking'
/mboqu/
tSLqo
\\
la wish addressed
[
J
to person who
Ito qol
is coughing'
VC; ud
22.
I vI I has one allophonE: [w J ' bilabial voieelea;:,
semivowel ,..hich occurs initially, medially:
finally i t
occurs after a long vowel.
[ w.!lyndu ]
' Vo181l'
/woyndu/
[
wa: r(.
J
' beard'
Iwa:rel
[
Wt\\ \\'1ewo j
'wing'
IwawevlO/
.- D
'back'
I
a: \\-/01
L a:wo J
[ tea: J.
'meat'
Ite:wl
[ Pi:W]
, all'
Ipi :wl
[ ka:W]
I uncle I
Ika:wl

---

-
36 -
23.
I y I has two allophones [ i ]
'
and
t y J ·
1 .. ( i J high front unrounded semi vowel, occurs
medially before all the vocoids.
r leidi 1
'land'
Ileydil
'-
r h J\\ ir Eo ]
'stone'
Ihayrel
.....
lOitud£ ]
'to burn, pai:1'
loytudel
[ Uitud(. ]
'to reduce'
luytudel
[
ndiil\\ m ]
'water'
Indiyam/
2. [y 1 palatal voiced semi vowel, occurs
elsewhere.
[. ya:r t. ]
'scorpion'
Iya: rei
LyJlnter £: ]
'week'
Iyonterel
,-'
]
'face'
lye: sol
L ye:so
r njegena:yJ
'pillow'
Injegena:yl
(..
we have already mentioned that the phones Irrbl
I
Ind/
Injl and Ingl are to be considered, phonetically as a
single unit.
They occur in the initial and m8dial position
except Injl which occurs only initially.
Here also we have chosen to treat them separately
but as phonemes even though a special grapheme is not yet
found in the pula: r
language to deal wi th their specific
nature in the phonology of the language.

---

- 37 -
24.
/ro/ has one allophone Lmb] , bilabial voiced
prenasalized stop; occurs initially and medially.
[ mba:lu 1
I sheep I
/mba:lu/
[roe :wa ]
I goat I
/mbe:wa/
...
[
j.!l mbA. lrnbA 1
/ j omba1mbal/
J
I spider'
[ bA.mbE. 1
I back
garden I
/bambe/
25.
/nd/ has one allophone [
nd]
,
alveolar voiced
prenasalized stop; occurs in the initial and medial
positions.
[ nde: r
]
'inside '
/nde:r/
[ ndu:IA,ldi ]
'lizard '
/ndu: laldi/
[ ndo:ndi ]
'ash '
/ndo:ndi/
[ hA nndu 1
'finger '
/honndu/
..'
26.
/nj/ has one allophone
[nj J ' palatal voiced pre-
nasalized stop; occurs only initially.
[ nju:mri "]
'honey'
/nju:mri/
f n j o : b a l
'approvisioning
/njo:b
'
a/
-[ njelu '1
'how much I
/njelu/
[nj.ll. bdi J
'price,
salary'
/njobdi/
[
nj" m,\\ IU]
'tiger'
/njamalu/
27.
/ng/ ha~ one allophone
(ng J ' velar voiced pre-
nabalized stop, occurs initially and medially.
[
nge:lo:ba ]
• camel'
/nge:lo:ba!
[
nga:ndi J
'brain '
/nga:ndi/
[
ngllngu 1
•worm
/ -.ngilngu/
I
[
ndufmgu'"i
'raining season l
/ndunngu/
-
J

---

-
38 -
1.4.
Phonemic Nature of the Fre-nasalized Stops:
Orthographically the prenasalized stops /mb/,
/nd/, /nj/ and /ng/ are written as clusters.
Phonemically they are to be considered as single
units occuring in the initial and medial position,
except
/nj/ which occurs only ini~ially, because of the absence
of three consonant clusters in this language.
1.5.
CONSONAN'r GEI1INi\\TION:
When consonant "geminate, the first consonant is code
of the preceedi~g syllable and the secone consonant is the
onset of the following syllable.
1.6.
SUPRA SEGMENTAL PHONEI1ES
1.6.1
Juncture
1.6.1.1 Open juncture
Open juncture is marked by space •
la:na
ndiyam
' boat'
mbabba ladde
I ':.'ild
pig'
jUdderde leggal
'tree trunk'
gayna:ko nai
'cow boy'
so:6a:nde su: du
'roof'
1.6.1. 2 Closed juncture
Closed juncture is marked by a plus
t+ ) •
wutte + am
- wuttam
'my dress'
galle + am
- gallam
'my house'

---

39
..
fucfa + na:nge
funna:nge
'east'
hi:ra + na:nge
hirna:nge
'\\-,est I
debbo + re:du
debbore:du
'pregnant
woman'
jo:ma + jawdi
jo:mjawdi
'rich man'
waru + ho:re
warho:re
' murder'
ndiwu + re:du
ndi~lre:du
'diarrhea'
hordo + lo:nde
horlo:nde
'water pot'
In the case of closed juncture type constructions,
the first word, which, generally ends with a vowel,
loses
that vowel or the syllable containing it.
Interrogation and exclamation are explained on the basis
of rising and falling intonation.
Intonation is a falling pitch at the terminal,
and what
differences the intonation and the question,
is that there
is a pitch at the sentence terminal in the question.
There is also a marker a: which is added to the final
segment of the sentence.
For example:
o
ari:na: ?
(has he come?)
dum
,..,
na:mtena: ?
(Is this eatable?)
I.7.
NASALIZATION
In pula:r nasalization is not in complementary
distribution with the nasals Irn/, 1nl, In;, ItV,
in the
final position.

---

-
40 -
I. 8. CLUSTERS
1.8.1
Vowel clusters are found in the Pula:r Language.
1.8.1.1. medial.two vowel clusters
1.8.1.1.1.
V
V
-
type
1
2
exx:
bual
'thigh '
1.8.1.1.2.
- V
V
-
type
1
2
exx:
meo:we
'stammerer'
1.8.1.2.
final two vowel clusters
V
V
- type
1
2
exx:
meu
'stammering'
V
V
- type:
1
2
exx:
ha:e:
'oh yes'
Consonant clusters are of two types, viz.,
two
consonant clusters and three consonant clusters.
I. 8.2
Medial two consonant clusters
I. 8.2.1.1
Identical
-PP-
sappo
'ten'
sippiro
'wrestling'
-bb-
labbo
'wood cutter'
sabbundu
'nest'
nif,t:>ere
'darkness'
baf>f>attu
'cricket'
- t t -
hottollo
'cotton'
pittircG.
'broom'
~~;.
2.t;,
l

---

~.
- 41 -
..
-dd-
geddu
' sheepfold'
mboddi
'snake'
-cfet-
necfcfo
'person'
padcfu
'fainting'
-cc-
kacca
' discussion'
dicce
' urine'
-jj-
gujjo
' thief'
majjal
'ignorance'
-kk-
wokkude
'chin'
dakkudi
' gum'
-gg-
feggere
'ring'
njiggu
'love' .
-rnrn-
hamme
'ambition'
jemma
' night'
-nn-
tin~1a: re
' effort'
wonno
'perhaps'
-:IY'-
mo:ffOl
'generosity'
le.fil
'races'
-11-
cellal
'health'
basalle
'onion'
-flfl-
kanne
'gold'
-Wvl-
bowwol
'slipness'
8.2.2. Non-identical
-pt-
J.eptu-de
'to reach'
haptu-de
'to quarrAl'

---

- 42--
\\
\\
t
..
' price, salary'
I
njobdi
-bd-
' to peel'
hob-de
' peel'
kobjal
-bj-
' frog'
-br-
fa:bru
' to lighten'
maj-de
-jd-
'time'
-kt-
waktu
' to lock'
-kd-
sok-de
' to dry up'
'i3e:b-de
-£d-
'lamp'
-mp-
lampu
' fatigue'
tampere
'Hho? '
-mb-
hombo'
'a newly
jomba: jo
married person'
' mirror'
timtorgal
-mt-
' lies'
cemte
' to turn'
surn-de
-md-
' to dance'
am-de
' thirst'
domka
-mk-
'persons'
-m£-
Yirrbe
' salt'
larndam
-mcf-
'blind person'
mbumck>
' mouse'
-mr-
ro:mru
'young girl'
mbO:mri
'assemblY'
-nt-
de:ntal
-nd-
fin-de
' to wake up'
'yesterday'
-nk-
hanki
'noise, scolding'
sortko
"
....:0;.:.'. :.~
I:,.

---

-
43 -
-ng-
jango
1 tomorrow'
-ncf-.
tenc1i
'lice'
gondi
1 tears'
-ns-
tonso
'bat '
bunsu:&
1 lungs 1
-nw-
ranvli
'white '
.-
nc-
lancu-de
1 to
demolish '
rJ
1 sperm 1
kancum
-.
-nJ-
-.
konJarn
'wine '
-..
'pal m tree 1
tenJ].
-ft-
deftere
'book '
-fd-
def-de
.1 to
cook 1
wif-de
Ito wave 1
-sd-
as-de
Ito dig '
-gd-
wog-de
Ito bark 1
-lb-
walbo
1 shoulder 1
bilbilel
1 sparrow 1
-It-
welta:re
1 happiness 1
salt-a:de
Ito refuse '
-ld-
so: Ide
'penis '
.
ndu: laldi
'lezard '
-lj-
aljuma
1 friday'
-lk-
mbalku
1 leech 1
fulkuru
1 stomach 1
-lg-
golgolal
I jawl
holgo
'sheath I

---

-
44 -
'charcoals'
-1£-
yU16e
'days'
-ld-
balcfe
, charcoal'
-lm-
fulmere
'to make to laugh'
-In-
jaln-ude
'purse'
-If-
kalfe
'\\-lednesday'
-rb-
alarba
, groundnut'
-rt-
.ertere
te:rt-a:de
'to slip'
'flute'
-rd-
se:rdu
mbordi
'pus'
'man'
-rk-
gorko
cu:rki
, smoke'
'chief of a village'
-rg-
ja:rga
gorgol
, aunt'
-rb-
mbo.::-b:>
, OVllr:l'
'broom'
-rcf-
pittirdi
, pityness'
-rm-
yurme : nde
'master, teacher'
-rn-
ce:rno
'to shut up'
-rfJ.-
yerflU-de
, dizzine~s'
-rl-
njirlu
'twins'
-wt-
ciwta:oe
, wealth'
-wd-
jawdi
a:wdi
, seed'
'armpit'
-vlk-
na: \\'lki
, matrimony'
-wg-
dewgal

---

- 45 -
-wd-
cewdi
'change (money)'
bawcfi
, drums'
-wn-
mawnu-de
'to grow'
-
diwnu-de
'to tremble'
-wn-
levmi
'sweet'
-",11-
5awli
'black'
-wr-
nO\\vTU
'ear'
howru
'kneel'
-yt-
kaytol
'paper'
,w
na:yte
'comb'
-yd-
ma:yde
'death'
I
leydi
earth'
-yk-
ngayka
'hole'
-yg-
doygal
'pilar'
-yd-
weydi
'beau::'iful'
-yn-
gaynako
'shepherd'
heyre
'liver'
foyre
'cunningness'
naywi
'old'
.8.2.3.
-mnd-
njamndi
'iron'
-mng-
~mngal
'tongue'
-lmb-
jomalmbal
'spider'
-lnd-
salndu
'branch'
-----------------------------------------------------------
Note that three consonant clusters.are not found in the
Pula:r Language as the prenasalized stops mb, nd, nj ann
ng are phonetically considered as a single unit.

---

-
46
..
-lng-:
ngilngu
'worm
-rnd-
bernde
'chest'
-wng-
60wngu
'mosquito'
-ynd-
woyndu
'well'
-yng-
koyngal
'leg'
I. 8.2.4.
-mmb-
salammburu
'branch'
-nnd-
conndi
'powder, flour'

---

i,;
Medial two identical consonant clusters
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
p
b
t
d
c
j
k
9
s
er Y' m n
n
n
f
s
h
q
1
r
w
y
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------.----------
p
• x
b
x
t
x
d
x
c
x
j
x
k
x
9
x
b
x
a
x
f
x
m
x
~
....:J
n
x
~
n.
'"
n
x
•
f
s
h
q
1
x
r
w
x
y
-------_.
_..._----------------------------_._-....._---------------------------------
ch drt
I
~;~\\i
·.1l"~

---

l1e"I~1
t-"""
".'" ,~ •., ... c.~'
c....o"'~ ............. ... 'r
Co, ... t ....
P
b
t
d
c
j
k
g
b
d
Y
m
n
n
~
f
s
h
9
1
r
w
y
rob
no
ng
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
x
P
x
x
b
t
d
c
x
j
k
x
x
9
x
b
x
d
x
x
x
~
Y
x
CD
x
x
x
x
x
m
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
n
x
x
x
x
n
f1
x
x
f
x
s
h
x
x
' X
x
q
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
1
x
x
x
x
X
X
X
X
x
x
r
X
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
w
x
-----------
y
x
x
x
x
x
.. _-- ....
._---.,.~
_.~---------------------------------------------------
CHART -
J.r

---

... 49 -
•
I. 9.
S Y L LAB L E S
Syllables are classified on the basis of their nature
viz. open and closed.
If there is a single consonant
between
successive vowels,
that consonant forms the
onset of the following syllable.
If there is a two con-
sonant cluster in the intervocalic position,
the first
member of such cluster forms the coda of the preceeding
syllable and the second member forms the onset of the
following syllable.
1.9.1
Syllabic classification of words:
Words are classified on the basis of the number
of syllable in a single word.
For this analysis only
forms of substantives viz. without any declination or
conjugation are taken il.tO consideration.
In Pula:r the words are classified as monosyllabic,
disyl-
labic, trisyllabic,
four,
five and six syllable words.
I.9.1.1
Monosyllabic
1.9.1.1.1. Open syllable
-
I inter j. expr. wonder,
admiratioT1 1
v
a:
-
cv
ha:
'yes'
go:
lone'
1.9.1.1.2.
Closed syllable
vc
ar
'come'
-vc
a:n
'you (sg) ,

---

-
50 -
..
'today'
cvc
han
-naw
, disease'
, meat'
Cv.c
te:w
ka:
'uncle'
\\-1
l.9.1.2
Disyllabic:
l.9.1.2.1
Open syllable:
-
'no l
v-cv
a-la:
vc-cv
up-pe
'small ball'
-
'belch'
v-cv
a:re
cv-cv
ha-re
'fight '
cv-cv
ho:-re
'head'
cvc-cv
hor-de
I calebash I
cvc-ccv
6er-nde
'chest '
I. 9.1.2.2.
Closed syllable:
v - cvc
a-let
I sunday I
vc-vc
ad-an
'formerly'
cv-vc
bu-al
'thigh '
gi-al
'thorm'
cv-cvc
bilap
'a kind of sword'
cv-cvc
si:ran.
'tool'
,., .
cvc-cvc
'wine '
kon-Jam
'Irisyllabic:

---

-
51
.'.
...
Open syllable:
vc
cv
cv
er-te-re
'ground nut'
v
cv
cv
a-du-na
'world'
v - cv - cv
a-la:-du
'horn'
-
e:-wO: -de
'sear'
v
cv - cv
v
cvc - cv
e-lal-du
'lizard'
-
il-be:-ndi
'splen dour'
ve
cv - ccv
vc
cvc - cv
al-lan-de
'hit'
-
ja-ma : nu
'period'
cv - cv - cv
cv - cv - cv
je:-di-di
' seven'
-
-
...,
,..
'violin'
ev - cv
cv
na:-ne:ru
-
I
cv - cv - cv
na:-ri-ya~
'lazziness'
-
-
ka: -nga: -do
' fool, mad'
cv
ccv - cv
-
~
'loan'
ev - cv - ccv
na-ma:nde
ev - cve - ev
ba-sal-le
'onion'
cve - cve - cv
jud-der-de
'trunk'
eve - cv - ev
tok-ke-re
'bundle'
evc - ev - ev
wel-ta:-re
'happiness'
-
fun-na:-nge
'sunrise'
eve - cv - eev
cev - eve - cv
ndu:-lal-di
'lizard'

---

r----
~
- 52 -
•
I. 9.1.3.2.
Closed syllable:
v - cv - eve
i-Ie-wol
'stream'
-
v - cv - eve
a -sa-ma:n
'sky'
cv - cv - eve
hi-ro-dam
'milk'
cv - cv - eve
le:le-wal
, moonlight'
cv - eve - eve
ki-Ion-din
'orphan '
cv - eve
ccvc
jo-mal-mba:l
, spider'
-
,.J
cv - eve - eve
do:-no:r-gal
'chameleon'
1.9.1.4
Tetra syllabic words:
1.9.1.4.1
Open syllable:
v - cv
cv
cv
o.lo-we-re
'sweat'
v - cv - cv
cv
e-si-ra:-wo
' father (etc)
in law'
vc - cv - cv - cv
al-ka-me-sa
'thursday'
.
.
cv
cv
cv
cv
nu-nu-nu-nu
'murmuring'
cv
-
- cv
cv
cv
de-bo-re:-du
'pregnant
woman'
-
cv
-
,.,
.
cv
cv
, eye secretion'
- cv
do: -na: g~-te
cv - cv
eve - cv
de-fe-ner-du
'kitchen'
cv - ccv
cv
cv
sa-mba-ka-Ia
' joke'
eve
cv
eve - cv maw-dO-deb-bo
'old woman'
eve - cv
ccvc - cv hor~6u-nder-de 'ankle'
ccvc-cv-cvc-cv
mJb-ba-Iad-de
'wild pig'

---

-
53 -
Closed syllable
cv .- cv
ccv -
cvc
la: -na-ndi-yam
'boat'
cvc-cv-cvc-cvc
mot-ti-nor-gal
'gullet'
cvc-cv-cvc-ccvc
pet-te-jay-ngol
'sparks'
1.9.1.5
Penta syllabic words
I. 9.1.5.1
Open syllable
-
cv-cv-cv-cv-cv
ja-ma:-nu-fo-Io
'olden time'.
cv-v-cv-cvc-cv
pi-o-wo-baw-di
, drumer l
-
-
-
cv-cv-ccv-cv-cv
sO:-ba:-nde-su:-du
I roof'
cvc-cvc~v-cvc-c~~
sOb-5un-du-jun-ngo
'elbow'
-
cvc-cv-cv-cv-cv
ley-di-ra-ne:-ri
'clay'
r.9.1.5.2
Closed syllable
cv-cv-cvc-cv-cvc
cu-ka-yel-go-rel
'boy'
r.9.1.6
Six syllabic words
-
-
cv-cv-cv-cvc-cv-cv
na-le-ya:-gal-re:-du
'jealousy'

---

- 54 -
1.10. CONDITIONED VARIATION OF THE INITIAL CONSONANTS
A word does not always begin with the same consonant
everytime i t is used.
I t may begin with one consonant
in some sentences and with another consonant in other
sentences.
This feature of the Pula:r language has
aroused the most speculation and is particularly found
in the substantive and in the" verb.
I.lO.l.Occurrence:
The variation occurs in the opposition singular/plural
in the nouns,
and also in the inflected verbs.
Examples:
a)
in the nouns.
Singular
Plural
f
p
fowru
'hyena l
pobbi
ferlo
I mountain ,
perle
feggere
'ring '
pegge
h
k
ho:re
I head'
koe
howru
'kneel
koppi
hinere
Inose '
kine

---

- 55 -
•
w
b
wa:re
'beard'
bae
wa:ndu
'monkey'
ba: cfi
wojere
'rabbit'
boje
s
c
su:du
'room'
cu: cfi
sa:re
'village'
cae
sonndu
'bird'
colli
r
d
, dog'
ro :mru
, mouse'
do: rilbi
re:wde
'pool of vlater'
de:we
y
j
ya:re
'scorpion'
jahe
yontere
'week'
jonte
yewtere
, discourse I
jewte
speech'
mb
b
mbe:wa
'goat'
bei
mba: lu
'sheep'
ba: l i
mbaro: di
'lion'
baro: de
nj
j
njamalu
'tiger'
jamali
njamndi
, iron'
j amcfe
nJelu
, share'
jeli

---

..
- 56 -
ng
9
ngabbu
Ihippopotamus I
gabbi
•
ngilngu
, worm'
gilcfi
ngelo:ba
, camel'
gelo:bi
b)
in nouns derived from
verbs:
P
f
pe:ral
'bump'
C< fe : r - de (1)
I to hit against I)
peccal
'share'
(.( feccu-de
Ita share I)
pe: \\"lal
'rightness'
«
fe :w-de
I to be right,
honest) I
k
h
koyJol
I dreaml
«
hoydu-de
I to dream l )
ko: 101
'confidence ' «
hO:l-a:de(2) 'to trust I)
kebu
I readiness I
«
heb-a:de
I to get ready')
mb
w
mbaru
'killing '
(<. war-de
I to kill I )
mbalandi
I going to
(.( wa:l-a:de
I to go to bed,
bed, sleep'
sleep')
c
s
congal
'attack'
(.( songu-de I to attack')
cofm
'price'
( <. so: d-de
'to buy I )
c)
in the inflected verbs:
f
p
o
fewnat
6e pewnat
(He
repair will)
(they repair will)
------------------------------------ ------_.... _------- .. __ ..
- de
are infinitive markers.
- a:de

---

- 57 -
h
k
mi
ha:li
be
ka:li
(I spoke)
(they
spoke)
mb
wari:no
on
mbari: no
(you (sg.)
had killed)
. (You (pI.)
had killed)
y
nj
necfcfo
o
yia:no
Yimbe
be
njia:no
(person the did not see
(p~rsons the did not see)
: .10.2.
Operation:
Consonant variation· can be said ~o operate in this language
when,
the initial consonant of a morpheme changes according
to a grammatical context.
In the examples given above, the
initial consonant varies =rom the singul~r form to the
plural form in the nouns and from the verb to the verbal
noun.
The two tables below will help to show clearly
these variations as they occur in the nouns and in the verps.
In Nouns:
-------r-------------------------------------------------1
.
I
- Sg.
w
f
r
s h y
mb
nj
ng
I
PI.)' b
P
d
c
k
j
b
j
9
I ;
.
i
-------~---------------------------------------------------
Table 1

---

.MO
-
58 -
In the verbs:
r-~~~---:----~---:---:----~---~----~-----~------~----~~~::--
I
I PI. mb p nd c
k
nj
nd
r:.j
ng
ng
I
I~
L
i
_
Table 2
These tables show that the variation of the consonants
results in a continuant matching a continuant,
a stop a
stop, and a prenasal a prenasal.
The range of variation of a consonant is called a series.
vIi thin a series there are never more than three va-
riants, generally a continuant, a stop and a prenasal.
Generally,
there are only two variants within a series
in Pula:r
(SeQegal).
Two rules can be set up when the contexts of occur-
rence are referred to:
Rule 1:
~
manner
co(
manner
0<..
voice
~< voice
( Semi vowel
~i
-\\ Flap
I
l
l
______________~~~ Plosive
Fricative
Prenasal
J
[+ NounJ

---

- 59 -
Rule 2:
( Plosive
1 Flap
----------~~> Prenasal
Semi vowel
}
\\
If'
)
(
Fricative
l.
j
)' Plosive
[+
J
Verb
Because of the three variants a consonant may have from
the substantive to the verb, we can speak of gradation.
A grade is defined as the set of the continuants or stops
or prenasals composing the different series.
And because within a series there are never more than
three variants therefore three grades can be distinguished,
each corresponding to one set of variants.
This situation can be illustrated in a table which will
show the whole system of consonant variation in Pula:r.
r-------;... -----------------------------------------------1-
t
Grades
I
I
w
f
s
r
h
y
?(+a)
-:n
b
p
c
d
k
j
g
I
I I I
Imb p
c
nd
k
nj
ng
\\
I
i
---------------------------------------------------------
Comment upon the table:
1.
The roman characters represent the grades.
2.
The change in the second grade is considered to be
common for the noun and the verb.

---

- 60 -
3.
If there are voiced sounds in the second grade and i~
the consonants belong to the part of the verb they
undergo further change of prenasalization.
However,
instead of explaining the alternation in
the verb separately, the whole morphophonemic change in
the noun and the verb can be explained in the form of gra-
dation because of two reasons:
1)
In the base form,
if there is a voiceless consonant,
i t becomes voiced.
This is common to the noun and
the verb.
2)
If fricative and semi vO',-Jels are there in the base
form,
they change into prenasals.
This latter change
can be better explained by accepting the change in
the noun as basic and then undergoing the prenasali-
zation.
It should be noted in this study, that the other con-
sonants, viz. the implosi ves /6/, 1 er 1 and 1 'Y'I and the
nasals 1 m I, 1 n I, /
n1 and 1 fl 1 are not subject to
variation.
The liquid 1 1 1 is subject to variation in the Pula:r
dialect of the Fulakunda people of upper Casamance (South
Senegal) but only in one case,
i.e.
in the verb Ila:rdel
'to look at' and its derivatives.

---

- 61 -
..
Examples:
mi
la:ri:
'I have looked at'
a
la:ri:
'You (sg.)
have looked at'
en
ndari:
'We
(incl.)
have looked at'
on
ndari:
'You (pI.)
have looked at'
Consonant variation is found to operate also in
dependent adjectives, Examples:
Corresponding plural
Singular forms
forms
debbo
dane:jo
rew5e
rane:be
(woman
fair complexioned)
(women
fair complex-
ioned)
woyndu
horndu
boyli
kordi
(well
empty)
(wells
empty)
su:du
hesuru
cu: di
Kesi
(room
new)
(rooms
new)
mbe:lu
njucfdum
be: I i
j ucfdi
(shadovl
lo~g)
(shadows
long)
The phenomenon of variation of the initial
consonants is far from unique in pula:r,
for i t has
become the feature which may form the proof of the
genetic relationship of Pula:r and the other languages
of the \\'lest Atlantic group of languages.

---

-
62 -
1.11.
MORPHOPHONEMICS
Sandhi occuring within a morpheme alone is discussed
in this chapter.
The rules enumerated here are a set of unordered rules
which operate independentlY in the correspono3nce singular
nominal forms - plural nominal forms.
They a=e not taken
into account here the changes which occur with th8 initial
consonants of the morphemes and also with the noun class
markers.
These changes are discussed separately in
chapters treating of the variation of the initial conso-
nants and the noun class system:
The symbol
~:
indicates pause.
..
v
1 •
-----~)V1
+ C
(1)
g
/
Examples:
::f:t;. wa: -re
ba-e
'beard'
#- ho: -re
ko-e
'head'
.#- sa:-re
ca-e
'village'
-tt= ya:re
ja-h-e
'scorpion'
:#=- fe:-re
pe-h-e
'plan'
"# so:-re
co-h-e
'a kind of snake'
=Fr- j i: -re
ji-e
'squi=rel'
#: a: -re
ga-e
'belch'
--------------------------------------------------;--
1
C
= glide
g

---

- 63 -
..
mbe:-wa
be-i
'goat'
2.
Cl
""... C2 / -C
~
2
exx:
#
hon-ndu
')
kol-li
'finger'
:It son-ndu
co-li
'bird'
")
#: bun-ndu
"'
,
bul-li
'well'
-# ban-ndu
>
bal-li
'body'
#
sukun-ndu
"'-
cukul-li
'hair'
; '
-=It: fow-ru
..,.
pob-bi
'hyena'
::ft;.
saw-ru
>
cab-bi
'stick'
"#
now-ru
/
nop-pi
'ear'
#= how-ru
.......
kop-pi
'kneel'
/
::f.I= ko cf-o
')
hob-b~
, stranger'
1F gocfci.:.o
"-
woo-be
'some one'
/
'#: bicfcf...o
"
r'b r
, Child'
."
D~
-De
.:#: pah-o
')
pab-be
' deaf person'
:p:: roa:w-o
)
bab-be
'back'
3.
Remark:
ltlords in which regular and satisfying rules can not
be set up are listed as stem alternant words.
They are:
necfcf-o
yim-be
'person •
debb-o
rew-be
'woman'
hin-ndu
ken-e:li
'wind'

---

64
11. MORPHOLOGY
11-1
NOUNS
11.1.1.
The class system: Classification of the
Nouns:
In Pula:r,
a noun consists of a stem plus one
suffix.
For example /rawa:ndu/ 'a dog'
and /salndu/
'a branch' belong 'to a large number of nouns with the
suffix -ndu.
Their plural forms /dawa:di/ 'dogs'
and
/caldi/ 'branches'
also belong to a large number of nouns
with the suffix -
di: /be:rnde/
'chest'
and /jonnde/
'sore' are another set of a large number of nouns with
the suffix - nde.
There are many singular - plural pairs of suffixes
like -ndu and -di: or - nde and -
de, but in some cases
identical suffixes are assigned to different classes.
For
instance, /linngu/
'a fish'
and /~du:ngu/ 'raining sea-
son'.
'year' have identical suffix -
ngu but are said to
be different classes because they make respectively
/liddi/ and /du:bi/ in the plural.
To justify such an
analysis as that on the noun classes in Pula:r one must
go beyond the noun suffixes themselves because there is
such a combination between the stem and the suffix, and
finally,
a noun class is identified by the combination
stem - noun suffix and concord morphemes- appropriate to
it, and also the variation of the initial consonant in th~
plural formation.

---

- 65 -
..
)
I
But Pula:r has a large number of noun class
markers.
An inventory of all the class markers based on
the singular -plural distinctions is necessary for the
listing of the various noun classes.
An attempt of listing all the suffixes functioning
as noun class markers as they appear in substantives in
the nominative is made below in an arbitrary order.
Then
a grouping of all these suffixes according to the corres-
pondences which exist in the opposition singular /
plural.
Finally a classification of the Pula:r nouns is
given:
11.1.1.2
I N V ENT 0 R Y
.
.
I
Suffixes of the
Suff1xes of the s1n~ularl
Plural
:~-----------~:::------------l--:~-----~~:-----------
2.
-ndi
2.
-de
3.
-nde
3.
-be
4.
-ngu
4.
-hi
5.
-ngo
5.
-je
6."
-ngal
6.
-le
7.
-ngol
7.
-ji
8.
-gal
8.
-li
iI
9.
-uru
e
\\
9.
10.
-·wo
... e:le
~10.

---

66
11.
- wa
11.
- e:li
12.
- a: j i
12.
- 01
13.
al
13.
- e: je
14.
- am
14.
- e: j i
15.
de
15.
- i
16.
- di
16.
- e
17.
- do
17. - j i
18.
- ri
18.
a:be
19.
- re
19.
- kon
20.
- ru
21-
- yo
22.
- ko
23.
- na
24.
- ge
25.
- fJ.
-:.
t
26.
- i
,
I
27.
- u
.1
28.
- - 0
i
29.
- a
30.
- e
31-
- wol
32.
- ko
33.
ki
34.
urn
-----------------------~-------------------------------

---

- 67 -
11-1.1.3
Correspondances between the singular noun class
markers and the plural noun class markers:
-----------------------------------------------
Singular class
l Corresponding plural
markers
markers
------~:::-----------I-----------------------r
l
-ngu
-di
-ngol
Il
--------------------- -----------------------r
-nde
I
i
-ndi
I
II
-ngo
I
-ngal
-de
i
-na
-li
,
~------=~~------------
l
-----------------------t
I
-0
i
-~e
-ko
I
I -~
I
i
:------=:~:-----------i--------=S;------------1
+
-1
:
I
-yo
I
!
-je
I
1
-ri
-1-------------------- ----------------------1
I
-01
-j i
!
- ..---------------------..------------------...._-_.-

---

- 68 -
..
-----:::-------------~--------------------1
-uru
I
-ru
-01
-
i
-u
-a
I
-ri
--------------------JI
-nde
!
-ngal
I
-de
-re
-al
,
r-----~~~:------------I-------------------j
-ngal
I
I
!
I
-gal
-
le
!
-di
-ko
-ndu
II -
-ngol
l i
I
-------------------------------------------

---

-
69 -
~--~-------------------~-------------------_.
-ndi
-de
-di
. -e: le
-ri
-i
-e
-ndu
-e:li
t-----~~~--------------I--------------------
I
i
-e:je
I
'
j
r-----=-~--------------r--------------------
;-----=-~--~--;--------t-----------=:~~~----
l
I
-a: j i
-
a
I
• ----------------------7--------------------,
I
I
I
,
l---__=_::
l
=~:
;
I
I
I
- a
I
-
a:be
-----=~:--------------r-----------=~:-----,
1
[ -----:::::------------r------~----:::~-----t
~-----------------~----L--------------------l

---

- 70
II-1.1.4
Classification
We may classify the pula:r nouns into 19 classes on the
base of singular - plural distinction.
~us, the follow-
ing:classes: A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L; M, N,
0, ~, Q, Rand S: each class being assimilated to one suf-
fix of the plural and comprising the corresponding singu-
lar suffixes.
A
A2~:
(A1 ,
A 3 ,....
B
[B
,
B , B , B
1 , B2
3
4
S' B6 , B7 1
..J
C
[Cl' C 2 ' C 3 ]
D [Dl ]
E
J
[El' E 2
F
. [ F1 ]
.
G
.[G
G , G , G ,
G ,G , °G
1 ,
2
3
4
GS'
6
7
a ]
H
H
.(H
, H, H , H
l ,
2
3
4
S'
H61
.J
I
[:1'- I 2/ I , I ,
3
4
IS ]
J lJ1, J 2 J
.. /K [K K , K , K
2
3
4, KS'
J
1 ,
K6
L
(L1 ' L2 ]

---

-
71
M
N
[N1]
o
[°1, O2 ]
P [P1 J
° [ °1, O2 ]
r
R
R 1 ]
·5
(Si]
11-1.1.5. These classes are represented in the table
below, with their corresponding class markers:
---------------------------------------1-----------------
.~-:-~=-- ~-:-=::--'~-:-=::--J~-:-=:=---~-:=~:---~-:=~=
•
B =-ngal
4
\\
i
\\
.
_________L
_ __________i
L~
J_..._

---

~
~
l.
tI
- 72 -
I
I,
G = -uru
H =
2
2
II
I
I G -
-de
1 = -gal
3- -ru
IH3=
3
G = -01
H = -re
1 = -di
I
4
4
4
G -
-ge
H = -al
1 = -ko
I
-, K = -i
5-
5
5
S
I
II
G - -u
H = -0
I K = -e
6-
6
I 6
IH = -e
I
I
I 7
1,
I
I
I
i
I
!
I
.
--------- --------lI-------:---L--------~---- -----
1
,M =
-e: je~ N=-e: j i I 0=-,.: j i
P=-:Ye
Q= a:f)e
I
°1 =-a
Ri =-ru
b:_:_~
J:~:_::J .. .._:~::__
~
._L
!
We shall note that certain nouns do not take a plural marker_~
they.denote generally liquid or express some quality.
They
are mass nouns.
These nouns are characterized by the singu-
lar class marker -am.
For example:
ndiy -
am
'water'
'blood'

---

..
-
73 -
-
kos -
am
'buttermilk'
lama- am
'salt'
..,.
k on) -
am
'wine'
t; iro<:f- am
I milk'
11-1.1.6
G R O U P I N G
The Pula:r noun classes can be classified in 4 groups
denoting:
1)
human
2)
non human
3)
mass nouns
4)
others
according to the class marker they take.
For instance
the class markers -0 and
0
refer generally to human,
while the class marker -
am deals with liquid.
Thus the
following table:
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~­
1
- 0
Human
- do
- be
-
u
- a
-
i
Non human
-
al
-
ndu
-ngu
wa
ai
~----------------------------------------

---

..
- 74 -
-----::::-~::~:-------~-----=-::-----------l
--------------------- -----~-:::----~-----1
I
I
- di
- ri
- re
- wo
Others
- li
- le
- yo
- de
I
!
- e:li
I
- e:le
i
I
- ngal
L
_
Conclusion:
Pula:r nouns may be defined as forms which occur
in association with noun class suffixes.
These suf-
fixes or class markers are in agreement with the noun
base and also with all the noun determinatives, ·viz.
definite articles, possessives, demonstratives and

---

- 75 -
II-2. GENDER AND NUMBER
II-2.1 Gender:
In Pula:r, like in all the Senegalese and most of the
African Languages, the gender of the noun is not reflec-
ted either in the pronominalisation, in the adjectival
concord or subject-predicate concord.
Therefore, linguistically, the Pula:r language has no
gender since it is not expressed at the syntactic level.
For instance if we consider the following nouns:
gorko
'man'
debbo
'woman'
du:fltu:fl
'cock'
they can be accompanied by the third person pronoun
singular I 0 I, i.e., those nouns can ber.eplaced by the
pronoun 0 and we may have the sentence •.
o
ari:
which means.either 'he has come'
'she has
come'
' i t has come', according to the preceding noun.
Therefore we can have:
gorko 0
ari:
'the man has come'
o
ari:
'he has come'
debbo 0 ari:
'the woman has come'
o
ari:
'she has come'
du:fitu:fJ 0 ari:
'the cock.has come'
o
ari:
• i-t has come'

---

There is no indication of gender.
But semantically, Pula:r distinguishes masculine and
feminine either by different lexical items as
la.
gorko
'male'
lb.
debbo
'female'
(and their variants
according to the noun-class
to which they are attached.)
2a.
nga:ri
'male for animals'
2b.
nale
'female for animals'
3a.
du:ntu:fl.
'male for birds and poultry
3b.
bi:gal
'female for birds and poultry.
or by addition of /gorko/ for masculine, /debbo/ for
feminine (that for human beings and animals); /nga:ri/
for masculine and /nale/ for feminine
(for animals only) ;
/du:ntu:fl./ for masculine and /bi:gal/ for feminine (birds
and poultry only) •
Examples:
suka
gorko
'a boy'
(child male)
suka
debbo
'a girl'
(child
female)
nga:ri
nagge
'a bullock'
(male
cow)
,..,
nale
nagge
'a female CO\\-I ,
t::::r
(female cow)
1iJ<
;~i\\
~:;;.
I·"
I...:",'.'':,".i."'S'->"<,•....~--;..;.....\\

---

-
77 -
. du:.1'1tu: 1'1
la cock l
(cock)
gertogal bi :gal
la hen l
(fowl female)
It is to be noted however that a semantic oriented study
of gender is of no importance in the description of the
language.
II-2.2. Number:
Pula:r has only two numbers, the singular and the
plural.
The nouns contain in themselves singular and
plural markers which coincide with the singular and
the plural of the noun class markers.
In these examples the suffixes I~ndul, I-dui, I-ut,
I -dil and I -oIl mark the singular and belong to the
singUlar class markers while 1- eril, I-li/, I-il and
I-del mark the plural.
For full details see chapter
on the class system.

---

..
/ - 78 -
II-3. PERSONAL PRONOUNS
Pula:r has specif~c morphemes to indicate the personal
pronouns which are always placed before the verb.
In
the written language they are written separately from
it.
They are:
~-------~-----~----------------~----------------------
--
S~~i;:
.
Singular
J'
Plural
------- ---------------------- ---------------------~-
N
1st
mi
en
(we,
inclusive)
person
o
(I)
Imin
(we, exclusive)
M
______________________J
_
I
N
2nd
a
on
person
A
(you)
(you)
T
I
3rd
o
be
v
(they)
person
(he,she,it.
i
_______________________ l,
.
~
E
Table 1
In the past and future tense these pronouns do not vary.
Th~y keep their simple fonn.
mi arno
II camel
a
arno
'you (sg. ) came'
~'" -.
l
0
ya:no
'lje, She, i t
went'
!l'~--.
~-,
~
en na:mat
'we (incl. ) will eat'
be ka:lat
'they will speak'

---

- 79 -
But in the present tense, some morphemes are added to
these simple forms.
Thus we obtain compound forms
where the second element contains in itself an-idea of
action which is really going on.
For instance,
in the sentence Imi-dO ar-al 'I am coming'
(present continuous tense) I
i t is the morpheme I-dOl which
gives to the whole expression the idea of an action which
is being done in the present moment.
The table 2 shows the compound personal pronouns of the
present tense.
---------------------------------------------
Compound
I
Singular
Plural
forms
--------~-----------t-----------------------
N
1st
midO
enen
{we inclusive)
o
person
(I)
jminen (we exclusive)
I
M
II
--------------------~-----------------------
I
2nd
adO
onon
N
(you)
(you)
person
A
-----------------------~
T
I
3rd
orro
obe
v
person"
(He, she,
I(they)
it)
I
E l ·
-------------------------------------------------------
, Table 2.

---

•
- 80 -
Besides the nominative forms of the personal pronouns,
Pula:r has oblique forms for the personal pronouns which
are suffixed to the verbal form.
If we consider the
following sentences:
okk-am
'give me'
mi okk-iyno
' I gave him'
o
~kk-at-be
: f~~elwill give them'
'{it'S
In these examples the oblique personal pronouns are:
am (=me)i me (
=him)
and be
(=them).
They are suffixed
to the verb root
okk-
Ito give'; -i: is the past tense
marker, -(a)t is the future tense marker.
Table 3 will shows the oblique forms.
Singular
Plural
0
1st
-am
- en
B
person
- min
L
------- ----------------
----------------------
I
Q
2nd
-ma
- on
U
Person
E
-------
I
----------------- ---------------------_.
,. F
0
3rd
-mo
- be
R
person
M
S
-----------------~----------------------
Table 3

---

- 81 -
The tables show that not only the nominative and oblique
forms are different in the singular but also, syntacti-
.
cally the former constitute separate morphemes always
placed before the verb, while the latter are suffixed
to the verbal form.

---

82 -
•
II.4.
The noun determinatives
In Pula:r the noun is characterized by a suffbX (the
class marker)
which combines with the noun base and the
noun determinatives, viz., the definite articles, the de-
monstratives and possessives,
in an intricate fashion.
The noun determinatives themselves reseIDble that suffi~.
II.4.1
The definite articles
The relation of the definite articles with any noun
can be morphemically represented as follows:
SingUlar}
Noun stem
+ {Class marker
or
+
Article·
Plural
l
or
sg..
+
Art.
N
+ {cI.m.
I
s ...
pI. J
I
.
I
The definite articles can be basically restricted to
seven which are: 0, mb-, nd-, ng-,
a-, b- and k-. How-
ever to these main forms
(except that of the first
class 0
)
are added certain particles according to the
form of the noun class marker and which, generally
.
resemble that class marker.
Thus, the variations which occur because of the
addi tion of different particles to the base form of the
article may be conditioned by the following morphological
rule:
v
) V
/
V
ep •
" .
1 f
1
------------------------------------------_.._------....-----
Note: cl.m. = class marker

---

- 83 -
We may distinguish two categories of definite articles:
a). - those which are identical with the class
markers • .
b) - those which are not identical with the class
markers.
II.4.1.1. Case where the definite article and the class
marker are identical:
The definite articles are found to be identical vnth
the class markers when the class markers are the morphe~es
-nde, -ndi, -ndu, -ngu, -ngo, -ngal, -ngo};, -2<0, -Cl, -de
and -be.
In that case the definite article is a simple repe-
tition of the class marker after the noun.
For example:
Singular:
with -nde class marker:
class marker
article
if
{;occo: -nde
nde It
· the egg'
(egg
the)
jo:n-nde
nde
I the
wound'
tu:-nde
nde
'the city'
in-nde
nde
'the name'
ti :-nde
'the forE>hp;::\\n'
with -ndi marker:
con-ndi
ndi:
=
'the flour'
nga: ':'ndi
ndi
'the brain:

---

-
84 -
ndi
'the blossom'
pi:-!l£!.
ndi
'the billy-goat'
ndam-ndi
ndi
'the iron'
nj am-E.£i
with
-ko marker:
ko
'the leaf'
ha:-ko
=
'the mouth'
hunu-ko
'the plant'
do: -ko
(a kind of plant)
-ndu class marker:
'the bird'
son- ndu
ndu
'the \\V'ind'
htn-ndu
ndu
'the finger'
hon-ndu
ndu
'the well'
woy-ndu
'l..he body'
ban-ndu
-ngu class marker:
'the raining season'
du:~
'the mosquito'
bow-n~
'the worm'
ngil-ngu
'the fish I
lin-=Q9!!
'the wild pig'
ndulu-ngu

---

- 85 '-
-ngo class marker:
ju:ngo
~_9:2
' the arm'
feda:-ngo
ngo
- 'the nail'
fel'-ngo
ngo
'the water pot'
-ngal class marker:
pa:w-ngal
ngal
' the sickness'
dem-ngal
ngal
' the tongue'
-ngol class marker:
jay-ngol
ngol
I the
fire'
kon-ngol
ngol
'the word'
ja:-ngol
ngol
' the chillness'
gon-ngol
ngol
'the tear'
,...
doy-ngol
ngol
' the sleep'
.
Plural
With di class marker:
cu:di
di
'the rooms'
-
cal-c!i
di
' the branches'
-
ba: -cfi
cfi
' the monkeys"
-
en-cll
cfr
' the breasts'
-
With ~ class markers:
jU:de
de
' the arms'
-

---

-
86 -
bal~
de
'the beds'
-
da:de
---
de
'the necks'
ledcfu
de
' the trees'
--
With be class marker:
r
yi~
be
' the people'
-
I"
wor~
be
'the men'
-
rewbe
£e
'the women'
-
wuybe
be
'the thieves'
-
II.4.1.2
Case where the definite article and the class
marker are not identical:
For the definite articles which ~o not resemble the
suffixed class mar~ers, we may consider the following
rule:
+ cl.m.
Examples:
mbabba
mba
'the donkey'
no:da
mba
'the crocodile'
".

---

-
87- -
The article mba = (mb + clm -a~.
leggal
ngal
'the tree I
doygal
n~
'the pilar '
nag.9.£
n~
.' the COWl'
In the first and second examples, the article
ngal = (n + clm -gal) and in the third example the
article nge = (n +clm -ge.)
damal
ngal
' the door '
basal
ngal
I the
sleeping matt
kural
ngal
I the
bullet'
datal
ngal
I the
way I
In these examples the definite article ngal =
(ng + clm-al.)
mboddi
ndi
I the
snake'
, J
ndi
'the' food, meal I
narnmi
The article ndi = (nd + elm -i )
kosam dam
' the buttennilk '
-
ndiy~ darn
' the water'
konJ~ darn
I the
wine'
nebbam dam
'the oil '
larndam ~m
I the
sa.lt I
ko:tone ~
'the ear rings '
The article dam = (cf + clm - ~.)

---

- 88 -
..
dOmka
ka
'the thirst'
.. ha: l~
ka
'the speech'
la:na
ka
'the boat'
The definite article ka
= (k - + clm.~.)
With nouns having -ri, -re, -ru and -uru as class
,-
markers.
All the nouns which can be identified with the help of
the above class markers take the definite article nd+V :V
is the same vowel as that of the final vowel of the class
markers.
Examples:
botta:ri
ndi
'the lunch'
nga:ri
ndi
' ....he bull'
ho:re
nde
'the head'
-
ho:dere
nde
' the star'
-
sawru
ndu
'the stick'
-
wu:duru
ndu
' thE: pumpkin'
Note that consi dering the morphophonemic changes which
occur in the variationof the initial consonants as already
noted in the precedent chapters and in which the varia-
tion
r ---)'d ~nd
is found,
i t is felt that the
nouns in the examples given above undergo some morphopho-
nemic changes called dissimilation, i.e. in the sense

---

- 89 -
Eventhough our rule operates with a large number
of nouns, there are casesw~ere i t does not operate at
all.
For instance, the rule does not operate:
- with the definite article £ •
The definite article 0 occurs with nouns having the
,-
class marker o.
In that case,
there is an identity bet-
ween the article and the class marker
(exx: debb 0 0
-
=
'the woman')
as i t is the case with the nouns of -ndi,
-nde, -ndu, -ngu, -ngo and -ngal class markers and their
corresponding definite articles.
But the definite article 0 occurs also with the
following nouns which have -e,
-a and ~ as class markers.
ne:ne
. 0
'the mother'
=
ba:ba
0
'the father'
=
·ka:w
0
' the uncle'
te:ran
0
' the axe'
asama:n
0
' the sky'
lamset
0
' the blade'
We shall note that the absence of the definite articles
beside the noun, gives to that latter a status of inde-
finite value.
For instance the word /gorko/ without any
article beside it, means 'man'
in general, viz. in its
generic sense, but this term can mean also la man', i.e.
'every man'.
For example, the following sentence:

---

- 90 -
/gorko·ko tampat nde hepto/ can be interpreted (man
suffer will t i l l he be free)
as
la man/every man should
suffer t i l l he becomes free'or
IMan should suffer t i l l
he becomes free l •
II.4.2
II The dernonstratives
We may morphemically define the relation between
the demonstrative and the noun as follows:
SingUlar}
Demonstrative + Noun stem + {Class marker
plural
or
+
1
De.
Nst +{ cl· m• ::
Thus, the demonstratives are morphemes which always
precede the noun which they accompany.
They resemble,
by their form,
the definite articles which in their
turn always follow the noun.
And for the sake of cla-
rity we will deal first with the demonstrative singular
and then with the demonstrative plural, viz. in a
number contrast singular-plural since here also there
is an agreement between the demonstrative and the class
markers.

---

- 91 -
11.4.2.1 Singular:
In the singula~, we con set up the following rule:
r 00-
•I
-
.,.
De sg•.:
A
nd
l + V of el.m.
1
ng -
\\
k
J
... -
/
ng -
I
J+ - vc of eLm.
k
er -
A.
mba:
mbabba
'this donkey'
mba:
no:da
'this crocodile'
mba:
mbe:wa
'this goat'
ndi:
ndu; laldi
'this lezard'
ndi:
jawdi
'this wealth'
.
ndi:
nga:ri
, this bull'
ndi: do:di
'this excrement'
ngo:
holgo
'this sheath'
ngo:
ma:YQ
'This sea'
ngu:
ng~
'this skin'
ngu: pucc~
'this horse'

---

-
92 -
•
However, as in the case of the definite articles, the
demonstrative 0: occurs with the following nouns which
have the same deviation.
0:
ba.:ba
'-c.his father'
0:
ne:ne
'this mother'
(IP: ka:w
' thi.s uncle'
0:
asama:n
' this sky'
0:
lamset
'this blade'
B.
ngel
cukayel
'this child'
ngel
cu:rel
'this small room'
ngal
leggal
'this tree'
ngol
la:wol
'this way'
ngol
kondorol
'this threat'
, J
kal
namal
'this small quan-
tity of food'
kal
dihal
'this small quan-
tity of water'
dam
ndiyam
' this water'
dam
kosam
'this buttermilk'
II.4.2.1
Plural:
.In the plural the demonstratives are only three, viz •
.£)e, kon
and cfv1.
'.
Here also two rules can be set up.
Depl :
A.
{ b- }+ "\\ of cl.m.
-.-,
d-
~.
I '
B.
{ k- } + -vc of cl.m.
L·····f~ ....
:!."

---

- 93 -
Examples:
A.
be:
yim6e
' these people'
be:
rewbe
'these women'
de:
pegge
' these rings'
de:
dimale
' these lies'
<·di:
lidcll
'these fishes'
ch:
pucci
' these horses'
efi:
kene:li
'these winds'
di:
ba:ba:ji
'these fathers'
..
di:
ne:ne:ji
' these mothers'
di:
bei
' these goats'
B.
kon
cukalon
' these children'
-
kon
likkon
' these small fishes'
We shall note that the ~emonstratives do not only show
things but also .contain a notion of distance.
In Pula:r, when the notion of distance is to be expre-
ssed, the morphemes -dO, -da and - to are added to the
form of the demonstrative.
The morpheme dO
denotes proximity whereas da and to
denote remoteness.
E.xamples:
ngu: -do
puccu
'this horse here'
ngu: - d'a
puccu
'that horse'.
ngu: -
to
puccu
'that horse.~here'

---

-
94 -
..
II.4.3
Ill. The P05sessives
In their rapport with the noun, the posses-
sives can be defined as follows:
Possessive
).
Noun + possessive suffix
or
1POSe
)
N + pOSe suffix
The possessive suffixes are six; each corresponds to
one person.
1
_
Singular
Plural
I
1st
erson:
-am
- 'my
- m8n (inclusive)
our
-a men (exclusive)
2nd
rson:
-ma
'your'
-mon
'your'
3rd
erson:
hiS'
-':inakko
'her'
-mabbe 'their'
'its'
"
Examples:
ho:re am
'my head'
galle am
'my house'
dawa:di am
'my dogs'
su:du makko
'his room'
deftere amen
'our book'
(excl usi ve)

---

- 95 -
I~ INTERROGA'l'IVES
Pul
h
.
t '
-
h 1 1
d k
a:r
as· two 1nterroga 1ves ~
an
0
which func-
tion as pronoun as well as adjectives.
They always
precede the noun or the verb.
b21, grammatically, functions oS subject or object for
instance:
holwuro
nja:ta:
7
'To which place are you (sg.)
(which place are you
going?'
going)
hol
ka;lo:wo
dO?
I~~O is speaking here?'
(Who is speaking here)
hol ko woni dum
,
I what
is this? I
(what is
this)
ko functions as object
ko nji:da:?
'vfuat did you (sg.)
see?1
(what did you see)
sg.
ko
mbi: cfun
'~~at did you (pI.) say?'
(what did you say)
pI.
I t appears that Pula:r has one and the same category
of elements which function as definite articles,
demons-
tratives and interrogatives.
And there is such a complex interdependency between
the noun base and these elements, that the noun system
in Pula:r forms a set of noun classes where most of the
noun suffixes or class markers are apparently the same
that which are being used as the noun determinatives.
~:-h~l-i;-f~~d-~~-b~-~~~d-i~-~h~-di;l~~~-~f-~~~~:-'
.,;, ...
hol does not vary.
In the other dialects of pula:r,
~
.
~~-
the interrogative hol has a variant ho + the noun class
t
marker of the following noun.
For instance /ho nde-
sa:re nja:ta:?/ 'to which vil~age are you going?'
Note that ho nde = interrogative+class marker -nde.
l'<:.:-'-..'."

---

- 96 -
II.S •. THE ADJECTIVES
The adjectives are derived from verbs and come under
two categories in different forms depending on either
they are epithet or attribute of the noun which they
qualify.
Morphologically the adjectives are derived as
follows;
Adjective' - - - - )
t Vst.
+
t definite article of
qualified noun.
I
the
suffix -i
"
Verb
qn.
Adjectives
I
)
stem
+t definite article of the
i
The verb stem taking the definite article of the quali-
fied noun is called epithet, that taking the suffix -i is
called attribute.
II.5.1.
The epithet adjectives
They are directly attached to the noun and are
characterized by their agreement in number with the
.substantives which they qualify.
Tbus, they have
number forms.
Examples:
Singular:
1.
g9rko
mo:fj' - 0
'good man'
(man
good)

---

• 97 -:-
~
debt)6
bes - 0
'beautiful woman'
..
(woman
beautiful)
3.
leggal
to:w - ngal
'high tree'
(tree
high}
"'"
.
namm1
mbel -
ndi
'nice.meal'
(meal
nice}
5.
" re: du
ma:wnu-ndu
'big belly}
~
(belly
big}
Plural:
6.
damule
nja: 'f - de
'wide doors'
(doors
'vide}
7.
babbi
ma:y- di
'dead donkeys'
(donkeys
dead)
In these examples,
the adjectives are constructed in the
following manner:
(rrY:YjJ{' - ) + (- 0)
==
Vst.
def. art. qn.
to:wngal=
(to:w -
)
+ ( - ngal)
Vst.
def.
art. qn.
rria:wndu =
(ma:w -
)
+ ( - ndu)
Vst.
def. art. qn.
nja:yde ==
(Ya:y- -
+ ( -de )
Vst.
def. art. qn.
ma:Ydi
( ma:y
=
- ) + ( - di )
Vst.
def. art. qn.

---

- 98 -
..
I t is to be noted that when adjectives are used to qualify
substantives, the pheno~enon of variation of the initial
consonant occurs wherever the consonant of a determined
adjective is derived from a verb which alters its initial
consonant.
(see chapter on Variation of the initial con-
sonants i~ Pula:r.)
In the example 4
,
the adjective /mbelndi/ 'nice' derived
from the verb /welde/ 'to be nice' has its initial conso-
nant
[w - J ) [mb -J
In the example 6, the adjective /nja:yde/ 'wide l
derived
from the verb /ya:yde/ 'to be wide'
has its initial conso-
nant
However there are adjectives which, when they denote
colour weight or some quality,
do not have the definite
article of the qualified noun in their construction.
example:
ma:di
rane:ri
'white wall'
(wall
white)
leydi
wode:ri
'red sand'
(sand
red)
sa:ku
teddudO
'heavy sack'
(sack
heavy)
te:w
noldo
'rotten meat'
(meat rotten)

---

- 99 -
11.5.2
The attribute adjectives
They are not directly attached to the noun.
There is the coupula /Ji/ 'is' between the noun and the
adjective.
They are formed with the suffix -i and can
be morphemically defined as follows:
\\ ·Adj ~ Vst. + i
Examples:
wutte 0 di
J-
weya - i
'the dress is beautiful'
mboddi
ndi
&i ma:wn-i
'the snake is growing big'
mba
ngesa
Ji
fakk- i
'this field is unclean'
leggal
ngal
ch
to :w-i
'the tree is high'
ngol
la:wol
di
ju:t -i
'this way is long'
ba: f€
de
elL njo:r-i
'the leaves ar.e dry'
We shall note that as far as the attribute adjectives
are concerned there is no agreement in number between
the adjective and the substantive.
All the attribute
adjectives end in -i without number forms.

---

- 100 -
II.6.
NUMERALS
In the Pula:r language each of the cardinal
numbers presents itself to us as a numeral adjective when
i t is preceded by a substantive., And"there are no forms
available in Pula:r to denote numeral substantives as i t
is foun~in some of the Dravidian Languages as for example
Tamil : /iruvar/ = Itwo persons'
(cf: Caldwell, 1856, 1st
Indian edition 1974, p 321).
Parji :
okur (i)
= 'one man'
irul
= 'two men'
mu:vir
•
I three men'
nelvir
= 'four men'
(Cf: Andronov,
1970:
in 1st Indian edi~ion 1977, p 50).
The distribution numerals
(by twos, by threes etc.)
and
the ordinal numbers
(second,
third etc.)
are formed from
the cardinal numbers.
The numerals do not have any alternant form when they
.are used as simple numbers.
example:
/go.o/ 'one'; / cfi.cfi/ 'two'; / t a t i / • three I
;
/nayi/ I four'
etc.
II.6.1.
Cardinal numerals - numeral adjectives
They are inflected when they qualify a substantive.
This infection consists of an agreement between the
nominal form and the numeral adjective.
In that case

---

- 101 ..
the numeral adjectives are placed aft~r the noun, and
their inflectional suffixes vary according to the suffix
of the noun which they determine; and also their initial
consonants und~rgo the rules of the alternation of the
initial consonant which characterize the Pula:r Language
(ef: \\chapter on the Variation of the Initial Consonant).
Example:
1.
legg-al
go:tal
'one tree'
(tree
one)
debb-o
go:t-o
'one woman'
(woman
one)
mbabb-a
wo:t-a
'one donkey'
(donkey
one)
pucc-u
wo:t-u
'one horse'
(horse
one)
In these examples the two forms /go:t/ and /wo:t/ of
the cardinal number /go.6/ lone l agree with the different
class suffixes of the nouns which they determine.
11.6.1.1. One:
go.o
has three allomorphs /go.o/; /go~t/ and /wo:~.
/go.o/ occurs as a cardinal number.
/go:~ and /wo:t/ occur as numeral adjectives.
Thotiqh the 8.1 ternat10n [ <;1-] /
[w-] i~itiallY is a
regular phenomenon (.ee chapter. orrVariation of the
Initial consonant) i t appears clearly here that a condi-
tioning rule to explain this change is needed eventhough
,
.

---

- 102 -
we have failed~to set up a satisfy~ng one.
However
a few examples are given below; they may help in propo-
sing a rule.
Examples:
da:kal
go:tal
- 'one crow'
gerlal
go:tal
'one partridge'
lb:cOl
go:tol
'one whip'
borowol go:tol
'one thread'
bilbilel
go:tel
'one sparrow'
colel
go:tel
'one bird'
gorko
go:to
'one man'
debbo
go:to
' one woman'
ku:ro
go:to
'one owl'
puccu
wo:tu
'one r,0rse·'
mba:lu
wo:tu
'one sheep'
11i :wa
wo:ta
'one elephant'
mbe:wa
wo:ta
'one goat'
wibi:re
wo:tere
'one hawk'
ho:re
wo:tere
'one head'
11.6.1.2. two:
Jicfi
has an allomorph /dido/ when it co-occurs with
·words denoting human beings, for example :
yim£e
dido
'two persons'
worbe
&1<10
'two men'
rewbe
<fido
'two women'

---

-
103 -
suka:be
'two young persons'
elsewhere the form /didi/ occurs:
lebbi
dieri
' two months'
la:bi
didi
'two times'
ledde
didi
'two trees'
dawa:cfi
Jicli
'two dogs'
',-
The numerals for three I. tati' I
four 'nayi'
and five
, jowi' follow the same type of variation.
For example:
yimbe
tato
' thr0e persons'
worbe
tato
'three men'
.--.
rewbe
nayo
'four women'
suka:be
nayo
'four young persons'
mawbe
njowo
'five old persons'
ranna:be
njowo
' five hunters'
but '\\ve c:an only have the following forms:
ta:be
tati
' three tables'
ta:be
nayi
' four tables'
lebbi
tati
• three months'
lebbi
jowi
1 five
months •
dute
nayi
• four vultures'
dute
jowi
I five
vultures'
11.6.1.3. Six:
je:go.o
The initial consonant
[j-J of this form is prenasalizen
i.e.
( j
)
nj) when the suffix of the noun determined
by~it is be.
examples:

---

~ - 104 -
to
"rew-be
nje:go.o
'six women'
wor-be
nj e'~ go· 0
'six men'
sUka:-be
nje:go·o
'six young persons'
but. we can only have the following forms:
lebbi
, six months'
la:bi
'six times'
C
\\
/je:go·o/can be considered as a compound form of
( je: + go·o) i.e. ~ith /go·o/ 'one'
as its second member
and /je:/as its first member.
In that case /je:/ may
have been derived from the form /jowi/ 'five'.
Therefore
the ancient form of je:go·o might have been.
*jowi-e-go·o
< r: jowego· 0
Note that the link vowel /-e-/ in the ancient form is
used to mark addition in ?ula:r and means 'plus' repre-
sented
+
The form /je:go·o/ seems to share this
feature with the other numerals,
namely:
je:cfidi .
'seven'
= je: -:- dicii
(five + two)
je:tati
I eight I
= je; + tati
(five -I- three)
je:nayi
'nine'
= je: -f nayi
(five + four)

---

-
105 -
I I 6
. 1
. 4. Ten••" Sappo
•
Unlike the numQer /je:go·o/ 'six', /sappo/ does not
have an allomorph when i t accompanies a substantive refer-
ring to human beings.
I t can be said invariably:
Yimbe
sappo
'ten persons'
or
lebbi
.sappo
'ten mon ths I
\\,
The form /sappo/ becomes /cappanae/ when the idea of
mUltiplication is there,
as for instance, when multi-
plicated by three,
four,
five,
six, severn,
eight or nine.
Thus, thirty or
(3 X 10)
is /cappande tati/ instead of
/*Sappo tati/
(= ten three).
fourty
cappande nayi
fifty
cappancfu jowi
sixty
cappande je:go·o
seventy
·
cappande je: didi
~
eighty
cappande je:tati
ninety
·
cappancfe je:nayi
II.6.1.5
Twenty:
no:gas/
takes the plural sUffix -u:ji.
Thus /no:gas-u:ji/
means
'twentys,
in twentys'.
no:gasu:ji tati
'three twentys'
I1.6.2.
Ordinal numbers:
Ordinal numerals are not frequently used in Pula:r
However order is expressed by means of the infixes -m-
-ab-, -w- and -in- (inserted between the root of the

---

-
106 -
cardinal npmb!r and"a suifix which reserr10les that of
the qualified noun.)
11.6.2.1. The infixe -m- occurs with the form denoting
the ordinal number second and sixth.
/ ordinal numbers:
-m-
second and sixth
\\.
Examples:
la:wol
cfi --mi11-o1
ngol
'the second time'
(time
second
the)
debbo
di-mm-o
0
' the second wife'
(woman
second
the)
leggal
di-mm-al
ngal
'the second tree'
(tree
second
the)
gorko
nje:go-m-o
0
'the sixth man'
(man
sixth
the)
11.6.2.2
The infixes - ab- and -w- occur elsewhere.
-ab-I' elsewhere
-w-
Exa!!lPles;
puccu
nay-ab-u
o
'the fourth horse'
(horse fourth
the)
galle
tat-ab-o
o
'the third house'
(house
third
the)
11.6.2.3. The infixe -in- occurs only with the meaning
the ••• which makes ••• and in very rare cases.
For instance.

---

107. -
In a sentence~
£0
nedJo'capp-in-do
o
'the person who mak~$ ten' =
(person ten makes which
the tenth person.'·
the
deftere capp-in-nde
'the book which makes
(book
ten makes which)
ten'
= the tenth book.
II.?
~ Derivative Suffixes
In Pula:r all the verbs can take a derivative suffix
which is suffixed to the verb stem.
For instance,
in the following form Ila:r-oy-del
Ila:r-del = 'to see', the morpheme Ila:r-I is the verb
stem, loy-I the derivative suffix and I-del the infini-
tive marker.
The derivative suffix introduces a supplementary notion
in the meaning of the verb, namely an idea of movement in
-
order to accomplish an action, pretention, repetition,
association, destination, reciprocity, causation, manner
or instrumentality, and simultaneity or opportunity.
The derivative SUffixes are:
I-oy-I, I-inkin-I, I-in-I
I -t-I, I -du-I, I -an-/, I -ndir-I, I -n-I, I -ru-I, I -ir-I ,
I-or/.
r-----------------------------------------------------,
,
,
,
,
.
1
,
:
(Subject)
- verb stem + derivative suffix + Tense
:
,
,
,L
,'
,.
t.
~ ..

---

7' 108 -
II.7.2
Pretention:
J
{-inkin-
/-inkin-/
(omo) janng-inkin-o
=
(he/she)
is pretending to read
(be)
ma:y - inkin-ino=
(they) had pretended to die
(midO) dog-inkin-o.
= (I) am pretending to run
II.7.3
Causation:
t. - in - J / -in/~ / -n-/
They are used.in free variation.
(koto:ma)
find-in-at-ma =
(your elder brother
sister) will make you
wake up.
imm-in-be
= make th~m get up
(ngol lo:col)wull-in-at-ma = (this whip) will make
him to cry
ha:ko ko sur-n-i dum
= the leaves made it
to smoke
(alma:mi 0)
jul-n-at-on
= (the priest) will make
you to pray
pI.
II.7.4.
Repeti tion / Reversion:
{ -t- }
/-t-/
They are in free variation.
(ba:b~)- ar-t-i:
= (father) has come back
si a ha:l-t-i: dum •••
= (if you .sg.) tell it
agCiin •••
mi hof-t-a dum na.?
= shall (I) unfold it?

---

- ,109 -
,..
Association:
{ ..dU-/ }
/-du-/
'",-
(on) ngar-d-i:
= (you. pI. )
have come toge-
ther
(horrunbo:)
leb-d-ata :.,
= with
(whom)
are you speaking?
(min)
nja:-d-at SENEGAL
= (we) will go together to
Senegal
(onon)
nji:-d-i dum
,
= (you)
saw i t together
pI.
.
..
II.7.6
Destination/ purpose:
\\ -an- )
/-an-/,.J /-n-/
They are used freely.
(doctor 0)
wad-an-at-ma lekki = (the doctor) will do
some medecine for you
(ne:ne makko)
ara~n-i:-mo
= (his/her mother)
has
come for him, her.
(midO)
fe:wn-an-a-ma wutte
= (I am) making a dress
for you (sg.)
-
. · 1
II.7.7.
Reciproci ty:
~ -nd~.r- '.
/ -ndir-/
-
-
~
j
(be)
lippi:-ndir-i: ko mu;si
= (they) have beaten each
other badly
(obe)
lo:ti:-ndir-a
= (they)
are
bathing each other.
(mbiru:be be:)" nanngo-ndir-i:no = (the wrestlers) had
caught hold of each
other •
II.7.8.
Instrumental/manner
.. { -ruJ /ru/"- /-ir-/
ta:fi-r-e: labi
= cut with a knife
(imperative, pI.)
(o:ko)
junngo nano wind-ir-ta = (he) writes with the
left hand •
.~a:m-ir- se:da se:da
= eat slowly slowly
(on) Eetir-at sa:ku 0
= (you) pI) will measure wi t'.h
the bag.
~.~:~ :
l
t~"~:.....
-.. '
.;.\\

---

·
- 110
~
11.7.9
S~multaneity / o~portunity )\\. -or- }
/-or-/
(0)
yah-or-i do:n
~
= (he) went at the same time
(adO) bira (ado) yar-or-a = (you (sg.) are milking and
drinking at be same time
(ka:w makko) nul-or-i-mo
= (his uncle)
took the opportu-
nity to send him
(mi)
utt-or-at-mo
= (I) will take the opportunity
and kick him.
These derivative suffixes are the more common in use in
Pula:r.
A few more are found according to the different
dialects but they are of less importance.
The suffix /oy-/ indicates a movement which can be ima-
gined in the space ('distantive',
D.W. Arnott)
or in the
time.
For instance the morpheme /def-oy-de/ = Ito go to
cook' means to move from one place to 2nother in order to
accomplish an action, but with a prevalent idea of dis-
tance.
If understood with a prevalent notion of time,
this means to go to.cook because i t is time to do i t or
because i t is a task to be done at the present moment.
The suffiX /-ir-/ indicates an association with an
object or a determined place.
For example:
(na:nnge nge)
fud-ir-a fudria:nnge = (the sun) rises in
the east.
, , , ,
"
) mut-ir-a hirna:~nge = the sun sets in
the west.

---

- 111 -
..
The system of derivation by suffixion places the pula:r
language among the richest languages of Africa because
from any verb i t can be derived more than ten other verbs
slightly different in their meaning.
For example from the verb /la:r-de/ = 'to see, look'
we have~
la:r-oy-de/
= 'to go to see'
(movement)
la:r-inkin-a: del = 'to pretend to see
(pretention)
la:r-in-de/
= 'to make to see'
(causation)
la:r-nu-de/
la:r-du-de
=
'to see with somebody' (association)
la:r-an-de
= ' to see s.thing for s.body'
(destination)
la:r-ir-de
= 'to see with'
(instrumental)
la:r-or-de
= 'to take the opportunity to see'
(opportuni ty)
la:r-tu-de
= 'to see again'
(repeti tion)
II.8.
Adverbs
Adverbs are unchangeable words with an adverbial meaning
and usually occur before the verb they modify.
In Pula:r, adverbs can be said to be those
particles or forms which cannot take either case suffixes
or tense suffixes.
They can occur freely in a sentence,
with a noun or with a verb: they function as modifier
of time, place, manner etc.

---

..
-
112 -
.
11.8.1
a)
modifier of time
.
now /
soon
{ jo: ni ~
/jo:ni/
exx:
jo: dO
jo:ni.
mi
ara
'Please be seated I
will
come soon'
(be seated soon I
come)
ar
jo:ni
'come soon l
\\
<Come soon)
then/at that time: {onturna .1 /ontuma/
exx: Yah ontuma
ngara
i go
then come'
(go
then
come)
often:
{se: dakala}
/se: dakala/
exx:
obe
ngara
se:a(akala
Ithey are coming often'
(they are coming
often)
again:
{kadi J
/kadi/
exx: ado
yaha
kadi~
'again you are going~'
(you are going again)
still: {ha:jo:ni J / ha:jo:ni /
exx:
ha:jo:ni
a~ jannga:
'You are still studying: I
(still
your are studying)
Remark:
All these adverbs, modifier of time can be
placed invariably before or after the verb.
Their
place depends whether the emotion is stressed on the
action or on the adverb itself.

---

inside:
tnde:r f Inde:rl
exx:
nde:r
galle 0
'inside the house'
outside: { ya: s. }
Iya: si
exx:
njahe:
to
ya: s
, ·please go outside I
(go
outside)
under:
{ le:s J Ile:sl
exx:
la:r
he
le:s
ta:bal he:
'look under the
table'
(look
under the table)
11.8.3.
c) modifier of manner
slowly
{-se:se J Ise:sel
exx:
ya:ru
se:se
'go slowly'
(go
slowly)
11.8.4.
d) modifier of quantity
little h i t : t cetti] /cettil
exx:
okoram cetti
'give me a little bit'
(give me a If ttle bi t~
much, very
: { a bete ~
I a betel

---

- 114 -
- .
exx:
0
na:m~
a bete
'He ate much'
(He/She ate much)
Remark:
The adverbs modifier of place, manner and
quantity are always placed after the verb.
II.9.
INTERJECTIONS
Interjections usually express strong feelings,
such as
pain, pleasure,
surprise or some other emotion.
In
Pula:r, the interjections can be grouped as i t follows:
II.9.1
a)
attention getters: they 1 /hey/
/he:/
/heyland/he:/
are in free variation.
exx:
hey, ngarde:ga:na:
'look here, come this
side:
he: kette:na :
'look here,
listen please:'
II.9.2.
b)
surprise: { ha J /ha/
Exx:
ko do 0
jo:di:do' 0 ma:yi
'He died where he
was sitting'
ha :
'What do you say :'
II.9.3
c)
joy and admiration expressives:
ta:h} /a:h/,- /wai:/
They are used freely •
exx:
. a:h, mi na:mi': mi ha:ri:
~ 'ah, I have satis- .
fied my hunger~'
.
;-
wai:,
jango ko ju:lde~ 'oh, oh, tomorrow is
feat~ ,
wai: bingel dari:ma~ 'oh, oh, the baby c~
stand up~'

---

- 115 -
•
l
d)
regret etr sorrow expressive.;:
a:goram J
la: goram!--' Iwai: goram/-.J !deisa: n/
They can be used in free variation.
exx: wai:goram hObbeoe ko:ti:
'oh, oh~ the foreigners
have gone back to their country.
-cukalel ngel wonti: bo:fo.
'The child is now an
~
orphan'
-ndeisa:n:
'oh, what a pity~
II.9.5
e)
approval express i ves: 1aha: 1 I aha: I""'"
Iha:I"'- leyyol
They are in free variation.
exx:
alla ko mawQo.
'God is great'
aha: ~
'
'oh yes:'
jom su:durna: ?
'Your husband?'
-eyyo ~
'yes I
f)
disgust expressive: { camm 1 Icamm/
exx:
camm,
~o fof na lu:ba
' i t is all bad smells
here: '
some other interjections may be found in the
Pula:r language but they are of less importance
since they are less employed in the current
speech.
,.
,
,> •
~.
J"'
f!<:..

---

- 116 -
II.10.·VERB
.....
II.10.1. The infinitive
In Pula:r the infinitive is a verbal noun.
For instance
, J
-
the following lexemes /na:m-de/ mean 'to eat, eating'
/yi:-de/
'to see,
seeing'
H. Labouret wrote regarding the infinitive in pula:r
that:
' ••• the infinitive is at the same time noun and
verb ••• '
(H. Labouret, XVI,
1952:83).
He added, quoting Gaden,
that 'the infinitive is,
if we
prefer so, a verbal noun'.
Labouret went on arguing that the infinitive form and
the noun enter in the same set of noun classes, and that
the verbal noun,
treated in a sentence as a noun, behaves
as a verb because its initial consonant in the plural
undergoes the same rules of variation as that of the ver-
bal forms.
Labouret's statement is, as far as distribution is con-
cerned, somewhat narrow in the sense he does not make any
distinction between the verbal noun or infinitive and the
verbal derivative which has rather the tendency of being a
noun •.
Now, eventhough the verbal noun in Pula:r occurs as
subject,

---

- 117
ligg-a:de
'working is good'
ho:r-de
tampinat
'fasting will fatigue'
i t cannot either have a class marker or be accompanied by
any adjective.
only the verbal derivative fulfils these conditions, hence
has a sta~s of a noun.
That means that if the infinitive or verbal noun is a
noun,
i t can occur syntactically as subject, have a class
marker and be accompanied by adjectives, numerals and
demonstratives,
in one hand.
If i t is a verb,
then the infinitive can take an object,
be modified by an adverb,
and undergo the same rules of
variation as the verbal forms.
~be
verbal derivative is
also called substantive derived from verb and has all the
qualities of a noun.
For instance,
the corresponding verbal derivatives of the
examples given above are:
Verbal derivatives
Infinitive or verbal noun
ligge
'work'
/ligg-a:de/ 'to work; working'
<
ko:rka
'fast'
<
/ho:r-de/
'to fast;
fasting'
The lexemes /ligge/ and /ko:rka/ can occur as subject,
have a class marker /-e/ and /-a/ and can also be
accompanied' by adjectives:
ligg .-e
mu: scf-e
=
'painful work'
(work
painful)

---

IY.'f-
r··
~ --
~-
':
118 -
de: ligg-e
mbar-at
= Ithis work will kill'
(this w~rk
kill will)
Hence, as we can note, i t is rather the verbal derivative
which is a full noun,
and not the verbal noun as pointed
out by\\Labouret.
However, his statement is exact when he noted that,
consi-
dered ~s a noun in a sentence, the verbal noun undergoes
the same rules of variation as the verbal forms.
For eg.
the lexeme Iha:l-del means to sp8ak; speaking.
Conjugated
in the past, at the 1st person singular and plural,
i t is
realised as:
-1st person sg.
: Imi ha:l-il
11
spoke I
(I I
spoke)
-1st person pI: len ka:l-il
Iwe spoke I
(we spoke)
Here,
the alternation
[h- J I Ck-l
occurs according to
,-
the rules of variation undergone by the verbal forms
(see chapter on the variation of the initial consonant).
Similarly, considered as a noun,
the verbal noun or infi-
nitive (
Iha: I-del)
used in a sentence, undergoes the
same alternation in its initial consonant.
Imi ha:l-de go:nga
0
weli:
bel
(me speaking truth th~·has pleased them)
len ka:l-de go:nga l 0 weli:
bel
(we speaking truth the ha s pleased th.::m)

---

119 -
We may conclude tha~~the· verbal noun, having the ability
of functioning as a noun (it ·can occur as a subject)
and
at the same time being able to occur as a verb (it takes
an object, can be modified by an adverb and undergoes
the same rules of variation than the verbal forms)
deserve? to be named verbal noun.
It is formed by the suffixes of the conjugational class I
and 11.
All the pula:r infinitives or verbal nouns have
either the infinitive marker I-del or I-a:de/.
Examples:
ma:-de
=
I.to build ' i building'
yim-de
=
' to singi
singing '
windu-de
=
Ito writei writing'
uddu-de
=
' to closei closing'
irrun-a:de
::I
'to get UPi getting Upl
sal-a: de
=I
I to refusei refusing'
The pula :"r verbs can thus be classified on the basis of
these suffixes into conjugational class I
(verbs occurring
with suffix I-del and conjugational class 11 (verbs occu-
rring with suffix I-a:de/.
II.10.2
TENSES
There are three tenses in Pula:r : present, past and
future.
--
The present tense has two allomorphs which are in fact

---

- 120 -
•
a di scontinuous morpl!lcme, i. e. / -do -a ,..... ~ /.-.J / -do-o /V ~ / •
The past tense suffix is
t-i} I-if"'" /-i:/- /-ino/,,- /
-i:no/
and the future tense suffix is /-(a)tjrv /-(o)to/-.
II.~.2.1
Present tense:
The present tense, in the affirmative form, is form-
):i
1
ed, as it appears in the verb complex
, in the fOllowing
way:
Present ---t) personal pronoun + suffix
+ verb stem + suf=i:~~
1
G
or
P
~) pp + 51 + Vst.
+ 52
example~;
,,-...J
1.
mi - do
na
m
-
a
I
I
I
pp
sl
Vst.
I
I
I
am
eat
ing
2.
mi - cfc>
imm -
0
\\
pp
s"l
I
am
gett
ing
up
--------------------------------------------------------
1. By verb complex i t is meant the stretch of speech which
contains a pronoun and following verb, together with any
other elements occurring between the two, or occuring
after the verb.
-

---

..,.
-
121 -
3.
mi - ~
andu ":'-~.
I
!
pp
Vst.
I
Know
SUffiX1: (8 )
is composed by the morphemes:
1
(
do)
in the 1st and 2nd person singular
(
mo)
in the 3rd p.:.=rson singular
en)
in the 1st person plural
(-
on)
in the 2nd person plural
( - be)
in th<:: 3rd person plural.
Examples:
mi-cfo
la:r-a
'I am looking at'
a-do
la:r-a
'You (.3g. ) are l00king at'
o-mo
la:r-a
'He,
she,
i t is looking at'
en-on
la:r-a
' \\.; 12
(incl.)
arc. 100king at'
on-on
la:r-a
'you (pI. )
are looking at'
0 -be
la:r-a
'They are looking at'
\\IlIJ..~(~
Suffix
(S2)
is composed by two suffixes -a and -oAcan
~
2
be considered as formats.
-
a
occurs with the conjugational class I, i.e. those
verbs which take the infinitive marker I-del.
- 0
occurs with the conjugational class 11, i.e.
those which take the in~initive marker I-a:de/.

---

....
-
122 -
Examples:
'-
mi-cfo
hd:l-a
' I am speaking'
mi-cb
ar -a
'I am coming'
mi-dO
lo:t-o
'I am bathing'
r
mi-ao
da:n-o
' I am sleeping'
~
11.\\0.2.2.
Future Tense:
The future tense is formed by adding the suffix
-(a)t
to the ~tem of verbs of class I and -(o)to to that of
verbs of class 11.
Note that the suffixes I-(a)t land I-(o)to I
incorporate
the fonnats I-al
and 1-01.
The structure of the future tense is:
Future --7 personal pronoun + verb stem + tense
suffix
s
l
or
F
----)::1\\
pp -:- Vst..
+
T.
_ _- - - - - - J
Examples:
1.
o
Yah -
"(a) t
'He,
she,
i t will go'
(He,
she,
i t
go will)
2. be
ngar -(a)t
'They Hill come'
(They come will)
3. on
kul -(a) t
'You (pI.)
will fear'
(You
pI.
fear will)
4. a
imm -(o)to
'You (sg.)
will get" up
(You
sg.
get up will)

---

- 123 -
5.
en
ndar -(o),,-to
I we
vlill stop I
(We
incl.
stop
will)
6.
mi
wa: 1 -(o)to
' I wi 11 1 i e down"
(I
lie down will)
II.W.2.3. Past tense:
It
There are three kinds of past, namely simple past, present
perfect and pluperfect.
Each is denoted by a separate
suffix.
The structure of the past tense is as follows:
Past
__~>. personal pronoun + verb stem -1- tense
suffix
_ _ _
or
Ip
....;"),~ pp + Vst. -1- Ts. i
I,
----------------"
J /
11.10.2.3.1
Simple~~: {-i
-i/,...., / -i:l
-i
occurs with verbs of class I
-i:
occurs with those of class 11.
Examples:
1.
necfC£
0'
ar-i
'The person came'
(person the came)
2.
0
ha:l-i
'He,
she,
i t spoke'
(
He, she,
i t
spoke)
3. be
na:m -
i
.'Thcyate'
(They ate)
4.
debbo
o
wull -
i
'The woYrian wept'
(woman the wept)

---

.,;..
-
124 -
..
\\..
5.
mbaro: di
ndi
imm-i:
'The lion got up'
(lion
the
get up)
6.
be
jo: cf - i:
'They sat'
(They
sat)
7.
mi
rutt-i:
' I returned'
It
(I returned)
. 8.
on
cal-i:
(You
pI.
refused
'You (pI.)
refused'
11.10.
J /
2.3.2
Present perfect: {-i:
-i : /
Verbs form their present perfect by adding the suffix -i: to
the stem.
Examples:
,...,
1.
a
na: m -
i:
'You (sg.)
have eaten'
(You sg.
have eaten)
2.
0
egg-i:
'He,
she,
i t has shifted'
(He,
she,
i t has shifted)
3.
mi
wa:l-i:
'1 have lied down'
(I
have
lied down)
4.
en
ndar - i:
'we (incl. ) have stopped'
(we
incl.
have stopped)
11.10.2.3.3.
Pluperfect:[ -ino}
/-i:no/""'/-ino/
-i:no
occurs with verbs of class I
-ino
elsewhere.

---

- 125 -
..
Examples:
~
.....
1. dog-i:no
' (subject) had run'
(<: dog-de 'to run')
2. ar-i:no
' (subject) had come'
(.<: ar-de 'to come')
3. wind-i:no ' (subject) had written «
windu-de 'to write')
4. dar-ino
' (subject) had stopped'
«
dar-a:de 'to stop')
5. all~no
I
(subject) had hurt'
«
all-a: de I to hurt')
Verbs do not take personal inflexions but they under-
go the rules of variation of the initial consonants as
already noted in the chapters on.'Infinitive' and'Varia-
tion of the initial consonants'.
Only the personal pronouns mark the persons.
11.11.
Negative suffixes:
The structure of the negative conjugation is as follows:
Neg. ----,>'i1" Stem -I- Tense + Negative suffix·
There are four negative suffixes, viz - a:ni, -a:ki,
-a: and -a:ko.
They occur after all stems.
Of th8se the first two are common to express negation in
both the present negative and the past negative tense.
The last two suffixes are the future negative tense
formatives.
So, the former,
t.e. the present and past negative are
called non-future tense negative -
and the latter the
future tense negative.

---

-
126 -
II.11.1. Nori-futur~negati~:{-a:ni J /-a:ni/", /-a:ki/
-
a:ni
occurs 'in verbs of class I
-
a:ki
in verbs of class 11
The structure of the non-future negative tense is:
'" l
~
+
Stem
+
Negative suffix
Examples:
i /
ha: 1 - ~ - a; ni
'do/does/did not speak'
«
ha:l-de)
hul - " -
a: ni
'do/does/did not f2ar'
( /, hul-de)
i i /
imm- ~ a:ki
'do/does/did not get up'
«
imm-a:dc)
wa:l - ~ - a:ki
'do/ does/ did not lie dO'\\ID' «
wa: 1-<1: de)
11.11.2.
Future negative: {.a: ~ /-a:/,-v /-a:ko/
.
..I
-a:
occurs in verbs belonging to classl
-a:ko
in verbs which belong to class 11.
These
are the suffixes of the future negative.
Moreover the
. formative ~ (in verbs of class I)
and 0
(in verbs of
class 11)
are found to occur.
The structure of the future negative tsnse is:
Stem + Formative + Future tense + Negative sur fix
-

---

;
~
- 127
~
..
...
.
Examples:
.
,
.....
,. i/
--
annd
a
t
a:
- -
-
'wi11 not know'
fad - a- t - a:
'wi11 not wait'
yi - a- t - a:
'will not see'
It
i i /
wa :1-0-t-a:ko
• will not lie down'
dar-o-t-a:ko
'will -not stand up'
abb-o-t-a:ko
'wi11 not follow'
Note that there are no personal suffix2s in Pu1a:r.
The non-finite forms are also not found in this language.
11.12.
Imperative
In the imperative there is number cOntrast.
Therefore
there are two kinds of imperatives,
namely
-
imperative singular (Imp_ sg.)
-
imperative plural
(Imp. pI.)
11.12.1.
1/ Imperative singular
Verb stem -I- Imperative singular
Vst.
-:-
Imp.
sg.
Imp.
sg.
[ ']
/ \\ / " ' / 0 /
/'fiJ.../ occurs in the verb belonging to class T
/ 0 / elsewhere
-

---

,
~
- 128 -
~.
Examples:
.'"
i/ ,...,
,..",
na: m -\\\\
' eat'
( ( na:m - de ' to eat' )
am -~
'dance'
( ( am-de
'to dance' )
ar - ~
'comG'
(< ar-de
'to come I)
ya:h -~
'go'
C< ya:h-de
'to gol)
ubbu -~
'burry'
(< ubbu-de
'to burry' )
I.
".
fittu -~ 'sweepl
«( fittu-de
I to sweep' )
fembu -~
'shave'
« fembu-de
'to shave' )
.....
ii/
irrun - 0
I get up'
« imrn-a: de
'to get up' )
sal - 0
'refuse '
C< sal-a:de
'to refuse"
dar - 0
'stand up'
(.( dar-a: de Ita stand up')
abb - 0
• follow'
(" abb-a: de 'to follow ' )
11.12.2.2.
Imperative plural:
Verb stem + Imperative plural
Vst. + Imp. pI.
Imp. pI. t. e: } /e:/
,
All the verbs have e: in the imperative plural.
Examples: .
i/ ,....
na:m - e:
'eat'
ngam
e:
' dance I
ngar
e:
' come'
pitt
e:
'sweep'
-
pemb
e:
'shave'

---

- 119 'P
ii/
ngimm - e:
'get up'
,
cal - e:
'refuse'
dar -e:
'stand up'
ngabb -e:
'follow'
The tabl~ below will show clearly the imperative as it
. ~
.
is formed in the Pula:r Language.
--~l~~~ifi~~~i~~---~~fi~i=--r~~~~~=-----~~~~~~~l---~
-----~:~~:--------~~~~:---t-~:~::-----:~:::~::---
I group or
Singular
_ ~.
onjugational
-de
---------- ------------
class I
Plural
-e:
I group or
i n g u l a r ; - o
conjugational
-a:de
-------- .- ------------
lass 11
Plural:
-e:
-

---

..
- 129a -
~
~
it·
~\\
i
fc
Conclusion:
-
Pula:r is an agglutinative Language.
Pula:r
Cl CCl£r
nouns present themselves as forms which eMHW in as so-
ciation with noun class suffixes.
Morphologically,
the category of gender, case declensions, personal ter-
minations and non-finite forms of the verb are not found
in Pula:r.
However Pula:r belongs to the richest languages
of Africa because from any of its verbs i t can be derived
o~er ten other forms slightly varying in meaning making
the notions clear and more precise.
-.
~-
.

---

·,
..
Part
11
mAVIDIAN
-

---

- 130 -
Ill. THE DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES
111.1
Introduction:
The Dravidian family of languages was recognized
as forming an interrelated linguistic group at least as
early aq 1816 by. Francis W. Ellis of the 'East India
1
Company'in his 'Note to the Introduction of A.D. Camp-
bell's Grammar of the Telugu Language'.
But the Dravidian Languages had been noticed and
studied by Western writers long before.
For instance, the
first and one of the most important western grammars of
the Tamil Language is that of B. Ziegenbalg, namely.
'Grammatica Damulica, Halae Saxonum, 1716.
As far as the
non-literary languages are concerned, Kodagu and Tulu
were known in 1798: Toda was noticed in 1837, Brahui in
1838 and Gondi in 1849.
Kolami was recognized in 1866, Malto in 1884.
Konda and Gadaba were discovered in 1956; Naiki
and Pengo were brought to notice in 1957-58; Naiki of
Chanda in 1964.
The list is long and comprises, among
other languages Kasaba, Kurumba, Irula and Manda, all
spoken by minor nationalities and tribes.
However i t was R. Caldwell who, in 1856, founded
the Dravidian Linguistics by
-
writing 'Comparative
Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of
~'..Languages. •
- f .

---

,:·I<.:.~~-,,-l;:
- 131 -
\\t-'::-c·
:lr-'
r·~,.,..
.'
t· .
~".
f---
Actually, four hf the literary Dravidian Languages
belong to the official languages of India, namely Tamil,
Malayalam, Kannadaand Telugu.
Tamil is one which is the
most well known and has over forty millions speakers all
over the world.
It enjoys the greatest geographical extension
~
(Sri Lanka, Burma, Malaysia, Indonesia, Indo-china, Cen-
tral and South Africa, Guyana, Fiji Mauritius, Reunion,
Madagascar, Trinidad and Martinique); has a rich and very
ancient literature (Tamil counts about eighteen centuries
of old literature), and has a phonological system which
corresponds rather closely to the parent Proto-Dravidian.
The Question of the etymology and the meaning of the
word Tamil has raised many controversies.
The dict1ona-
ries give to the word Tamil the meaning of smoothness and
quality.
A few scholars like Julien Vinson (France) have
suscribed to that meaning since they compare the word
/tamil/ with other words like /tama/ which means 'to calm,
fill l
and /tami/ 'to be alone, to isolate'.
These words,
they say, contain a notion of weakness and smoothness
which can very well be applied to the Tamil language.
However some Sanskrit philologists think that
Tarnil is ~othing more than an adaptation of the Sanscrit
term /draviqa/ (a- generic appellation for the South Indian
peoples and their languages.
-
But, the native grammarians
[~,. have rejected that etymology not only because the~l COU1.~

---

"
li· 132 -
not accept that their language did not/have any original
,
and authentic name but also because to derive /tamil/ <"
/dravi4a/ seems really a complicated operation. and even
the phonetic alternations appear to be unlikely.
Tamil is characterized by a number of classical
works: ':..
Tolaka:ppiyam, a grammatical work of the beginning
of the Christian era.
Tolka:ppiyam was followed by other
Tamil grammers, the most important being Nannul (13th
century).
It is to be mentioned also:
-The poems of Tiruvalluvar,
I Tirukkural I
(7 century)
-Ilango,
'Shilappadiharam ' (2nd cem·turyfe.~.._..
-Sattanar, 'Manimehalai ' (4th century)
-Tiruttakkadevar, 'Jiavahasindamani ' (9th century)
-Kambar,
I Ramayanar., I
(10th century)
Two forms of the Tamil Language, viz. the literary
and the colloquial have been attested from the earliest
time.
Literary Tamil is the modern 1 i terary languag"e;~'~:~~.,;..:....~:.
--..
the language of newspapers, magazines, fiction, letters
.
and classical Tamil (poetry).
Colloquial Tamil is the
modern national language of the Tamils who understand it
wherever they might live.
Colloquial Tamil is not condi-
fied: it has neither a conventional system of writing
nor a canonized grammar.

---

- 133 -
..
;.
Its phonetic and mvrphological ~orms differ widely
from those of the literary language.
Colloquial Tamil is
the only means of oral co~nunication.
_ Malayalam is the native language of the people of
Kerala.~ I t developed from an old Tamil dialect in the
"
10th-13th century A.D and separated from Tamil in the 8th
-
10th century.
The first major work in Malayalam is 'Ramacharitam',
a poetical work of the 12th century.
The first prose
work'bha:sa:kan-taliyam/is written between AD 1150-1250.
Malayalam literature has had a deep influence from
Tamil and Sanskrit.
'The most outstanding example of
Tamil influence is the famous work 'R~~acharitam'. The
subject dealt with is Yuddhakanda of Ramayana and is writ-
ten by one Chiraman in a language which is a mixture of
Tamil and Malayalam.
Moreover the influence qf Sanskrit on the native
language of Kerala was so dominant that i t prOduced a
peculiar variety of Literary dialect called 'manipra-
valam'.
However,
the earliest forms of Malayalam lite-
rature were found in the folksongs and Ballads (11th
century AD) •
A collection of those
.
-
Folksong.? ~n_~i-t:-le,d, ..._
~~ .
~i;;' I Pazhaya Pattukal l has been published recently by
C.P. Govinda Pillai.

---

(.
~
-
134 -
It is to be noted that until recently Malayalam
literature was heavily under Sanskrit influence.
Malayalam has three distinct territorial dialects,
viz.,
south Kerala, Central Kerala and North Kerala.
~
The number of its speakers is about twenty two mil-
lions
(21917430:
1971 census).
But the number of native
speakers of l'.'!alayalam is well over twenty four millions.
Kannada is spoken in the State of Mysore
(Karna-
taka).
Kannada is documented from the Hiddle of the 5th
century AD.
Its first major written monument,
'Kaviraja-
marga', was discovered in the 9th century.
The oldest
literary monuments in Kannada are attributed to the poet
Pampa who wrote I Adipurana I
and I Vikral-:"juna Vij aya I
(10th century).
The oldest grammar of Kannada is 'Karnataka 3hasha-
bhusana' by Nagavarma.
It was written in the Sanskrit su:
tras and dated 12th century.
But the first grammar of
Kannada written in that language was '5habdamanidarpan a '
by Keshiraja in the 13th century.
In Kannada also there is a dichotomy between the
literary dialect and colloquial Kannada-
There are also
three major regional dialects:
Dharwar, Bangalore and
-
Hangalore.

---

r
135 -
The number of Kannada speakers is over eighteen
millions
(17415827).
-Telugu is one of the major languages belonging to
the Dravidian speech family spoken in Andhra Pradesh by
over 37642439 speakers.
The word Telugu has been connec-
ted with th~ name of the tribe of people called Telingas
who must have inhabited this part of the Tel ugu country
centuries ago.
The earliest extant literary work belongs to the
11th century A.D.
But the first prose work written in
a purely spoken form of the language is'Ra:yava:cakamu'in
the 16th century.
However i t is to be noted that there
were primarily two schools of grammars in Telugu:
The
Telugu school and the Sanskrit School.
In the former the
grammars are written in Telugu verse and contain a cursory
treatment of grammar along with prosody and poetics.
The
first work in this line is IA:ndhra bha:sa: Bhu:sanamu'
by Ke:tana in the 13th century.
Then followed a series
of grammars, namely:
"-Kavya: l~nka:ra
Cu:da:mani'by Vinnako:ta Peddana
.
(15th century)
\\
-Sarvalaksana
Siro:mani' by Ganapavarupu Venkata
•
Kave
(17th century)
"
, .
-Sarvalaksana Sa:ra Sangrahamu by Ku:cimanci Timmakavi
(18th century)
'\\
-·A:nanda Rangara:t
chandamu'by ~: nanda Ranga
•
Kavi
(19th century) •

---

- 136 .-
In the second, the ~ammars are written in the
tradi tion of J~: ndhra,
"S a bda Cinta: mani!
They adopt the
su:tra style as in Sanskrit.
Among the works in this
line there are:
- 'A:ndhra Kaumudi'by Manda Lakshmi: Narasimha Kavi
-(17th C)
'Ba:lavya:karanamu'by Paravatsu Cinnaya Su:ri
(19th C.)
.
Telugu has a dichotomy between the written language
based on the usage of the Kavitraya (the three classical
poets of A:ndhramaha:bha:rata)
and a sort of colloquial
standard,
the dialect of the cultured middle class people.
There are distinct local and regional dialects as
for instance the Telangana (north-west), the dialects of
I
the coastal region
(Visa:Khapatnam ano Sri:ka:kulam)
and
the dialect of Ra:layasi:ma
(South-~est)
Lexicostatistic studies have shown that the disin-
tegration of the Proto-Dravidian parent speech and the
separation of South Dravidian have taken place well before
the 15th century B.C.
It is Andronov who has suggested, on the basis of
lexicostatistic count, that the beginnings of the dis-
integration of PDr. are to be sought in the separation
of Brahui which seems to have taken place in the begin-
ning of the 4th Millenium B.C (cf: ~ Andronov,
ILexicos-
tatistic Analysis of the Chronology of Disintegration of
Proto-Dravidian l ,
IIJ 7,
2-3 (1964)
pp.170-186).

---

- 137 -
..
The separation Kur~x - Malto became final sometime
•
in the middle of the 3rd millenium BC.
The separation of
Kurux from Malto dates to the 6th century A.D •
•
Kolami and Parji became separate languages at the
turn of the Christian era.
!i
Telugu broke off in the 11th-9th centuries B.C. and
was followed by Tulu a few centuries later.
The 30uth Dravidian language disintegrated only at
the beginning of A.D o •
when Kannada separated from Tamil.
Malayalam emerged from a mediaval Tamil dialect in
the 10th-13th centuries A.D.
Genetic affiliations inside the Dravidian linguis-
tic system are still to be clarified.
Many classifica-
tions of the Dravidian L,-:nguage have be(;n proposed.
How-
ever, the modern conception of the relationships between
the dravidian. languages is as follows:
S.Dr
CDr.
NDr.
I
Telugu
Kurux
Tamil
•
Malaya lam
Kui
Malto
i
Toda
I
I
Kuvi
Brahui
kota
Kolami
Naiki
I
Kannada
Kodagu·
I
Parji
•
-
Tulu
Gadaba
Gondi

---

i~­
~,
~I
-
138
*
To the SDr. group of langL~ges should be added Irula,
Kasaba and Kurumba.
Attempts have been made to connect the Dravidian Languages
with many language families of the world, namely African,
Korean, Basque and number of other languages.
l
As far as the nature of this work is concerned,
i t
does not claim to be either a detailed enough or a complete
descriptive grammar of the Dravidian Languages since our
perspective is to give general and characteristic gran~ati-
cal aspects of these languages in view of their comparison
with African languages, particularly with Pula:r,
and also
to give to African scholars interested in Dravidian lingui-
stics but not familiar with it,
a point of departure for
further research.
Thus, this 'grammar' will deal with
Phonology and Morphology.
Gender-number, Pronouns, Adjectives, Numerals,
Inflectional increments, Case declensions, Transitive
and Causative suffixes, past and Non-past suffixes,
Pronominal and Infinitive suffixes.
A few characteristic phonetic features of the languages
will be discussed,
namely the diphthongs /ai/anQlau/,
the dental and alveolar nasals and the initial plosives.
-

---

- 139 -
.
1I.2.
Phonemic Inventory: ;.
11.2.1 Vowels
----------;~;l~;--------\\------~~~;~~-·---l-----~~~;-------J:
~:~:::~:~-l---~:::~:~1--~~i~~=-';~~=~~i~~=f;~~~d~d:
i
i ; ·
I
1
U - U: I
I
I
i
----1----------- ----------1---------~----- ------ -------;
, lee:
I
\\
I
!
0 0:
----1----------- --··-------t----------~\\----- ------r!-------~
I
'
'
l
I
a' a:
i
l
I
I
I
t
I
i
j
I !
I
----~----------- ------------------------------------------~
Chart 1
here are ten vowels in the Dravidian Lc~guages: five short
owels to \\'lhich correspond five long vowels.
'hey are represented above in Chart 1.
11.2.1.1. Vowels distribution:
i-
i:-
u:-
e-
e:-
0 -
0 : -
a-
a:-
-i-
-i:-
-u-
-u:-
-e-
-e:-
- 0 -
-0:- -a- -a:-
-i:
-u
. i / ( *i) a high front unrounded short vowel, occurs
.n the initial and medial positions.
-

---

- 140 -
/*1/ corresponds to /i/ in~all the lan~uages, except
that Toda has / i / or /i :1.
I t corresponds also to /e/
in CDr. and NDr.
in some cases.
Examples;
i-
i-
~
Ta.
itu
, to place, put'
g
Na.
ituka
id
tt
r
Ko.
id-
, to place'
,.
I
To.
id-·
, to put, place'
Ka.
idu
'to let go, put, place'
Kod.
"id
, to drop'
•
Tu.
idpini
, to place'
're.
idu
, id'
-i-
rra.
tin
'to eat,
etc'
!"'la.
tinnuka
Ito eat'
Ko
tin
id
To.
tin-
I'
Ka.
tin
11
Kod.
tinn··
11
•
Tu.
tinpini
11
Te.-
tinu
11
-i
Ta.
puli
'to t~ sour, etc.'
•
1'1a.
puJ.i
'sourness'
•

---

- 141
..
'\\...
Ka.
puli
id
•
Kod.
puli
'sour'
Tu.
puli
'acidity'
Te.
puli
'sour'
Kol.
pulle
'sour soup'
.....
i: /
(
*i: )
a high front unrounded long vowel,
:curs in all the languages in the initial, medi~l and
.nal pes i tions.
caft!?les:
i : -
Ta.
i:n
'to bear, bring forth'
To.
'to bear (calf)'
Ko.
iOn-
'(animal) bears young'
Ka.
i :m
'to bear young'
Te.
i:nu
'to calve'
Pa.
i:n-
'grain)
produces head'
Kond
i:nd-
I
(ani~l)to bring forth'
•
-i:-
Ta.
mi:n
'fish'
Ma.
mi :n
id
Ko.
mi:n
' ,
To.
mi:n
11
Ka.
mi:n
11
-
Ked.
mi :nu
11
•
Tu.
mi:nu
11
•
~.-i. -
,':'
.~-: -
i:

---

~
- 142
c:
..
Te.
mi:nu
id
\\..
Ta.
pi:
'excrement'
Ma.
pi:
'human ordure'
Ko.
pi:
id
Ka.
pi:
JI
Tu.
pi:
11
':;
Te.
pi :yi
If
Kole
pi :ya
11
/u/ (
*u):
a high rounded back short vowel, occurs in
the initial medial and final position.
/*u/ corresponds to /u/ in all languages except To.
which often has /wi/ and /wa/ besides the most frequent
/u/.
Examples:
u-
,
Ta.
un
I to
eat, etc.
Ma.
unnaka
id
• •
Ko.
un-
' to drink,
suck'
~ ..
"
•
To.
un-
'to drink'
Ka.
un
' to eat'
•
Kod
unn-
'to eat a meal'
•
·.
Tu.
unpini
'to take one 1 s meal'
•
Te.
u:tu
' (cattle)
to drink water'
•
Kol.
un-
'to ckink'

---

,
,..
- 143 -
cr.
-u-
\\ ...
Ta.
Kuttu
Ito puncture, pierce" dig'
f,.
Ma.
Kuttuka
id
fj
I
!
'roe
Kut-
I to pierce, sew'
i
:
Ko.
kut
id
Kod.
~
kutt-
Ito thrust, gore'
Tu.
Kuttuni
Ito bore, pierce '
-u
Ta.
Kuraflku
I thigh I
Ha.
Kuraku
id
Te.
Kuruvu
11
Pa.
Kudu
"
Kond.
Kurgu
11
Kui.
Kuju
11
/u:/ (
*u: ):
a high rowndedback long vowel, occurs
initially and medially.
/*u:/ corresponds to /u:/ in all languages.
Examples:
u:-
Ta.
u:r
'village, town, city'
Ma.
u:r
id
Ko.
u:r
'village'
To.
u:r
'Village of Tamils '
Ka.
u:r
'village,; town'
Kod.
u:ri
'village '
,
Te.
u:ru
'village, town'

---

~,..
•
- 144 -
-U:-.
Ta.
nu:l
'yarn, thread'
Ha.
nu:l
, thread'
To.
nu·s
id
Ko.
id
\\'
Ka.
nu:l
I thread'
Tu.
nu:lu
'to spin'
Te.
nu:lu
'cotton thread'
lel (
*e)
a mid front half close short vowel,
occurs initially medially.
I*el represents a correspondence in which all the langua-
ges have lel except that To. often has/6· I, Pa. sometimes
has la/, and some of the other languages sometimes
have'/a/; Br. has either lil or la/.
Examples:
e-
Ta.
elf
'rat'
Ma.
eli
id
To.
isy
11
Ko".
eyj
11
Ka.
eli
11
Kod•
eli
11
•
Tu.
eli
u
..
'.re.
eluka
n
Br,
hal .....
11

---

- 145
•
-e-
\\..
Ta.
cevi
Ma.
cevi
id
Ko.
Kev
11
Ka.
, kivi
11
Kod.
k
.n
ev~
11
•
Tu.
kebi
11
Te.
cevi
11
Kol.
keY
11
le:1
(
*e: )
a mid front half close long vowel,
occurs in the initial and medial position.
l*e:1 corresponds to le:/, except that To. often has I V I
and Pa. sometimes has la:1
Examples:
e:-
Ta.
e:ru
I to rise, ascend, etc. I
Ma.
eiruka
id
.. -.
Ko.
e:r
I up I
..
To.
o:r-
Ito rise high '
Ka.
e:ru
Ito rise '
Kod.
e:r-
' (liquor)
rises to head'
•
,
Tu.-
e:runi
' to ascend'
Te.
e:tamu
·piccottah'
-
i
, !

---

••
146 -
..
.
-e:-
.....
Ta.
ve:r
'root'
Ma.
ve:r
id
Ko.
ve:r
11
To.
pb'":r
11
\\
Ka.
be:r
11
Kod.
be:ri
11
•
Tu.
be:ru
11
Te.
ve:ru
11
Kol.
ve:r
11
Pa.
va:r
11
/0/
*0): a mid rounded back short vowel, occurs in
the initial and medial position.
/*0/ corresponds to /
0 /
in all the languages except
that To. has /wa/, /wl/, /0/, /·i /
and Br. sometimes
has /
0
/ ,
/
u / ,
or
/a/.
Examples:
0-
Ta.
oli
'to hide'
Ma.
oli
'concealment'
Ko.
oyl-
'to bide'
•
To.
wily
id
Ka.
olavu
'secret'
..
•
Kod.
oli-
'to hide'
•
,
Tu.
ola
'secret'
•
Te.
olavu
'a secret'
•

---

- 147 -
-0-
.....
Ta.
totu
'to touch, be connected'
Ma.
totuka
'to touch'
Ko.
tot
'handle'
•
•
To.
twad.
'to be polluted'
•
Ka.
~
todu
'to join'
•
Kod.
tod-
'to touch'
•
Tu.
tottuni
·.
'to errbrace'
Te.
tottu
'.... to touch'
• •
/0:/ (
*0: )
a mid rounded back long vowel, occurs
initially and medially.
/*0:/ corresponds to /0:/ in all the languages except
that To. often has /wa:/, /wl:/ and ii:/.
Examples:
0:-
Ta.
o:tu
'to run'
Ma.
o:tuka
id
•
Ko.
o:r-
"
•
To.
w1'tl-
1/
•
Ka.
o:du
11
•
Kod•
o:d-
11
•
•
Tu.
o:duni
11
...
Te.
o:du
11
•
"
Cl!

---

I
- 148 -
I
0
.
' -
: -
~
Ta.
to;l
'skin'
I
Ha.
to:l
'bark, rind'
I
Ko.
to:l
id
t
•
f
To.
twis
"
I
Ka.
l
to: lu
"
Kod.
to: 11.·
11
•
Te.
to: lu
11
Pe.
to:l
'skin'
I a I
*a)
: a low back short vowel, occurs initially
and medially.l*al corresponds to I
al in all the langua-
ges except To. which has /
o I
and I
a I, Pa sometimes
has I e I and la/.
Examples:
a-
Ta.
akka:
' elder sister'
Ha.
akka
id
Ko.
akn
11
To.
okn
11
Ka.
akka
11
Kod•
akke
11
•
Tu.
akka
"
Te.
akka
11
Ta.
alar
'to increase in size,
become large'

---

I
"
-
149 -
I
..
I
Ma.
alaruka
~
'to open as a flower'
Ka
aralu
Ito expand, open as a flower.'
r
Tu
araluni
lid'
•
Ta
kal
I stone'
i
r
Ma
kal
id
~.
r
Ko.
kal
11
To.
kas
l/
Ka.
kal
:1
Kod
kallY
11
•
Tu.
kallu
11
•
Te.
kallu
11
la:1 <1"'a:1
a low back long vowel, occurs initially
and medially.
I*a/ corresponds to I a I in all the languages except
To. which has 10:1 and Id:/, and pa. s0metimes has le:/.
examples:
Ta.
a:ru
Ita cool, grow cold l
Na.
a:ruka
Ita grow cool'
ko.
a:r-
id
To
o:r-
I (hot water)
cools'
Ka.
a:r
Ita grow cool I
Ko"d.
a:r-
I (cloth)
dries Upl
•
Tu.
a:runi
Ito grow cool'
Te.
a:ru
Ita be- cool'

---

•
•- 150 -
•
-a:-
~
T~
pa:l
'milk i
Ma.
Pa:l
id
Ko.
Pa:l
If
To.
po:~
11
Ka. \\
pa:l
"
Kod.
pa:l~
lI-
..
Te.
pa:lu
111.2.1.2
Diphthongs
ai
and
au:
Traditionally the phonetic sequences ai and au are
treated as diphthongs in the literary languages.
The
temptation is therefore to classify them as individual
phonemes since they have separate graphemes.
Mowever,
they are to be considere~ in relation tJ other vocalic
sequences and thus three alternatives are to be posed
regarding their nature: unit phonemes, two vowel sequences,
vowel-semivowel sequence.
Tolka:ppiyar, the first Tamil grammarian has given
twelve vowels including these two diphthongs as the non-
dependent sounds
(Tol. 1 and 8).
Even though he consi-
ders the non-dependent sounds as separate units, he has
also noted that a and i
become ai
(Tol.54); a and u
become au (Tol. 55)
and a and y become ai (Tol. 56).

---

~- 151 -
.: . ~
..
~ ."
... ".~~. :' .~ :."
...'",':
' :
. "
The firs~ ,two st~tementsviz. two"vow~l sequences, unit
. , •.~;.
' .
;
..
r I.
•
phonemes can be. interpreted as giving the phonetic nature
•
of the diphthongs.
Modern scholars have not set up the diphthongs as
unit phonemes because they do not contrast with the
vowel c~sters (ai and au) or with the sequence of a
vowel and a semi-vowel
(ay and av).
However most of
those scholars differ in the phonemic interpretations of
the diphthongs.
They do consider ai as the combination
of a and y for the following reasons:
1.
All the long vowels except a: contrast with the
corresponding short vowels before /
y / .
Examples:
ce:y
I distant I
cey
I deed'
;
ko:y
• serving vessel'
koy
'pluck'.
2.
The long vowels can be followed by consonants in the
final positions.
Examples: a:l
'person',
a:r 'eating'
but ai and au cannot be followed by a consonant in the
-
final position.
This is,
according to S.V. Shanmugam (June 1973)
because the diphthong results in a consonantal ending
( y and v) and so cannot tolerate another consonant
since the consonant sequences cannot occur finally in
the language.
...

---

- 152
The interpretation Gf ai as a plus y is useful in
..
the morphology and in the etymological study.
For ins-
tance the relationship of words such as pai.,v pac
, green';
kai ""' kac
'bitter' will be clear, as the
alternation between y and c (2.g.
ney-/nec- 'weave' is
\\"
somewhat common in Tamil as well as in other Dravidian
Languages.
It is suggested that ai and au be structured as
sequences *ay and *av, for Proto Dravidian *y and *v pat-
tern neatly with other consonants (sonorants)
like n, I
. .
because :
-*y occurs in final position of root-
. syllables and derivative suffixes just like other sono-
rants.
Examples:
*kay
'hand'
.I *ur-ay 'to be rubbed with'
-au
is pronounced as two syllables in 'ramil.
Example:
cavukkiyam.
All these facts favorthe P.Dr. reconstruction of
*ay and ,'<av as sequences of V-:-C rather than V+V.

---

I
- 153
111.2
CONSONANTS
The Dravidian consonant system comprises sixteen
consonant phonemes,
five of which are occlusives,
the
others are sonants.
--------------------------------.-------------~--------
'
,
I
·-----l
N
~
I
I'
.
.
, Lab
Den- Alveo-
Retro-/
pala-
~
-=~:-t--:~- -::~~--
--------------
ial
---===-- ~:~::~
~--~:::~:=:------ : -=--I------t---~--- ----~--- --~--~
~A [:::::~:------
-----~--~--~l ---~.--- -------- -----~
I
,
1
J
I~
~~ill-;~d-----r---- ----- -:--:-~------- --------
s
i~:~~-~:::~:---r--~- ----- -----
I ----~---~-----11
I
!
j
:
.
!
------------------------ -----------_. -----------------------
111.2.1
CONSONANTS DI3TRIBUT10N
p-
t-
c-
k-
-t-
-c-
-k-
.....;
m-
n-
n-
-m-
-n-
-n-
•
.,..m
-1-
-1-
-1-
•
-1
-1
-1
•
-r-
-r-
-r
v-
y-
-v-
-y-

---

,.-.
..
- 154 -
....
111.2.1.1
INITIAL PLOSIVES IN DRAVIDIAN:
Robert Caldwell was certainly the first scholar to rise
the question of the convertibility of surds and sonants
in Tamil and Malayalam in particular and ~n Dravidian in
general an~ also to answer that question.
Considering the example of Tamil which uses surd phonemes
to express both surds and sonants, he noted:
11 • • •
The law,as apparent in the Tamil-L1alayalam system
of sounds,
is as follows: k, t,
t, P ••• are always pro-
nounced as tenues or surds
(i.e as k,
t,
t, p)
at the
beginning of words and whenever they are doubled.
The
same consonants are always pronounced as medials or so-
nants (i.e as g,
d,
d, b)
when in sinlle in the middle
of words.
A son ant cannot commence a word, neither is a
surd admissible in the middle,
except when doubled: and
so imperative is this law,
and so strictly is i t adhered
to, that when words are borrowed from languages in which
a different principle prevails ••• the consonants of
those words change from sonants to surds, or vice versa,
according to their position ••• The Tamilian rule ••• is
not a mere dialectic peculiarity .•. but is essentially
~ ..' .'
inherent in the language, and has been a characteristic
principle of i t from the beginning ••• ab initio the
Dravidian phonetic system, as represented in Tamil,
its
most ancient exponent, differed essentially from that
I
of sanskrit."

---

I
155 -
I
..
I
Caldw~ll's statement h~ been accepted by many
~
scholars of the Dravidian linguistics, such as
~.v. Subhayya, Thomas Burrow, Eh. Krishnamurti, Kamil
zvelebil a~d others.
They all came to the conclusion
rthat the voiceness of the initial COnsonants in Dravidian
rwas merely a ~condary acquisition.
But many defended their view through a more or less
general terminology using terms like 'many words';
'gr~at
percentage';
'considerable number of words';
etc.
Kamil
Zvelebil was the only in our knowledge who, with the help
of the DED. elements,
referred to statistic calculations
to present more precise results and more convincing affir-
mations.
He,
first of all,
dealt with the initial voiced
plosives
(Kamil Zvelebil:
'Problemes fondarnentaux de
phon0logie et demorphol::gie deslangues Dravidiennes',
Bulletin de l'Ecole Fran~aise d'Extrerne orient, Tome LX,
Paris 1973).
The result~ obtained show that in all the
Dravidian languages, the percentage of words beginning
with initial voiced plosives is strikingly low when compa-
red to those beginning with initial voiceless plosives.
Thus, the general total,
for all the items,
in all the
language~ of the ~ED, is 1499 items with initial voiced
plosives against 15961 items with initial voiceless
plosives.

---

I
.
,•
156 -
r
•
,
In regard to South Dravi~an (SDr)
787 out of a total
~
of 9137 items begin with a voiced plosive;
in Central
Dravidian (CDr)
1256 out of 5920 items begin with a
voiced plosive;
in North Dravidian (NDr)
56 out of 904
items begin with a voiced plosive.
.
\\
Tamil, Malayalam and Toda do not have initial voiced
plosive in the native vocabulary.
Telugu, Kolami and Kannada have the highest percentage of
items beginning with a voiced plosive.
This group of
languages is followed by the group comprising Kui,' Konda,
.
Tulu and Kuvi.
Total
Initial voiced plosives
15961
1499
SDr.
9137
787
C~.
5920
1256
N~.
904
56
The Dravidian Languages in which initial voiced plosives
occur have been subject to special studies in order to
set up a theory which would help to explain how the acqui- .
sition of the voiced initial plosives has originated and
developed in each language.
It-has been pointed out in this connection
(Thomas Burrow,
B SOS. IX,
1937-39) that Tamil and Malayalam have acquireq
.
this feature through borrowed words from Telugu and

---

..
•
157 -
'.'.
.-,:,
•
Examples: Ma. bo:y 'fisherman l
Kannada.
Ka. bo:yi
'caste of fishermen'
(c'f:
DED 3750).
M.B. Emeneau has noted (H.B Emeneau,
'Onomatopoetics in
the Indian Linguistic area', Lg.
45.2.1.
(1969):
274-299)
that the items with initial voiced plosives are of onoma-
topoetic Qrigin which could also be considered as consti-
ot
tuting a com~on substratum.
In some of the languages,
i t has been explained that the
occurrence of initial voiced plosives are the results of
metathesis.
Examples:
Ta. Ha. utal;
Ka. odal
I body I
Te. clollu,
•
dollu: Tu. dollu.
The initial voiced plosive in the last
. ..
••
examples of Te. and Tu.
is a medial voiced plosive which
has come to the initial position by metathesis.
The most relevant conclusion so far reached is that the
situation of proto Dravidian was very similar to that of
Tamil, Malayalam and Toda.
The absence of initial voiced
plosives has rather been the dominant'feature in the
primitive language,
and the change of voiceless initial
consonants into voiced initial consonants a secondary
feature.

---

158 -
111.2.1."2.
DENTAL AND ALVEOLAR NASALS IN DRAVIDIAN
Tamil and Halayalam seem t"J have evidence for two pho-
nemes viz. dental I
n I
and alveolar I
n I
in PDr.
However there has not yet been enough data available
about the ~istribution of these phonemes in Tamil and
Halayalam and the allOP0onic distribution in the other
languages.
The alveolar nasal as a separate grapheme was
not found according to i1ahadevan (ef: r1ahadevan I, 1968
(b)
: 12)
in the parent Brahmi script and was developed
and adapted from the dental in the cave inscriptions of
Tamil.
But it seems that, since the dental and alveolar nasals
do not occur in contrasting distribut:Jn but rather in
complementary distribution, they should be considered as
constituting one phoneme (cf: 3.V. Sh2nmugam,
'Dental
and alveolar in Dravidian') BSOAS, Vol.XXXV Part 1, 1972).
In the description given by S.V. 3hanmugam he st2ted that
the study of old Tamil literary texts reveals that the
two nasals contrast intervocally between li-al and lu-al
ahd finally.
Examples:
arinar
'reapers'
inam
'class'
kolunar
'husbands '
p~al -
'water'
.1

---

~
j:
r
!
- 159
I
...
.~
. }
And there is no much iffiQortant change in the distri-
bution of these two nasals in the li~erary texts.
In the middle Tarnil it is stated that the alveolar takes
the place of the dental
(Meenakshisundaram 1965 : 132).
Modern Tarnil has only one phoneme 1nl which has 1nl
~
before ItI and ID! elsewhere.
Malayalam has, in its early inscriptional records
separate graphemes for the nasal s 1nl and IrY.
Modern
spoken Malayalarn has n contrasting with I n I when they
occur in gemination: n occurs initially except before
I -y / 2nd medially before I -t I, while I n I occurs
intervocalically Qnd finally.
If Tamil and Malayalam have undoubtfully dental and
alveolar nasals as separate phonemes, yet all others
have only one phoneme which is either dental or alveolar.
It is found that all the languages,have one nasal, dental
or alveolar.
The dental I n / occurs initially in 0 Ta., Ma., Ka.
(dialects), Tu. Kuvi., Kol., Ga ( 011), Malt. and Br.
I n I occurs before a dental stop in OTa., Mod. Ta.,
M~a.~ Ko., Kod., Ka., Tu., Te., Go., Kol., Malt. and Br •
•
/
n / occurs initially in Mod. Ta., Ko., To., Kod., Ka.
..
.
,
(dia.)", Tu. Te., Kond. , Go.
and Kur. and intervocalical'·-
•

---

- 160 -
and finully before consonants other than dental and
palatal stops.
These two nasals' can be reconstructed for
PDr. as I~nl huving /
n /
initially and before a dental
stop and /
n I
elsewhere.
111.2.2. CONSONANTS DISTRIBUTION:
I k /'I(/*k/:a noise voiceless velar stop, occurs in the
initial and medial positions in most of the languages.
However in Turnil, Malayal.am und Tel ugu PDr *k -..-l)- c - when
followed by the front vowels i;
i:; e; e:.
But in Tarnil
and Malayulam -a retroflex (t n 1 s )
following the front
• •
vowel inhibits the palatalization.
PDr
*k- is frequently replaced by I
x I
(a velar frica-
tive)
spelled sometimes as Kh or q) before the vowels /
a /,
la:/, /0/, /0:/, luI, lu:1 in Brahui, Malto and Kurukh.
exx:
K-
Ta.
kan
'eye, aperture, orifice' cey
*Key = 'to do'
Ma.
kan
'eye, nipple, bud'
;."
.. :
•
" ". -
Ka.
kan
'eye, orifice'
•
Te.
kanu
, id '
Tu.
kannu
• eye,
nipple'
• •
3rKol.
knn
eye
Nk.
kan
I
id '
Pa.
kan
I
id I

---

- 161 -
*-k- remains -k- in Tumil and Malayalam but it
to /x! in Toda, /y/ in Gondi and Kuvi, /g/ in
"'1'elugu /g/, /v/, /y/ in Pur j i, /Kh /
in Kurukh •
. ~
;.-exx:
Ta.
muka
' child, infunt, son'
Ma.
makan
son
Ka.
maga
son
Ta.
magu
I
mule'
,
Tu.
mage
I
son
Kol.
magvan
'husbund'
f / c /~/ *c!:noise voiceJ2ss p03lutul stop, occurs initially
and medially.
/* c-/ remains /c-/ in Tumil, Malayalam, Kotu, Kodagu and
Telugu.
In Toda it corr~sponds to /t-/ in Kannada to
/s-/ or /0-/; in Kolami, Naiki, Gabada, Gonda, Konda to
•
s-; to /h-/ in Pengo and Kuwi.
medially /*-c-/ corresponds to /~-c- /
in Tamil, Malayalam
Kota; to /-s-/ in Toda, Kannada, Gondi, Konda; to I-j-I in
Tulu and Kodagu; to /-h-/ in pengo, Kuwi and Kui.
exx:
c-
Ta.
cinna
'small, etc.'
Ma.
cinna
'small'
KOd•
cinni
'small'
•
• •
Te.
cinna
, id '

---

- 162 -
,
,
Ko!.
sinnam
id
Nk.
sinnam
'little'
,
,
Ko.
ci:r
nit
,
,
Ka.
si: r
id
,
,
Pe.
hi:r
id
,
,
Kuvi
hi:ru
id
-c-
Ta.
mu: cu
'spot, stain'
Ma.
ma: cu
'spot'
Ko.
ma:c
'dirt on face, ~c.'
Kod ..
ma:j
'become soiled'
•
Tu.
ma: jU
'turbidity'
Kuvi.
ma:hali
'to be dirty'
Ka.
ma: su
'to be sti'..lined'
/
t /~/
*t:/ a noise voiceless forelingual retroflex stop,
•
•
occurs medially in all languages.
/*-t-/:Tu. Ma t
; it corresponds to /
r /
in Ko. NK. and
•
•
•
To, but corresponds to /
d /
in Ka, Kod, TU, Te, Kol, Parji
•
•
and Pengo.
exx:
- t
-
·.
Ta.
kata
'to pass through, exceed'
•
z.r' MQ.
katakka
'to pass over'
•

---

- 163 -
Ko.
karv
'to cross'
•
To.
kad-
'to leave, pass'
•
i
Ka.
kade
'to pass over
,
•
J.l
Kod
kada
'to cros~'
•
•
Tu.
kadClpuni
'to cross'
•
Te.
kadacu
'to pass, cross'
•
Pa.
kadp-
'to cross'
•
Malt.
kate
'to pass, exceed'
•
/.t/~/*t:/ a noise voiceless dental stop, occurs in the
initial and medial positions in Clll Idnguages.
It-I;> /*c-/ in some forms of the SDr. languages, parti-
cularly in Toda.
/*-t-/ remains / - t - / in Tamil and Malayalami but i t corres-
ponds to /-0-/ in Toda, /-d-/in all the other languages.
exx:
t-
,
Ta.
talai
'head, top etc.
Ma.
tal •
id
Ko.
tal
id
Ka.
talc
id
,
,
Kod"
tale
end
.
Tu.
tare'
'head, top'
,
Te.
tala
id I
,
Pa.
tel
I
id
~alt.
tal;!.
'hair of head'

---

- 164 -
etir
'in front,
adverse, opposite'
,
,
etir
id
edyr
enemy
edir
I
that which is apposite I
,
,
edike
in front
,
eduru
I
in front
/p/(/
*p:/ a noise voiceless bilabial stop, occurs in
the initial position in all languages.
In Old Kannada p- >- Modern Kannada h- ')
zero.
p-
Ta.
pal
'to:)th'
Ma.
pal
id
Ko.
peJ.1
id
To.
pa~
id
Ka.
pal
id
Kod.
palli
id
..
Tu.
paru
'animal's tooth'
Fa.
pel
'tooth'
Kuvi.
pallu
id
Kur.
pall
id
-J
/*nI: a voiced palatal nasal, occurs initially qnly in
Tamil, Malayalam, Kodagu and Tulu.
,.It'

---

- 165 -
1*1,-1 corresponds to In-:-I, In-I in Tamil, Kod , Malayalam;
.
~
:it corresponds to· 1nl, 191 in Kannada, Tclugu, Parji,
,..J
'Gadaba, Naiki and Gondi, t,:) In-I, In-I, I cl-I in Tul u.
n-
'.
.......
Ta.
nantu
'crab'
·.
, v
,
,
Ma.
nantu
id
·.
<V
,
,
Kod.
nandf
id
,..,
,
,
Tu.
denji
id
~
~; 1 n 1</ *n/:a voiced retroflex nasal 'occurs in the medial
•
I.
h
I,
position.
/-*n-/ corresponds to I-n-I in Ta., Ma., Ko., Ka., Kod:
.
.
.
it corresponds to I-n-I in Te., kol., Nk., pa; to -n-, -n-
•
in Tulu and Kui.
exx:
-n-
Ta.
pani
'to speak, say'
•
Ma.
panikka
'speak'
·
Kol.
pa:na
' language'
Kui.
pandu
'to send, commission'
/*n/
a voiced alveolar nasal, occurs in the initial 'and
medial position.
'. /lfn-I corresponds to In-I, In.;.1 in Ta. and Ma; to In-/,
1~o/- i'ri aral1\\i:b t:.o '1ri~1 el~ew11ere &

---

-
166 -
n-
"';
,1~
Ta.
nakku
Ito lick '
~.
~.
,
Ma.
na.kkuka
id I
~;
r>{
i",
,.
K0.
nak
id
~",
Ka.
nakku
id
Kond.
nu.:k-
id
•
Pe.
na:k-
id
Kui.
na:ka
id
/m/<I
~/:a voiced bilabia.l nasal, occurs in all positi0ns
in all languages.
v- /m- and -v-/-m- alternation is fre-
quent and quite wide spread in some Dravidian languages.
Sometimes /-m-/<.*-v-<. *k- in Ta., Te., Ka., Tu.
and Kur.
In the final positi0n /*-m/ alternatc[ with /*-n/ in the
PDr. nominative suffix of S0me nouns with stem ending in -a.
exx:
m-
Ta.
maram
'tree l
Ma.
maram
id
Ko.
marm
id
To.
me:n
id
•
Ka.
mara
, ,
Kod.
mar a
, ,
•
Tu.
mara
, ,
Te.
mra:nu
, ,
-t'a.
meri
, ,

---

- 167 -
l<ond.
maram
id
•
Kui.
mrahnu
, ,
-m-
Ta.
imil
'to eject, sprout,
shoot off'
Ka.
igaru
'a sprout, shoot'
Te.
ivuru
'a bud,sprou'tl, -shoot'
Tu.
iguru
I
bud'
-m
Ta.
mukam
'face'
Ma.
mukam
id
Te.
moganu
id
Tu.
muganu
'the front'
•
/ 1 /~
*11: a vo~ced retroflex palatal lateral, occurs
medially, fin~lly in root-final or suffix-final consonant.
-*1- corresponds to -1- in Ta. and Ma; to /-1-/, /-r-/,
•
•
/-q-/, /-y-/ in KJ.; to /-d-/, /-r-/, /-s-/, /-s-/, /-w-/
. .
.
in To.; in Ka. /-r-/~/-l- [v, -r- Cc; in Kod. /-1-/, zero
.
.
.~
r-c; Te -r-..> -d- (in the metathesized si tuat~on., /d-/~ /d-/).
L
••
•
.
"
•
It corresponds to -r- in K01. and NK.
-1-
Ta.
alu
' to cry, weep'
Ma.
aluka
'to weep, cry'
KJ.
ag-
id
Ka ...
al, a1u
id

---

- 169 -
ka:l
, liquor'
id
an Qlveolar lateral, occurs in the medial and
to 1:2/, Iz/,
and 11::1 in To; to Irl I III
to Il~/rl and Irl in Kuvi ; to III Ilh I in Br;
talai
'heQd,
top'
,
ji
Ma.
tala
id
;~
Ko.
tul
id
,
To.
tasm
top •
,
.
Tu.
tare
heu<..1
,
,
Te.
tula
end
K:>d
tale
iG
••
Malt
tali
'hair o.f head'
-1
Ta.
pa:l
'milk'
Ma.
pa:l
id
Ko.
pa:l
id
To.
po.§.
id
.' Tu•
pe:ru
, ,

---

....
- 170 -
..
Te.
pa:lu
id
Br.
pa:lh
, ,
/£ /<7
*r/: a voiced alveolar trill, occurs only in medial
position, in Ta as the single consonant between the vowels,
.,•
the first member of a consonunt cluster or the second member
~
'of a consonant cluster or the second member of a consonant
cluster.
exx:
-r-
\\/.
Ta.
arivu
I knowledge'
~
Ta.
alru
'to cool'
,Ma.
a:ruka
'to grow cool'
To.
o·r-
' (hot water> cools
Ta.
K~pu
•chastity'
Te.
a:ru
'to be cool'
Ta.
Kunru
'hill'
/r/~/ *r/: a voiced alveolar flap, occurs in the medial
and final position.
...
/*r/ corresponds to /r/, /s/, /s/ in To.; to /r/, /r/ in
•
•
Go., /r/, /rr/ in Br. ; elsewhere /r/, /r/.
exx:
,"
-r-
Ta.
iravu
-, night'
Ma.
iravu
id
-.;
Ko.
irl
id
r~::
ji-;,
r,it:....

---

-
..
- 171
..
To
erl
id
Kod•
irY
'night'
•
Tu.
irku
id
Te.
irulu
id
-r
Ta.
u:r
'Village, town, city'
.:
Ma.
u:r
'Village'
town, city'
Ko.
u:r
I Village'
To.
u:r
'village of Tamils or
Bagadas I
Ka.
u:r
'tawn l
Kol.
u:r
'village'
Nk.
u:r
id
'v/<I
*v/ a voiced labia dental semivowel, occurs initially
lnd medi ally.
'*v-/ corresponds to/pi in To.; to Ib/ in Ka., Kod., Tu.,
•
:ur. Malt. and Br. ; to Iv/ in all other languages.
'*-v-/ corresponds to /-5 -I in Ta. ; /-b-/ in Tu. and Kur.;
'-w-/ in Malt; /-f-/, I-v-/ in Br. ; /-v-/ elsewhere
~xx:
v-
-Ta.
varu
'to come, happen'
Ma.
varuka
id
Ko.
V.:l:r-
'to come'
T,:>.
po:r-
id
Ka.
ba:r
id

---

...
.. ..
- 17? -
Kod.
bar-
id
•
Tu.
barpini
id
Kur.
barna:
I
I
Br.
banning
I
,
~.
-v-
Ta.
cevi
I
ear
Ma.
cevi
id
Ko.
kev
id
To.
kYJY
id
Ka.
kivi
id
~
Kod.
kevin
\\
id
•
Tu.
kebi
id
kur.
khebda:
id
""
Br.
khaf
id
/Y/</~Y/:
,
a voiced palatal semi'. vowel, occurs in the medial
and final position.
/*-y-/ corresponds to /y/ in all languages except Kui where
it corresponds to /j/.
exx:
-y-
Ta."
a:yi
I ffi':)ther I
Ma.
ta:yi
id
"To.
to:y
id
Ka.
a:yi
id

---

•,
lit
..
- 173 -
Kod •
ta:yi
'grandmother'
•
Tu.
ta:yi
'mother'
Te.
ta:yi
id
NK.
ayma
'woman'
t
io"
~
Kui
aja
' mother'
-y
koy
'to pluck, cut, reap'
Kod.
koy
'to pluck'
,--
t
III.3.
SYLLABIC STRUCTURE
[
Dravidian roots appear to arrange themselves naturally
,
in two classes, each originally monosyllabic; one class
ending in a vowel generally long, the other class ending
in a consonant, in which case, be vowel is short.
And it is stated in tile same order of idea that two main
types of root-m?rphemes can be set up for Prato Dravidian
with two sub-types for each.
Type I
(a)
(C) V
(b)
(C) VC
Type 1I
(a)
(C) V
(b)
(C) VC
_'!loo.
.....
_
i
.. -'",-.
:. Roots of. ty.pe I arc called light bases, those ()f typE: 11
~heavy bases according as the radical vow~l is short or long•
..
~ .:

---

- 174 -
They can be analyzed as vowel-ending and consonant-ending
viz. ev , cV; evc, eVC.
To these monosyllabic roots are added either formative
particles, particles of specialisation or helps to enuncia-
tion.
con
In a syllable a vowel with a preceding or following,:/"son<:lnt·
is the nuclear element.
Anyone o'f the PDr. consonantal phonemes can occur initially
except the alveolar and retroflex series.
~.
In the root final p~sition any of the PDr. can occur except
"1;.
*n.
There are either free or bound roots.
In most of the
cases
(C)V- occurs bound.
Suffixes with initial vowels occur after bases in final
~..:. '
~.,
,;
consonant, viz.
(C)VC-; suffixes with initial consonants
occur' after bases in final vowel, viz. eV-.
When vowel derivatives follow,
the ~C- type fell together
with cvc- in mo~t cases.
In that case the sequence ev1c-v 2-
contains v
generally short.
And when (C) VC- is followed
1
1
by a vowel derivative, the wh0le sequence (C)VC-V- alter-
t5
nates with a heavy base containing a secondary long vowel.
i.
~ Here, only the simple bases will be taken into con~ideration
L·
'.' as opposed to the compound ones.
By simple bases i t is
bases occurring without derivatives.
They are gene-
analyzed into a historical category or primary cate-
.cry as S'pposed to the secondary category, viz. that which
baxes occuring with derivatives.

---

- 175 -
The forms of the primary type are directly traceable to
one of the proto Dravidian types.
Examples:
III.3.1. Open syllabIc:
III.3.1.1.
V:
Ta.
a:
'interjection expressing
wonder aGffiiration, pity'
cf: DED 281.
III.3.1.2
cV
Ta.
ku:
'c00ing'
(
PDr
*ku:)
Ma.
ku:-
id
Kui.
ku: -
, ,
Kol.
ku:-
, ,
Mal t.
ku:-
I
I
Br.
ku:-
cry
Te.
ku:-
'cry, crow'
III.3.2.
Closed syllable:
Ta.
al-
'burn'
Ma.
al-
id
Ka.
, ,
Tu.
ar-
, ,
·.111.3.2.1. VC
Ta.
u:r
'village, town, place'
Ma.
u:r
id
I.r
Ko.
u:r
'village for-Tamils'

---

...
- 176
..
-
Ka.
u:r
ivillage '
Nk.
u:r
id
Kol.
u:r
, ,
III.3.2.2.
,
evc
f
r
Ta.
pal
,'
'tooth'
~
~ .
Ma.
pal
id
To.
pa~
, ,
Ko'.
pal
, ,
Te.
pal-u
, ,
Pa.
pel
, ,
Kond.
pal
, ,
•
III.3.2.3
eVc
Ta.
ka:l
'leg, fott'
Ma.
ka:l
id
To.
ko·l
, ,
"
Ka.
~.
ka:l
, ,
'.
Pa.
ke:l
, ,
G-::>.
ka:l
, ,
Kuvi
ka:l-u
, ,

---

-
177 ..
f~
fii·
rIII.4.
NOUNS
~
~ .
.."
."
The Dravidian languages are agglutinative languages,
'and suffixation is the only type of affixation and this is
j
one of the characteristic features of this family of lan-
'iI
guages.
THUs the Dravidian root morpheme is always initial
in simple or complex words.
The Dravidian noun is one which can be inflected for
number and case.
Therefore a syntactic oriented classifica··
tion of the Dravidian n0UTIS will be useful in the descrip-
tion of these languages.
The nouns can be classified into various categories
on the basis of their syntactical functions as for instance
on the basis of pronominal reference
(gender-number distinc-
ticn)
in the demonstrative prone-un
(DPN)
for certain lan-
guages, and in both the DPN and FV for certain other lan-
guages and also on the basis of adjectival concord
(Lyons: 1968 :
272), viz. Numeral + Noun and Demonstrative +
Noun.
For example, Malayalam, Toda and Kodagu show a
•
t
I
gender-number distinction in the DPN only whereas Konda,
!
Gondi, Kolami, Naiki
(ch), Parji, Gadaba, Brahui, ~amil,
Ii
Kannada and Pengo show gender-number distinction both in
i
the DPN and the FV.
Thus the pronominal reference is
fl
t
,
found not only in the derronstrative pronoun (DPN) but
!
Lalso in the finite verb.
I t appears that there is a Jri.nn
"
~;
~
~'.
l~.
~
I"
I~

---

,..
-
178 -
...
of concord in the DPN in all the languages.
However all
do not exhibit the same pattern, and there are differences
among them because they show unequal number of sub-
classes.
For instance Malayalam distinguishes gender-
number in the masculine. singular (avan 'that man'),
~
feminine singular
(aval 'that woman'),
epicene plural
(avar 'those persons')
and neuter plural
(avai 'those
things') •
Telugu has fourfold distinctions in the DPN, viz. masculine
singular,
(vandu 'that man'); non masculine singular (adi
'that woman',
'that thing'); epicene plural
(va:ru 'those
persons')
and neuter plural
(avi 'those things').
But
Telugu has also fourfold distinction in the FV,
Example: vandaNdu 'He does,
did, will not cook';
vandaru
'they (hum.)
do,
did, will not cook'
vandadu
'she, i t does,
did, will not cook';
..
vandavu
'they (neu.)
do,
did, will not cook').
Tamil, Irula, Kannada and Tulu have fivefold distinctions
namely mas. sg.,
fern. sg., neu. sg., epicene pI. and neu.
-pI. in the DPN as well as in the FV.
Pengo has sixfold distinction in the DPN, viz. mas. sg.
(avan 'that man'); fern. sg (adel 'that woman'); neu. sg.
(adi that thing'): mas. pI. (avar 'those men'): fern. pI.
avek 'these women') and neu·pl.
(avail 'those things').

---

!~
- 179 -
•
Toda and Brahui have only number distinction in the DPN and
person distinction in the FV (example: Toda: sg.
(a~ 'that
'man'),
'that woman',
'that thing'); pI.
(a9a"m'those
persons,
'those things').
ii
Kurumba doesl.not show gender distinction in the pronoun or
"
~.
in the FV.
,
r
In most of the cases,
the number of distinctions
found in the DPN is higher than that found in the FV"
For
example Gowda Kannada has threefold distinctions in the DPN
and only twofold distinctions in the FV.
As regard to the nature of these various subclasses
i t should be noted that there is a difference between the
system found in the singular and in the plural.
For example,
in Telugu feminine is a p~rt of the neuter in the singular,
and the part of the masculine in the plural.
Similarly
Tamil makes only number distinction in the non-human nouns
but the gender -
number distinction is made only in the
singular of human nouns.
The adjectival concord is found in the pattern Numeral
+ noUn and Demonstrative pronoun + noun.
--Example:
Ka. obba maga 'one son', obba
(lu)
magalu
'one
.
.
daughter', ondu mara
'one tree'; Kol.
: a~ ma·s
'that man',
at pilla 'that woman',
avr ma·sur
• those men'.

---

- 180 -
In some other languages as Ku., Tu., Te., Kond.,
GO., Kol., Ga.
and Pa. the adjectival concord is found in
the construction: Numeral appellative noun + noun.
Examples:
Ka.obba
(lu)
hengasu 'one woman'; obba(nu)
kalla(nu)
•
~;. ::
'one thief
Ka.
ibaru he~gasaru 'two women'
Pa.
okur manja 'one man'; okal ayal 'one woman'.
But in some languages
(Irula for example)
adjectival concord
is not found.
It is to be mentioned again that the pattern : Numeral
Appellative noun + Noun is not uniform in all the languages
and even not within a single language
(see for details
Shanmugam: 1971: 12-15).
However, because of non-availability of a single,
. unique and uniform pattern which could help in their classi-
fication,
the Dravidian nouns could be classified on the
basis of the gender - number system,
and the prevalent patteru
to be retained for that purpose should be on the basis of the
DPN because the pronominal reference in the FV belongs to
the transformational structure of the language.
There are
some other possibilities regarding the classifications of
nouns at the morphological level as for example in the
distinction human -non-human, animate-inanimate etc.

---

,
--181 -
..
It may be concluded that all these categori es of cla-
..
:Jssific2tion of nouns can be useful not only ~n the descrip-
~i,
'~,tion of the Dravidian Languages but also in view of the
'£
~:comparison of these languages with any other languages.
III.5.
GENDER AND NUMBER
1
,M. Andronov (1977:40) has pointed out that the category of
gender, in the Dravidian Languages is basically lexicogramma-
. tical, i.e. it is determined by the lexical meaning of the
substantive whereas grammatically it is expressed by agree-
ment in gender with other word classes which distinguish this
category.
In almost a similar point of view, Caldwell has classified
the Dravidian nouns into substantives which have no formative
of gender and appellatives which have gender terminations
(an appellative base can be abstract or'neuter'noun or a
verbal noun).
This study of gender-number is based on
~aldwell's approach of gender number classification of the
wi~
Dravidian nouns.
To begin~ we note that most of the appella-
,
tive nouns have maximum three forms, viz mas., fern. and ep.
pI.
Examples:
Ta. Kalvan 'male thief'; Kal'vi 'female thief'; Kalvar
•
•
•
'thieves'.
Also masculine and feminine suffixes occur with a
limited number of human nouns • .

---

I
I
•
- 182 -
I
The Dravidian Languages hwve in common nine suffixes
Ito denote masculine, namely - an, -van, -(k)kan, -lkan,
_akan, -avan, -antu, -ak and -ttan.
Of these,-an, -van and
r
r
-(k)kan are reconstructed to Proto Dravidian and the others
.{
I
~ ~
r to the proto §tage of a subgroup.
(Shanmugam, 1971).
-,
r·
eXX:
,
mak-an (son)
.'F
roak-an
,
(id)
..
mag-an (son, male person)
f'
mag-a
(male)
I;
;.
Kal-van
(thief)
Kal<:l-Van
(
id )
Kall-a
(
, , )
Kall-ari
(liar)
va :n-ik\\ln
(caste of oll monger) .
•
va:n-iyan
(
id. )
•
ga:n-iga
(
, , )
ga:n-ige
(
, , )
~F
r
;, or ~eminine, the suffixes -tti, -aI, -(k)ki, -atti,
c~,.
I
found in the various languages.
~d -acci are
~~amples:
!t
~
Ta.
oru-tti
(one woman)
Ma.
oru-tti
(
id.
I\\,
Tu.
or-ti
(
id.
)
Malto
(
or-ti·
id.
)

---

I
•
..
I
183
I
Tu.
mak-al
(daughter)
I Ma.
mo:l
(id)
I Ka.
i
mag-al
(, , )
Tu.
mog-alu
( " )
.
re epicencsplural in common are
-ar, -var# -kal# -mar
•
rd -avar.
ex:
Tu.
to:l-ar
(friends)
Ma.
to:l-ar
id
Kond.
tond-ar
id
..
Ta.
iru-var
(two persons)
"Ma.
iru-var
id
Ma.
ir-v~r
id
lough these suffilKes are those common to most of the lan-
Lages, each langu.age possess~s various suffixes to denote
lsculine, feminine and neuter.
cOmplete picture of gender-number in the Dravidian languu-
~s is not given here but its essential aspect which could
~lp in the comparison between these languages and the
xican Languages has been presented.

---

·
,..
..
-
184 -
111.6.·
PRONOUNS:
Pronouns differ from nouns by the fact that they cannot be
preceded by adjectives or by genitive case phrases.
Thus
i
they constitute a distinct anc separate class.
The Dravidian Languages distinguish the personal
pronoun and the demonstrative and interrogative pronouns.
The personal pronouns distinguish number,
singular and
plural.
They have also oblique forms characterized by the
shortening of the long vowel in the nominative.
The demonstrative and interrogative pronoun distin-
guish gender and number
(see chapter on Gender and number) •
111.6.1.
PERSONAL PRONOUN
111.6.1.1.1.sg.
Nominative Forms
oblique Forms
Ta. ----------ya :n--------na:.!l----- e.!!- (gen •.); e.!la- (dat.)
Ma.-----------------------na:n(ins.)--------enn- (Acc.)
-na:n
ena-
(dat.)
Ko.-----------a:n------------------
--en-
To.-----------o:n------------------
--en-
Kas.----------na:ni----------------- --na-
~.'..Kod. ----------------------na: (ni) --- --en-; na:-(dat.);
l-·
•
k
nan
(acc)
~~
.
~. Ka.-----------a:n---------na:n------ ---ena-(dat.);cnn~/nan
~
'
Kb.-----------na-------------------- ---en-(acc.)
~Tu.-----------e:ni (dialect) ya:nt--------en-

---

..
..
- 185 -
Te.------e:nu----------ne:nu-------- -nan-(acc.); na:-
Go.------ana:----------nan(n)il:----- -na:k-(acc., dat.);
nah- (loc.)
Konda-----------------na:n---------- -na-(acc.); na:-
•
Pe •• ---~----a:n(en)------------------na:ng-(acc.); na:n-
(dat. )
Kui---------a:na
na:nu--------- -na:~g-(acc.); na:n-
(dat)
Kuvi--------
na:nu--------- -na:-
Kol.--------a:n
-an-
NK.(ch)-----~:n
-an-
Ga.---------a:n
-an-
Malto----~---e:n ------------------- -enga:-(dat.); eng-
Br.------------i:~-------------------kan
Kur.----------e:n------------------- -eng-
The reconstructed form for the first series of forms for the
first person singular is *ya:n.
The variation in the quality
of the radical vowels a:/e: indicates, according to Krishna-
murti (1961:260), the presence of a PDr. *y preceding the
vowel.
The reconstructed form for the second series of forms is
* na:n/ ne:n because of the fluctuation of the vowel quality
and the occurrence of n- in Malayalam «
Pdr. * n'-) •
III.6.1. 2.
::": <
I pI.
(exclusive)
Ta.-----ya:m
--------------------em-
ya:nkal
na:nkal
e~al-
.
.

---

i,-
..
186
Ma.-------------na:~~al-------------------e~~al-(Oma.)
na~flal-
•
Ko.-------a:m----------------------------------------
T~.-------em- ---------------------------
_
«
Kod. -----cnga---------------------------e~ga- ., naflga-
•
Kas. -----na:m---------------------------e~gu-
Ka. ------a:m (Ins.) -------------------- em-
Tu. -------ya~kulu
yankule
en.kule
enkult
•
•
Kb. ----------------------------------------------------
Ir. ----------------------------------------------------
Te. ------e:mu----------nc:mu ----------ma:-
me:mu
mamm-
Go.------amma:t
namma:t --------
•
•
ammot
afrnJ\\ok
Konda --------------ma:p----------ma:-(gen.)
ma- (acc)
•
Kui --------a:mu----------------------------------------
a: ju
Kuvi ----------------------ma:mbu --------ma:-
ma:rro
Pe. --------a;p(e~) --------
--------ma:-
Kol. -------a:m ------------
---------am-
NK(ch) -----a:m ------------
--------am-
Pa. --------a:m-------------
--------am-
Ga. --------a:m-------------
--------am-

---

,..
•
187
Kur. --------e:m--------
----------em-
Malto--------e:m--------
----------em-
The reconstructed oblique base is * yam which became
;-
*em- in SDr. and NDr, and *am- in CDr.
~ (inclusive)
Ta. --------na:m---------
------nam-, na~kul-
•
Ma. --------na:m, no:m (dialect----
-----nam-
Ko. --------a:m------------------------am-
To. --------o:m------------------------om-
Kol. -------ne:m, ne:nd----------------ne:m-, nc:nd-
!<b. ---------
Ir. --------na:m ----------------------nam-
Ka. --------na:m (o.ka)----------------nam-
Malto-------na:m-----------------------nam-
Kur. -------na;m-----------------------nam-
Br. --------nan -----------------------nam-
III.6.1.3.
II S9.
ta. --------ni:-----------------------------nin-(OTa.)
un-
Ma.
ni:
---------nin-, ni-, cli-
T0. ---------ni: ---------
---------nin-
Kb. ---------ni:yi--------
Kod. --------ni:(ni)------
-------------nin-, ni:-
Kas. --------ni:n --------
-------------nin-

---

..
- 188 -
Ka. --------ni:n------(Ins.)
------------nin-
Tu. --------i:------------------------------nin-, inn-
Te. --------i:vu, ni:vu,
: -----------------nin-, ni:-
Go. ---~---imma:, nimma, nimme: -----------ni:-
Konda ------ni:n ---------------------------ni:-, ni~g-
Kui --------i:nu, ni:nu --------------------ni:- ning-
Kal. -------ni:v----------------------------in
Nk(ch). ------i:v---------------------------in
Pa. ----------i:n---------------------------ni:v
Ga. ----------i:n---------------------------in-
Kur.----------ni:n -------------------------in-
•
Malto---------ni:n----------------------nin-, ning-, ni~g
Br.-----------ni:-----------------------ne:-
The reconstructed form in the nominat~ve is *ni:n but mrtn~
of the SDr.
Languages and a few in CDr. have lost the fiD~L
-n in the nomin~tive.
In the oblique form, .nin- is recons~
tructed from its PDr. form.
III.6.1.4. 11 PI.
'1'a. ------ni:m
--------~---------------------num-
ni:flk.al-----
----w'lkal-
.
...
Ma. ------ni~~al -----------------------------ni~~al-
•
Ko. ------ni:m -------------------------------nim-
To. ·------nim --------------------------------nim-
Kod. -----nl~ga-------------------------------nl~ga
•
Kb.------n1~gu ------------------------------nl~g-

---

- 188 -
Ka. --------ni:n------(Ins.)
------------nin-
Tu. --------i:------------------------------nin-, inn-
Te. --------i:vu, ni.vu,
: -----------------nin-, ni:-
Go. ---r.~---imrna:, nimrna, nimme: -----------ni:-
Konda ------ni:n ---------------------------ni:-, ni~g-
Kui --------i:nu, ni:nu --------------------ni:- ning-
Kol. -------ni:v----------------------------in
Nk(ch). ------i:v---------------------------in
Pa. ----------i:n---------------------------ni:v
Ga. ----------i:n---------------------------in-
Kur.----------ni:n -------------------------in-
•
Malto---------ni:n----------------------nin-, ning-, ni~g
Br.-----------ni:-----------------------ne:-
The reconstructed form in the n~minat~ve is *ni:n but m~n~
of the SDr.
Languages and a few in CDr. have l0st the fi~~L
-n in the nomin~tive.
In the oblique form, .nin- is recons-
tructed from its PDr. form.
III.6.1.4. II PI.
Ta. ------ni:m
--------~---------------------num-
ni:hkal-----
----uhkal-
•
Ma. ------ni~~al -----------------------------ni~~al-
•
•
Ko. ------ni:m -------------------------------nim-
To. ------nim --------------------------------nim-
Kod. -----nl~ga~------------------------------nl~ga
•
Kb. ------nl~gu ------------------------------nl~g-.

---

,..
-
189
Ir. -------ni:m----------------------------------nim
Kas. -------ni :,m------------------.;..-----------nim:-
Tu • -------nikulu----------i:ru~---------------ni~kle~
•
•
ninklu
•
Te. -----------------------i:rur mi:ru-------- mim-, mi:-
Go. -------immat -------------------------------------
•
nimat•
Konda -------mira:t-------------------------------mi~-
•
pa.~---------e:p(en)----------mi:ra-~---------- mi:-
Kui--------------------------------------------mi: -.'
Kuvi---------mi:mbu---------------------------~-mi:-
Kol. ------------------------------------------im-
Nk(ch)--------i:m-------------------------------im-
Pa. ----------i:m-------------------------------im-
Ga.-----------i:m-------------------------------im-
Kur.----------ni:m--------------------------------nim-
•
Hal to---------ni: m-------------------------------nim-
Br.-----------num---------------------------------num-
The reconstructed forms are *ni:m (nominative)
and
*nim-(oblique) •
-111.6.1.5 III 59.
ta:n -----_-----------------------------tan-
ta:n-----------------------------------tan
:.1<0.
ta:n-----------------------------------tan-, ta-
<",
er;
I'_~·-.<'.'

---

i.
,•
.- 190
To.-----to:n----------------------------~-~----tan-
Kod.T---ta:ni----------------------------------tan-
•
Ka.-----ta:n-----------------------------------tan-
Tu.-----ta:nu----------------------------------
~
Te.-----ta:nu----------------------------------tan-
Go.-----ta:n-----------------------------------tan-
Kui.----ta:nu----------------------------------tan 7
Kuvi •••• ta:nu----------------------------------tan-
Pe. ----ta:n-----------------------------------ta:-, tang-
Kol.----ta:n-----------------------------------tan-
Pa.-----ta:n-----------------------------------tan-
Ga.-----ta:n-----------------------------------tan-
Kur.----ta:n-----------------------------------tang-
Malt.----ta'n----------------------------------ta~g-
Br.------te:n---------------------------------------
The reconstructed forms are *ta:n- in the oblique.
III.6.1.6. IIl.pl.
Ta. -----------ta:rn-------ta:nkal-----~------tam,tankal-
•
•
Ma.------------ta:rn--------------------------tam-
.;Ko.--~---------ta:m--------------------------tam­
; ,
~
~To. -----------tam---------------------------tabga-
~~:
IKod. ----------ta~ga-------------------------------------
~a.-------------ta:m, ta:vu------------------tam-, tav-
~
~.------~-----------~---------------------------------
--

---

,•
- 191
.
're. ------ta: mu------------------------------------t·am_··
Go.------tamma:--------------------------------_-
_
Kui---·--ta:ru-----~----------------------------ta:ran-
•
0
Kuvi.----taffibu:---------------------------------tam-
Pe·---------r-----------------------------------------
Kol.-----ta:m-----------------------------------tam-
Pa.------ta:m-----------------------------------tam-
Ga.------ta:m-----------------------------------tam-
Kur. -----ta·: m-----------------------------------tam-
Mslt.-----tam-----------------------------------tam-
tami
Br.---------------------------------------------------
PDr * ta:m is the reconstructed form in the n~minative,
*tam- the one in the oblique.
Ill. 7.
ADJEcrIVES :
Dravidian adjectiv~s are nouns of quality or relation which
acquire the signification of adjectives merely by being pre-
fixed to substantive nouns without declensional change and
without ceasing to be in themselves nouns of quality •
. The adjectives in the Dravidian Languages are not numerous,
,-~
. and there is lack of common Dravidian adjective suffixes.
;:..3.';. ]a.
reflects the original structure in Dravidi an
noun was not differentiated from the adjective,
being able to function in the respective roles.

---

1
I
192 -
I
Still, this is the case in many modern Dravidian Languages
(exx: Ta. pon mU~i 'golden hair' [pen 'gOld') : Ma.
mallige hu:vu 'jasmine flower' [mallige 'jasmine']).
The at~ribute noun and the noun qualified often form cpm-
pound word~ in which the first element doGS not take any
grammatical formants and appears as a root or base.
However in some languages the compound forms are de-
composable and the original root can become an independent
word (e.g: Ta. orumay 'uniqueness' ~ oru 'one').
Thus in most of the modern languages the adjective has
become a separate part of speech.
It does not have gender
or number forms.
The only syntactic function the adjectives can perform
is that of prepositive attribute to other nouns, except in
Naiki and Brahui.
In Brahui the adjective attribute always
takes the indefinite formant -0: or the definite formants,
-a:, -a~ga and -~:ko, devoid of these formants,
it functions predicatively (cxx: suna~ga Sa1r 'desolate
village').
The most common adjectival suffix is - a which, in some
languages derives qualitative adjectives from the roots ori
nominal oases (e.g: Ta. periya 'big', ciEiya 'small'
Kod. nalla 'good'
: pudiya 'new', ceriya 'small') •
• But in some other languages the adjectival suffix is dif-
For instance in Kui all the adjectives end iq -i
..

---

193
(exx: pu:n-i ·new l , der-i 'big ' ).
In some other languages
there is no spcciul suffixes; example: Tu. posa Inewl,
ye?~e 'good ', porlu Ibeautiful I
III.8.
NUMERALS
In {he Dravidian Languages each of the cardinal
numbers presents itself in a form of numeral adjective and
.
of numeral substantive or neuter noun of number.
Numerals are considered to constitute a separate class of
nouns because they have:
(1)
the cardinal - ordinal distinc-
tion.
Example: Ta. 0EEu lone' - 0EEa:m 'first')
(2)
the possibility to replace a numeral adjective plus
noun by a corresponding cardinal numeral form of the adjec-
tive.
Example: oruka: 1 lone leg I ~ ~ lone I
Because of this latter feature numerals are also said to
be considered as pronouns.
III.8.l.
One:
Ta.-
onru
M~.
. onru/onnu
Ko.
od
To.
\\J!d
ondu

---

. :
.'
,
I
The reconstructed base form is o~- from PDr *on1u; *or-
is the reconstructed adjective form.
It can be reconstructed
with the numeral base oru the following forms: Ta. oruvan
'one man'; orutti
'one woman'; oruvar' one person (hon.)
The adjective form o:r occurs before vowels, oru before
consonants.
Examples: Ko. o:r a:r 'one year'; Ta. oru
•
makan 'one son'.
Human and non-human nouns can be used
as head after the numeral adjective one.
Example: Ta. oru makal
'one daughter'
oru na:l 'one day') •
•
•
III.8.2.
Two:-
Ta.
-irantu
·.
Ma.
irantu
Ko.
cyd
To
e·d
Kod.
dandr
• •
Ka.
eradu
•
Kb.
ordu
Kas.
rend
·.
. Ir.
rend
"
• •
. -
. ~
.
ft.
,,,c~llJ:t
,

---

- 195 ...
The PDr. form is *iran-tu and the adjective form is iru
before
consonants.
III.8.3.
Three:-
~
Ta •.
mu:nru
Ma.
mu:nru / mu:nnu
Ko.
mu:nd
To.
mu:d
Go.
mu:nd
Kas.
mU:Y!'!d
Kb.
mu:ru
Ir.
mU:nr-
Te.
mu:nru
Tu•
mu:ji
. The ~econstructed base form is mu:n-fron PDr * mu:£-tui
: the adj ective base form may be mu:-
~-.
:: Example: mu:var • three persons') •
. III.8.4.
Four:-'
.. Ma.
na:flkJ}
To
no·ng
na:li
na:lu.
na:lu
•

---

196
...
na:ku
Kas.
na:l
Ir.
net:l
The adjective form in PDr. is * na:l-
Example: pa:l u:r IfQur villages'; na:l ve:tam Ifour
vedas' era·l ) . The reconstructed base is from PDr.
*na:lku.-
IlI.8.5
F i
v e:
Ta.
aintu
Ma.
-
aintu, ancu
Ko.
anj
Tu.
ainu
Ka.
aydu
Te.
e:nu
Ka~.
anc-
Ir.
anj.
Bb.
aydu
Nk(ch. )
Se :ndi
Pa.
ce:duk
Ga.
saiyung
Kui
singi
-.
?¥:, : Th~ reconstructed base form is from PDr. *cayn-tu.
But +:he
~: ~: .
.
.
!§,-'::\\~djectival form *cay- which occurs before vowels and semi-
, .:-~~'
. pwels and *caym- occuring elsewhere can be reconstructed
-?-;;~.>. 1:;' '
s;~(c) aym-
:l<;;:.~ -.
"_.,1:'

---

- 197 -
..
111.8.6.
S i et :-
Ta.
a:ru
Ma.
a:ru
Ko.
a:r
~
To.
o:r
Kas.
a:r
Ir.
a:r
Kb.
a:ru
Te.
a:ru
Go.
sCl:rung
Nk.
sa:di
Kui
sa: jgi / saj
The PDr. form is * ca:ru and the corr8sponding adjectival
form is * ca£u.
111.8.7
Seven :-
Ta.
e:l
Ma.
e:lu
Ko.
e:y
To.
~w
Kod.
~:lr
•
•
Kas.
a: l•
Ir.
e:l
~'~ ...
•
~'.~
Kb.
e:lu
•
Go.
e:run<;;J
•
. ·~_Kol.
ed/e:r

---

,..
:;,. ,
i
,l
- 198 -
. j
In the PDr. the cardinal form is *e:l.
Many languages use
this form as the adjective.
Examples:
,;
Ta.
e:l col 'seven words'
Ma.
elu kalam 'sevan kalam measures'
Ko.
e pa:ny 'seven pa:ny measures.' •
..
III.8.8.
Eight:
Ta.
ettu
• •
Ma.
ettu
·.
Ko.
et
To.
t5t
•
Kod.
.
etti
• •
Kas.
ett
• •
Kb.
Ir.
ett-
• •
Ka.
entu
..
~
Tu.
enrna
•
The reconstructed adjective stem is *en (example: en-var
•
•eight persons·
[ Ta]
).
This r..econstructed base is from PDr. foz:m * en-ttu
111.8.9.
Nine:
Ta.
0!!patu
Ma.
orripa~u
Ko.
onbad
i--

---

-
199 -
Ka.
ombattu
Kb.
onbadu
KOd.~
oYrTJPadr
Tu.
ormba
Kas.
ombatt
Ir •.
ombad.
The Pdr. form is * o£patu.
It has another alternant
*tol-ntu /
*ton-tu
which occurs before the stem of cardinal
•
~u:ru 'hundred' and a:yiram 'thousand'.
111.8.10.
T e n :-
Ta.
pattu
Ma.
pattu
,
Ko.
""
pat
\\
To.
;"t pot
-
Ka.
-"pattu-
\\
Tu.
pattu
Ir.
patt
Kas.
pa~
t - ,
"
..
Te.
padi
PDr". the cardinal form is *pattu.
It has another alter- .
occurs in twenty, thirty etc.
The
occurs" as the adjectival form in many lan~';~r~•. "
..,- .'.'-

---

~
..
- 2eO ~
III.8.11.
Hundred:
Ta.
I1u:£U
Ma.
nu:ru
Ko.
nu:r
t"
T':I.
nu·r
Go.
nu:r
Kas.
nu:r
Ir.
nu:r
The cardinal form * nu:tu can be reconstructed to PDr.
III.9.
INFLECTIONAL INCREMENTS
In the Dravidian languages there are groups of nouns
which have a nominative form which is different from the
oblique form.
And case suffixes are added to the._ oblique fon-l
alone which thus constitutes the inflecti~nal base, i.e. the
oblique fonn of the noun.
Inflectional increments are those suffixes used-for
forming inflectional bases.
Each Dravidian Language has various inflectional incre-
~~_ ments and many of these languages have common augments.
The
~~various inflectional increments found in· .the Dravidian lansua-
~ges
1 . ,
are: -an- ,
_
-arr-,
_
-tt-, -in-, -a:n-, ~r-, -a-, -e-, -i-,
~~~-. -ti-, -ti-, -di-, -ani-, ~tin-, -arini-, -n-, -n-,
.
._~:~'~~~-~
-~..
'I"?:r::--al-, -k-, .~;-•., -a :-, -gh-. of these, the suffi~es
*-in-, *-a-, *-(a)tt- , and *-k- are common.
They arc

---

- 201 -
reconstructed to Prato Dravidian.
The increme.nts occur in
all the languages after different grammatical categories.
Thus in Tarnil the increments -an-
, -a!£- .-in..
-attu occur after either humerals or demonstrative and
interrogative pronouns.
For examples, -~- occurs af~r
e:l 'seven' and after all the numerals ending 1n -u.
This
increment occurs also after neuter singular demonstrative
and interrogative pronouns (exx: 0!Lru 'one~ o~ -an-a! (Ace.);
atu 'that thing'~ at-an-ai (Ace.).
Malayalam has the augments -tt-, -an-, -in- and ~-.
-tt- oecurs between -m ending neuter nouns and all case
suffixes, and elso after t(u) /-r(u) ending nouns which is
preceded by a long syllable.
!;xamples:
to:ttam
'garden' > to:tta-tt-a:l (instrumental),
• •
••
ku:,£,-tt-in
> kU:EE1n
'with share'.
The augment -in-oeeurs before dative (e.gl vil~-1t&-ukku
•
'to the light'
«
vilakku,) and genitive and opt1anally·
•
before accusative and instrumental case suffixes, and after
neuter nouns ending in -U; -u: and -a:.
It occurs also
after numerals and after demonstrative neuter singular prc-'
nouns.
Toda and Kota have both the increments -1=.- and -n-;
·;::O-Kqd~§'ii·has -t";', -1-n-I-n-~ -a:n as inflect~c:~~~~

---

.
- -202 -
occurs in Kota between the stems ending in-m which are not
preceded by a vowel and all case suffixes except -o:r.
It
•
occurs also after the stems endin9 in -r/ -r Which are pre-
•
ceded-by a long vowel and before ;all caseS.
In Toda, ~t-
,
occurs after nouns ending in -rn, -n or -n and before da:ti ve,
•
ablative, locative and accusative cases.
Example:
poliku:dm
'school', poliku:d-t-nid (abl.).
• •
• •
Kannada has the suffixes -d- which occurs after neuter singu-
lar nominal bases ending in-a and before instrumental, geni-
tive and locative case sUffixes (exx: mara-d-inda 'by the
tree'); -ar- is added to the neuter demonstrative pronouns
and to numerals before all cases except accusative
(exx: ad-a£-ke
'to that'); -in-/-i occurs between the neuter
singular nominal bases ending in a consonant and all cases
except accusative (e.g: magal-inge 'to the daughter')
.
-
For all other languages and detail (see Shanmugam:
1971: 196-249.)
I~I.10. CAS E 5:
There are eight cases in the Dravidian Languages,
qamely nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative
locative and vocative.
While describing cases, Tolkappiyam
' 2 '
at first re~ers to·only seven cases excluding the vocative
~.
l'··
[~ case which he refers to only later (Tol. 2~62, 63).
However
li{;j-
"1!4'
~~j:.i,,"-

---

- 203 -
•
i t is a common phenomenon that no two grammarians have
eXBctly the same array of cases in their inventories.
Thus schol~rs 'like Caldwell have argued for considering
sociative as a case different from the instrumental whereas
others like Subramanya Sastri
(1945: 76-83) have refuted
the distinction of these two cases since the same suffix
can be used to denote both the instrumental and the soc~a-
tive, and also because a few languages (Kota, Gadaba, parji)
have a common suffix for these two cases.
However it is
acceptable these two cases to be considered as separate
cases because of their syntactical behaviour.
For instance,
the instrumental case can occur in the passive construction
(exx: Ma. ra:vanan ra:ma:na:l kollappattu
'Ravana was
•
killed by Ramal) but the sociative case cannot occur in the
passive construction.
~imilarly the ablative and the loca-
tive cases have not been distinguished as separate cases
because the ablative seems to be a variety of the locative
(C~ldwell: 1856:284) but it is proved that these two cases
contrast not only after, the nouns of time, but also the
ablative denotes the comparative sense in many of the
languages (Shanmugam: 1971:253), what the locative does not.
Each Dravidian Language presents a particular case
system eventhough the case suffixes are uniform for each
language and vary from one language to another.
The
nominative case is found in all the languages.
It is
..

---

- 204 -
•
unmarked, therefore i t has not been taken into considera-
tion in this study. r
III.10.1
T A M I L
Tamil grammars uniformally list seven cases, viz. accusa-
tive, instrumental, dative, ablative, gcnitiv~, locative
and vocative.
III.10.1.1. Old Tamil:
III.10.1.1.1. Accusative:
The accusative suffix is -ai.
It is obligatory with human
noun (Tol. 157).
Example: e~-ai no:kku 'look at me l •
This suffix is used
rarely after personal pronouns and ha~ another allomorph -
a after human nouns and which is considered to have dcve-
loped from an earlier suffix - am.
III.10.1.1.2. Instrumental
Instrumentality is denoted by the instrumental suffix-a:n
which has another allomorph -a:na in poetry (Tol.592).
e.g.; marupp-i£-a:~ kutti 'haVing pierced with the tusk'.
kalima: utaimai-y-a:Ea 'because of having the great
•
elephant.
This suffix is also used to express sQciative,- causative.
locative and ablative •
.~ .
• I

---

r
r
-
205 -
III.10.l.l.3.
Sociative:
The suffix which denotes the sociative sense is -tu
•
which alternants with -o:tu (e.g. ninn-otu va:ra:r 'they
•
•
will not come with you').
It is also used in the instrumental, causative, ablative,
locative and adverbs of ~anner but with abstract nouns only
(e.g; na:va:y ka:l- otu karai ce:ra (Patt. 6.83)
'the ship
•
reaching the shore with the help of the wind') •
III.l0.ll.4
D a t
i v e:
The (]ati ve case is forme;~ with the suffix - kku which
has an alternant form -kka in the poetry.
But this suffix,
expresses also other ~eanings like purposive, instrumental,
causative, genitive, l~cative, accusative.
III.l0.l.l.5~ A b 1 a t i v e:
The ablative suffix is -iE. It has the meaning of
ablative. '::>f motion.
But this suffix is also found to ex-
press comparative, instrumental, causative, dative and
accusative.
exx: malai-y- in ili-y-aruvi 'the waterfalls which is descen-
from the hill'.
kann-in no:kki 'having seen with the eyes'
.. -
--,

---

-
206 -
..
111.10.1.1.6
Genitive:
The suffix - atu is the genitive case formative.
It
has an a1ternant 'form - a:tu (e.g: kakkai-y-atu pa1iye:
'the food of the crow').
The appe11ative verbal base utai
functions also as the genitive suffix (e.g. avar-utai
na:tu 'his
(hon.)
country) •
.
III.l0.1.1.?
Locative:
-i~ /-i1 is the locative suffix.
I t is does not
occur with the animate nouns and pronouns· (e.g:
irav-i~
vantu having come in the night).
Besides this suffix there
are many pospositions used to denote the locative sense in
OTa, viz kan, ka:1,
akam, pa:1,
itai, kataiva1i, muta1,
.
. .
-
ta1ai, va:y, utan etc •
•
III.10.1.1.8
Vocative:
The vocative case is expressed by the addition of
suffixes -e: and -i:r, by dropping the final -n denoting
'masculine singular, lengthening the final vowel or simply
by using the nominative forms without any modification.
~II~10.1.2.
Modern Tami1:
III.l0.l.2.1
Accusative:
The accusative suffix is -ai.
I t is obligatory with
-
human nouns and pronouns
(examples: avan-ai pa:r 'look at
him'; pu:nai eliy-a~-k-kon£atu 'the cat killed the rat!~
I •
•
I

---

- 207 -
whereas optional with neuter nouns (example: pu:nai eli
pitikkiratu 'the cat catches the rat').
. -
III.10.1.2.2. Instrumental:
The suffix - a:l denotes the instrumental case
sense.
It is used to show either the instrument with which
action is done or the part of the body which is used in
doing the action.
exx:
avan pe:na:v-a:l elutukira:n 'he writes with the pen'
na:rn kann-a:l pa:rkkiro:m 'we see with the eyes'.
..
-
However the past participles vaittu 'keeping', kontu
..
'taking' are also used to denote the instrumental case.
exx: pe:na: vaittu/kontu eluta:te 'Do not write with the
..
pen'
III.10.1.2.3. Sociative:
Modern Tarnil sociative suffix is o:tu (exx: avan-
o:tu na:n po:kama:tten:n 'I will not go with him').
..
The suffix - utag is also used to form the sociative case
example: avan maniviyutan ka:tu cenra:n 'He went to the
•
•
forest with wife'.
III.10.1.2.4. Dative:
The dative suffix is -kku which meaning is commonly
directive p ' equivalent to English ~to'.
In that case
:,.
generally verb's of motion are used.
, ,

---

-
208
;"
: ....
exx: ta:y' kulantaikkU pa::l' koj:ukkiEa:l 'mother gives milk
.
to the child';
ra:ma:n vi:tukku po:na:n IRaman went to the
house' •
111.10.1.2.5. Ablative:
The ablative suffix in the present-day Tamil is -il
iruntu.
Another suffix ~il is used in literary style.
ex: marattiliruntu vilunta:n 'he fell from the tree l •
111.10.1.2.6. Genitive:
The genitive marker is -utaiya.
It does not occur
with nouns ending in -am.
Example:
avar- utaiya na:tu Ihis
(hon.)
countryl.
111.10.1.2.7. Locative:
The more common locative ~uffix is -in /-il.
It does
not occur with the animate nouns and pronouns;
i t has the
meaning 'in, on, at'
in English.
Exx: kinarril tanni:r illai 'there is no water in the well'.
..
111.10.1 •.2.8. Vocative:
Semantically some markers are accepted as the vocative
case suffixes.
All nouns take -e: as a vocative marker but
nouns with final -an change the -an to -a: and nouns with
final short vowel change the short vowel into a long one.
exx: paiyan 'boy'
paiya:
/
paiyane:
'0, boy'
tampi 'younger'
tampi:
1 0 ,
younger'.
,:, .
• f

---

-
209 -
•
111.10.2.
MALAYALAM:
111.10.2.1
Old Malayalam
111.10.2.1.1. Accusative:
The accusative suffix is -ai in the early inscrip-
tional records
-e is also found in the early literature.
l
The SUffix -ai is optional for non-human nouns.
111.10.2.1.2. Instrumental:
In the instrumental case the suffix is -a:l.
It is
found to express the locative senS8 in one instance
exx: inna:l-a:l
'on this day'.
111.10.2.1.3. Sociative:
The allomorphs - otu and - o:tu are the sociative
•
•
case markers.
They are in free variation.
They are also
used to denote ablative of motion
locative
the adverb of
l
l
manner and 'through'.
exx:
a:riyar - otu po:yi
'(some. one) went with Aryans'
•
,.'
na:n avan-otu varannu
' I told him' •
•
katal-o:tu po:ya:r
'they went through the sea'.
•
•
111.10.2.1.4. Dative:
In the .inscriptional Malayalam the dative case suf-
fixes arc -kku and -in.
In the early literature the suffix
-(i)nu occurs after the stem ending in -n
and -kku elsewh~·
l
-:; .
.,

---

-
210 -
exx:
ko:yil-kku
'to the temple'
celav-inu
'to the expenditure'
The suffix -kku isalso used to denote purposive, locative
and genitive sense
(eg: ve:tarkku atipati kugan 'Kugan is
•
the leader of hunters').
111.10.2.1.5. Ablative:
The ablative of motion is expressed by -ilninEu in
the 12th century.
This suffix is found as -ilninnu in
early texts.
111.10.2.1.6. Genitive:
In the genitive case,
-utai is found in the 10th
century and -utaiya in the later period•
•
exx: pata:rar utai
na:l
'the day of ?ata:rar'
•
• •
•
111.10.2.1.7. Locative:
The suffixes -il and -kal are the most commonly used
in-the locative case (eg: aval-il kanivunta:yi I (someone)
.
..
had sympathy with her').
111.10.2.1.8. Vocative:
The vocative case is formed with the sUffix -e:
added after the nouns ending in -a or - a which is lost
after the addition of the vocative suffix.
The nouns end-
ing in -an drop the n and elongate the final vowel.
exx: ammo:
'oh, mother'.
r
I

---

-
211 -
I.10.2.2. Modern Malayalam
I.10.2.2.1. Accusative:
The accusative case suffix is -e.
I t is optional
th inanimate nouns.
x: na:n avan-e
aticcu
'I beat him' •
I.10.2.2.2. Instrumental:
The suffix -a:l expresses the instrumentality sense.
~ther suffix - kontu is also used to denote the instrumental
aning.
x: enn-akkontu
'by me l
atu avana:l
ceyyappettu
' I t was done by him'.
I.10.2.2.3. Dative:
The suffix -kku is used to form the dative case.
I t
curs afteri-, ai, -u, -y, -1,
-I,
l , - r and -in.
. .
e suffix -n is also used to denote dative sense.
I t
curs after stops,
-v and -an.
x: avalkk
pustakam kotuttu
'gave book to her'
•
avane pustakam kotuttu
'gave book to him'.
-
.
I.10.2.2.4~ Ablative:
In Modern Malayalam the suffix -
ilninnu denotes the
lative of motion.
x: aval sku:lilninn
vannu
'she came from school ' •
• I
,:;,

---

-
212 -
111.10.2.2.5. Genitive:
The suffix -te is the genitive f8rmative.
It occurs
after the stem ending 'in -ne
Another genitive case marker
is -ute occurs elsewhere •
•
exx: ra:man!e pustakam
'Raman's book'
avante pustakam
'his book'.;
aval - ute
'her 1
111.10.2.2.6. Locative:
The locative suffix is -il.
It occurs with human
nouns and p~onouns.
111.10.2.2.7. Vocative:
Vocative case is formed with the suffix -e: which is
added after nouns ending in -a or - a .
exx: ra:ja:v2)
> ra:jo:ve:
'oh,
the king'.
This suffix can be added directly to the nouns in literary
Malayalam (ra:man-e:
'oh, Ramal: but in the nouns ending
in vowels other than-a and-a, the final vowel is elongated
exx: ce:cci
ce:cci:
'oh, elder sister'.
111.10.3.
K 0 T A.
In Kota nouns are declined for nine cases, viz. accc-
sative, instrumental, suciative, dative,
ablative, genitive.
locative, purposive and vocative.
111.10.3.1. Accusative:
The occusative allomorph is -n: i t is optional with
neuter inanimate nouns (exx: pujgu:l-n 'tigers': u:n
'.i,
•

---

narm ercko:/ u:n mart-n ercko:
'He cut down the tree').
111.10.3.2
Instrumental:
Two allomorphs are found to denote instrumental case;
they are -a:r which occurs after non-human nouns and -a:l
after human nouns and pronouns.
exx: pa:b- a:r 'by the snake ' : avn-a:l 'by him ' •
IIl.10.3.3 Sociative:
The suffix is -o:r (exx: avl-o:r 'with her ' ; na:y-o:r
'with the cog l ).
111.10.3.4. Dative:
The dative C2se m~rk~r is -k (en-k 't~,me:ped-k
It)
the wife').
111.10.3.5. Ablative:
The ablative cas~ allomorphs ar~ -tr and -ltr.
The allomorph-tr occurs with nouns ending in lateral.
exx: mammu:l-tr 'from the ancient time',
-ltr occurs
elsewhere (cxx: .pay-ltr 'from the h~use').
lIl.10.3.6: Genitive:
-d is the genitive case suffix.
exx:-en-d 'mine, my': kart-d' 'of the ass'.
III.10.3.7. Locative:
It is formed with the suffix -1.
exx: kan-l
'in the eye l :
martl-l
'in the tree' •
•
..

---

-
214 -
III.10.3.8. Purposive:
The purpQsive cuse marker is -ka:ry
•
exx: en-ka;ry 'because of me'
mogu:1 - ka:ry 'for the
•
•
•
children'.
III.10.3.9. vocative:
There are f0UI vocative suffixes viz -a:, -0:,
,
-i: and -e:.
The suffix -a: occurs with the human n~uns
when the speaker is a male ( av-a:
'oh, mother'); -0: ,occurs'
after the human n~uns when the speaker is a female person
(av-~: '~h, mother'), -i: with super human n~uns (co:yrn-i:
'oh, God')
and-e: occurs aft8r the n~n-human nouns and with
the human nouns ending in a retr~flcx consonant (kara:l-e:
•
'oh, younger br~ther').
III.10.4. TODA:'
Toda nouns are declined for nine cases, namely accuse
tive, instrumental,
sociative,
dative, ablative, genitiva,
locative, purp0sive and vocative.
III.10.4.1. Accusative:
The accusative suffixes are-n and -ne
The suffix -n
occurs after the noun stem ending in retroflex ccnsonants
'(eg: o·l-n
'man')' and -n occurs elsewhere (eg: ku·x-n pa~
. .
'catch the girl).
III.10.4.2. Instrumental:
,
-a·l, -u·r and - i t denote the instrumental sense •
•
The suffix -a·r ~ccurs after the n~uns referring to human

---

-
215..
~rgansi -it occurs after the non-human inanimate noun sterns
•
and -a·l elsewhere.
exx: em-al 'by us'; o·n most-it
me·n kwartspini
'I cut the
tree with an axe'.
III.10.4.3. Sociati~e:
The sociative case suffix is-pody. I t occurs after
.
the human noun stems
(exx: en-p0Cy podoti 'you should not
•
•
come with me').
III.10.4.4. Dative:
The dative sense is denoted by the suffix -k
exx: nin-k
'to Y0U' •.
III.10.4.5.
Ablative
There:: are two allc-'morphs -sn and -nid which form .the
ablative case.
They are in free variation.
exx:
at-sn poditi
'he comes from there'
'I go from the house'.
III.10.4.6. Genitive
Genitive is formed with the suffix -n which occurs
after the kinship terms and -d occuring elsewhere.
ku·x-n ot
'daughter's husband'
•
kOE,-d ko· 1,
'calif's leg'.
III.10.4.7 Locative
The allomorphs which denote the locative case sen~~
are -~, -ts -z, -kiz and -giz.
The suffix -s occurs' aft~r
-.f
..

---

-----------------------------------"--------------
-.216 -
non-human inanimate nQuns ending in -Yi -t~ occurs afterthe
inanimate nouns ending in a nasal; -kiz after human nouns
•
ending in a consonant; giz after pronouns and human nouns
•
ending in a nasal and -z
after non-human inanimate nouns
ending in a cons~nant other than nasal or-.~y.
III.10.4.8. Purposive
The suffixes used in the purposive case are-koy
after human nouns and pronQuns and - koc elsewhere.
ex: ak ku·x - koy o'n pozpini
'I came for that girl'.
III.10.4.9.
Vocative
The vocative suffixes are -i after the stem ending
in -y, and -a elsewhere (exx: koy 'hand' ;> koy-i (vac.».
111.10.5. KASABA
NQuns are dGclined for ten cases, viz. accusative,
instrumental, dative, genitive, locative, ablative, sociative,
purposive, cQmparative and vocative.
There is no marker f~r
the nQminative.
111.10.5.1.
Accusative
-e is the 0nly allQmorph to denote the accusative
case sense.
It is optional with non-human-nouns but obliga-
tory with pronouns and human n:-.uns.
exx:
ava:l-e 'her'
(apc.); iva:n-a 'him (acc.)'
'he bought pillow'.
,:;.
..

---

- 217 -
III.10.S.2. Instrumental
There are two allomorphs for instrumental case,
namely
··rD-di and
~-diradu:
~-di occurs after the link morph -a:-
exx: na-n-a:-di 'by me l ;
~ -dirda:
occurs elsewhere and
is in free variation with -di after the link morph -a:
exx: avvc-n-girdu: Iby mother'.
III.10.S.3. Dative
The dative case is formed with the allomorphs 00 -kk-
and
oo-kke.
oo-kk- occurs after the link morph-a:
exx: nana:kki
'to me' and ~ -kke elsewhere.
exx: ava:nikke
'to him'.
III.10.S.4. Genitive:
There is only one allomorph to mark the genitive caSG,
i.e -g- (exx: na-m-a:-dt
'ours').
III.10.S.S. Locative
It is dcn::ted by two ullomorphs
CD-da:v und
<II-ili
(which alternates with -li) •
~-da:v occurs in the pronouns after the link morphs -a- anc:
-n° : i 00-ill/-1i occurs elsewhere.
exx:
nan-a- da:ve
'with me'
e£ey-ili
'in the rock'.
i•
.,

---

I
f~
-
218 -
r
r
Ii
111.10.5.6. Ablative
t
,.
The ablative case suffixes are
OO_da :virda:
and
CX)_
-
-
ilirda: which alternates with -lirda:
~- da:virda: occurs in the pronouns after the link morphs
-a- and -n-
(e.g:
nan-a-Ea:virQa:
'fr0m me')
~-ilirda: occurs elsewhere (eg: viEi-ilirda:
I from
the fate'
III.10.5.7. Sociative
The suffixes -dokka: and -dottikk function as the
••
sociative case markers and are in free variation.
exx: ava:r -
d~kka:
x
X
'with him (hon.) I
ava:r-dottikk
X
III.10.5.8. Purposive
has only one marker, namely -kka:gi
(exx: u:r -
kka:gi 'for the Village').
III.10.5.9. Comparative
-kkirda:
is the suffix which is usec to denote the
comparative case sense.
ex: kasaveni - kkirda:
I than
Kasava man'
III.10.6. K U RUM B A
Kurumba has·ten cases excluding the n~minative.
They are: accusative, instrumental, sociative, dative, abla-
tive, genitive,
locative, causative, purposive and vocativ~•
• f

---

- 219 -
III.10.6.1. Accusative
There are two accusative suffixes, viz -e and -ma.
They are in camplemcntati0n.
exx:
magal-e
I daughter'
(acc. )
•
pili-ma
I tiger'
(Acc.)
III.10.6.2. Instrumental
The suffix - o:da is the instrumental case marker
•
(exx: ikk0:da 'by the rice'; beriya:Qa 'by the stick').
•
•
III.10.6.3~ Saciative
The suffix - beliyc functions as the saciative case
f0rmative.
exx: en-beliye 'with me'; ya:ni - beliye 'with elephant'
III.10.6.4. Dative
-ka is the dative case suffix.
~~wever an0ther
suffix -na is also found to dcnote·cative sense.
exx: ac1u1la
'to hirrv'her/i t'
.-
u:ti-~a 'to ooty'
•
III.10.6.5. Genitive
The suffix - ~ is the genitive case marker
exx: a-g-an-,r6 >- agan
'his/her/i ts'; pikki: -
~,,). pikki
'bird' s'.
III.10.6.6. Locative
It is formed by means of two SUffixes, namely -1 and
-pili.
They are in free variation.
~:
..,

---

-" 220 '"-
cxx:
en-bi-pili
'with me'
a-£-ani-pili 'with him(her/it'
111.10.6.7. Causutive
-inda is the causative c~se suffix
cxx: en-iQca
'because of me'
nin-inda 'because of y0u'
(sg.)
111.10.6.8. PUrpcsive
The suffix - kabeyri denotes the purposive case.
exx: ya:ni - kabeyri 'for the sake of cleph~nt'
ma:ri
kabcyri
'for the sake of Mary'.
111.10.6.9. Vocative
The v~cative suffix is -o:y.
ex.."{: ma: ,Ean-o : y
I uh,
Maran ~ I
ma:Qan-o:y
'ch, Macan~'
111.10.7.
I R U L A
There are nine cases, viz accusative,
instrumental,
locative, dativG, purposive, sociative,
ablative, genitive
and v0cati ve.
111.10.7.1. Accusative
The suffixes ar~ - ne
which occurs after stems
ending-in -e and -e elsewhere.
exx:
mara-tt-e
'tree'
Vc:la - ne
'work'
•
I

---

...
-
221 -
111.10.7.2. Instrumental
The suffixes - a:le occurring after the pronouns
and animate nouns,
-i after the nouns ending in -a; and
-ili elsewhere denote the instrumental meaning.
exx: nan-an-a:le
'with me'
pana-tt-i
.
'by m:mey'
katt-ili
'by the knife'
111.10.7.3.
Locative
Fcur suffixes denote the locative case, viz -ili,
-i, -kke and -akke.
The last two suffixes occur with all
nouns provided the predicate contains an action verb.
The
first two suffixes are morphologically conditioned.
exx:
pakka-tt-i/pakka-tt-ili
, in th e side'
mara-kke
'in the tree'
nan-akke
'with me'
111.10.7.4. Dative
-kk and -kke are the dative suffixes.
exx: nan-kk
(::>
nanukku)
'to me'
mara -kke
'to the tree'.
111.10.7.5. Purposive
The purposive case has two suffixes, viz - kk and
-kka:yi.
~hey vary freely.
exx:
marund
u
kkuc
'for the medicine'
pamm - u - kka:yi
'for the fruit'.
...
.,

---

-
222 -
Ill. 10.7.6.
Ablative
The suffixes ~ ilirund and - irund denote the
ablative meaning.
They are in free variation.
exx: u:rilirundu
'from the village'
gidattirundu
• from the plant'
III.l0.7.7.
The
- o:dei i t occurs with
•
all nouns.
,
exx:
nan-o: de
'with
pa:l - o:de 'with
•
Ill. 10.7.8. Genitive
There are two suffixes for the genitive case viz -a
and -tt •
exx:
na-n-a-
'my': ni-y-a I your
(sg.) ; mara-tt
'tree's';
~:ne-tt-u > ~:nettu 'elephant·s·).
III.10.8. K 0 D A G U
There are eight cases in
..
this language, viz accusa-
tive,
instrumental, sociativc, dative, purposive, ablative,
genitive and locative.
III.10.8.1. Accusative
The allomorphs -a and -na are the accusative case
markers.
exx: aval-a 'her
(ace.)'
; man-na 'me (Ace.)' •
•

---

•
I
-
223 -
I
111.10.8.2. Instrumental
I
-kondi and -kaynja are USGd to denote the instrumenta:
..
I-
case meaning.
exx:
katti--n- kondi
'by the knife'
I
na: da - kaynj a
'by me'
I 111.10.8.3. Dative
The dative suffixes arc -g1 and -ki~
The suffix -g!
I- occurs after stem ending in a nasal.
exx: adah-gi
~ 'to it') and -k~ elsewhere
I
eg: ava-kt
'to her').
I
111.10.8.4. Sociative
It is formed with the postpositions jot~li, pakka,
I
and ku:da; they are in free variation •
•
exx:
avenda ku:da
'with him'
I
na: da pakka
'with me'
I-
111.10.8.5. Pu£P0sive-
I;
The suffix -a:y~r is added to the dative to form
the purposive case.
I:
ex:
na:ka:yti aveni: panina
ma:dici
'he did this worK
for my sake'.
f
III.l0.8.6. Ablative
r, -
The ablative suffix is -inji
(exx: manninji 'from
me'). Another suffix -kaynja is also found uS ablati~e CaSQ
marker; i t occurs only after the geni t i ve form of the t'!f""'-
(exx: na:da
kaynju
'from me') •
•
.-,

---

I."<?4
li~
•
-
224 -
I III.10.8.7. Genitive
I
The markers of the genitive case are -da and -ra.
The suffix -da occurs after personal pronoun and -ra else-
•
I
where.
exx: idi na:-da mane
"this is my house'
I
•
me:ji-ra ka:l~ 'the leg of the table'.
I
III.10.8.8. Locative
The locative suffixes are -lY (occuring with neuter
I,
nouns), -alli with humun nouns und pronouns after the geni-
tive form, and -ol1l~ with human und neuter nouns •
I
•
exx: a: to:ta-t-l~· mara undu 'there are trees in that
•
• •
I
garden'. nu:dalli 'with me'.
I
•
III.10.9.
K ANN A D A
I
It has seven C3ses: accusative, instrumental,
I
sociutive, dative, genitive, locative and vocative.
III.10.9.1. Old Kannada
I
III.10.9.1.1. Accusative,
,',
..".
. -....
-a:n, -an, -am, -a: and -a are the
I,
suffixes found in the inscriptional records. -a:n and -a;
are found in the early period.
I
exx:
bildo:n-a:n
'he who has fallen
Acc •
1',:,'},7.~:~:"..r:.·'..-;.';":
kayy-a ,'hand
Acc.
r$i'
vi:ram-am
'valour'
Jl:
Acc.
~.~~.
"These suffixes are optional after non-human nouns.
~*: ...,
r,

---

liar )Nth
I
I
- 225 -
...
I 111.10.9.1.2. Instrumental
I
The allomosphs -im, -in denote the instrumental case
sense.
They are in free variation.
The allomorph -im
I occurs mostly after the nouns ending in a consonant.
I ex: sUkhad-in 'with happiness'
These suffixes are also used to expross ablative of motion,
I
comparotivo and adverb of mann8r (eg. keray-im bandam
I
'He came from the lake').
111.10.9.1.3. Sociative
I
The sociative suffix is -0 darn.
Another suffix -
•
I
berasu is also found to denote sociative sense.
Example:
samasta balam - berasu po:gi 'having gone with all the army'.
I
111.10.9.1.4. Dative
Two suffixes ar~ used to mark the dative case,
I
namely-(k) kc and -(g)ge and both are in free variation.
I
Examples:
nagara-kke
'to the town'
arasar-gge
'to the king'
I
mane-ge
'to the house'
I
111.10.9.1.4. Locative
r
-ul/-ol
are the markers of the locative case
•
•
(exx: okkal ul potti 'having got burnt in the place of
•
•
residence').
They vary freely.

---

~.
I::·
I'
-
226 -
..
I
111.10.9.1.5. Genitive
The suffix -a: is the genitive case marker.
It is in
I
free variation with -w.
Examples:
I
de:van-~: pithama:n
'the alter of God'
•
I
poleyannan-a
sila:karmmu 'the inscription of
. ·
Poleytlnna I
111.10.9.1.6. Vocative
I
Vocative is formed by lengthning the final vowel in
I
vowel ending words or by adding e/e:
nfter the singular
nouns.
I
ex:
:andran-e
'oh, moon'.
candran-e:
'oh, moon'
I
111.10.9.1.2. Modern Kannada
I
111.10.9.1.2.1 Accusative
I
The accusative suffix is -annu (exx: marav~wnnu
'tree (Acc.)' nann - annu 'me (Acc.).
I
111.10.9.1.2.2. Instrumental
I
-inda is the instrumental suffix (exx: marad-inda
'by tree'; kattiy-inda 'by knife'
I
III.10.9.1.2.3. Sociative
I
-odane is the suffix which denotes the sociative
•
ccase sense (exx: avan-odane 'with him').
There are post-
•
I
positions like ku:daand jate/jote which denote also the
•
':',. sociative sense.
I
..
I
1-----------------

---

"11'7 7 ,»='= [
I}'r
-
227 -
I
I e~: ru:mana jote si:teyu kQ:dige ho:dalu
•
•
'Se:tha went to forest with Ramal
I 111.10.9.1.2.4. Locative
The locative case is formed with the
I
suffix -alIi.
ex:
maney-alli lin the house'
I 111.10.9.1.2.5. Dative
[ -kke/-(g)ge is the dative case marker
I
exx: marakke 'to the tree'; n:negc 'to the elephant'.
I
111.10.9.1.2.6. Genitive
The suffix is -a.
I
avala = her (Gen.)
•
idu avana mane.
I
This (is) his house.
111.10.9.1.2.7. Vocative
I
I t is formed by lengthening the final vowel in
words ending
I
in a vowel or by adding -e to the nouns. The
.prepositions 10: and le: are also found to denote the voca-
I
tive sense.
10: occurs before masculine nouns, le: before
feminine nouns.
I
10:
ra:ma:
'oh, Rama I
I
le:
seetha
• oh, Seetha I •
111.10.10.
T U L U
I
There are seven case forms in Tulu, viz accusative,
instrumental,
I
d~tive, ablative genitive, locative and voc<::ti-' ..
Of these,' the nominative represents the
l.~i.,,:[
bnre base to which
f'·-"'"
....
..

---

- 228 -
I other case suffixes are adccd•
•
III.10.10.1. Accusative
I
The accusative c~se suffix is - nt.
I ex: kanji-nt kanola 'take away the calf'
•
III.10.10.2. Instrumental
I
The marker of instrumental case is -da.
•
I exx: kanji-da gobbontulle 'he is playing with the calf'
•
• •
I
111.10.10.3. Dative
The suffix - It is the dative formative
(exx:
I
kanji-gt kolla 'give to the calf') •
..
I
111.10.10.4. Genitive
The genitive case marker is - da.
I
,...,
ex:
kanji-da ka:rt 't:1e calf's leg'
I
Ill. 10.10.5. ~blative
The suffix - dt is used to form the ablative case.
I
ex:
kaTi'ji-dt pulua:tnt 'worms have grown on the calf'.
I
111.10.10.6.
Locative
Location is formed by the means of four allomorphs,
I
namely -tt, -tu, -dt"and -ati •
•
I
.III.10.10~7. Vocative
The suffix -e forms the vocative SUffix when added
I
to. the nouns.
....
ex:
inci bala kanji-y-e 'ccme here, calf?'
..
-

---

....,:.I:;'."...'
-
229 -
I·
III.l0.11.
TE LUG U
I
Telugu has eight cases, viz accusative,
instrumental,
sociative, dative,
ablative, genitive, locative and vocative.
1
III.l0.l1.1. OLD TELUGU
I
III.l0.11.1.1. Accusative
I
The accusative suffixes recorded in OTe.
are-n,
-nu,
-ni and - (n) in.
I
exx:
pa: ,Ea-nu
'brahmin'
(Ace.);
a:li-ni
'wife'
(Ace.).
I
Ill. 10.11.1.2. Instrumental
Instrumentality is formed with the suffixes -nan and -ne
I
e9: artti-n 'with the desire'
a:t ma:numatambu-nam 'by his own will'
I
However the post position ee:ta(n)
is also found to express
.
I
instrumental meaning
(eg: vaidumbula ce:tam battam Kattabadi
• •
•
'having been appointed by the Vaidumbas'.
I
III.10.11.1.3. Sociative
I
There are five allomosphs,
i.e -
to: -
tolan.
- toli,
•
to:n and -
to:da to denote the sociative sense.
They are
•
I
in free variation.
exx:
samatta paduva -
to: bo:ya kottambbul goni
I
•
• •
'having taken the forts of the Boya with all the army'
r·
nolambi -
to:li
'with Nolambi!

---

I-
I
-
230 -
I
..
I 111.10.11.1.4. Dative
The suffixes are -ku(n)
and -ki(n).
-ki(n)
occurs after stems .ending in -ii -ku(n) else-
I
where.
I
-ku(n)
alternates with -ku:n in the early inscriptions.
exx:
I
isere:ni - kin 'to Isre:n'
~
~
lo:ke:svara bhatarala - kun 'to the God lo:ke:svara'
I
•
111.10.11.1.5. Ablative of motion
I
The suffix is - undi which is added to the locative
form in the early inscription.
I
cc:bro:lan -undi bejava:da ja:traku vacci 'he, having
ex:
I
come from ce :bro: lu for the festi ~.31. '
111.10.11.1.6. Genitive
I
The genitive case is formed by the suffix - a(du) which
I is found-after personal and relfexive pronouns. However the
oblique form i tse,lf can be used as geniti ve form.
I
, my'
exx:
nana- (du)
mana(du)
'our'
I
111.10.11.1.7. Locative
I
Location is denoted by the postposition - *ul 'inside'
•
{ex. : a:ji-ulana (~ a:jilo:n)
'in the battle').
I
However other suffixes like -an, -andu and -ni are found
I'
I :-: ....
I.

---

•
I··
-
231 -
I
used only with inanimate nouns.
..
I exx: u:di - andu. 'in the village'
padumat-an
'in the west'
•
I III.10.11.l.8. Vocative
I
is formed by the addition of the suffix -a:/-a after
nouns ending in -u ,
and the lengthening of the final vowel
1
'.
elsewhere. -a:
and -a vary freely.
ex:
ra:mud -
a
'oh, Ram2'
I
.
The suffix - a:ra:/-a:r2 occurs
after the plural
nouns.
1
ex: khacaro:ttamul - a:ra ·oh, best of the Gods'.
I
III.10.1l.2. Modern Telugu
I
III.10.11.2.l. Accusative
Two variants -nu ard -ni denote t~~ accusative case
I
sense.
-nu occurs after the first and second person pro-
nouns singular (exx: ne:-nu 'me'; nin-nu 'you')
I
-ni occurs after all other pra~ouns and nouns (exx: kukka-
I
ni • day' •
III.l0.l1.2.2. Instrumental./ sociative
I
The suffix is - to:
J
exx
katti-to:
'with knife'
na:-to:
'along with me'
III.10.11.2.4. Dative
-ku and -ki are the dative suffixes.
-ku occurs
after first person singular,
first person plural
(exclusive)

---

i~~'
-
232 -
I
lL~ond person singular and s~cond person plural.
ki occurs after all other pronouns including the first
Irperson plural (inclusive) Clnd after all nouns.
t xx: na:-ku 'to me'; mCl:-ku 'to us' ; mClnCl-ki 'to us'
(incl.); kukka-ki 'to the dog'.
IrIII•10.11.2.S. Ablative
The ablative suffix is -ninci
(exx: madrasu-ninci
I"
'from Madras').
II! III.10~11.2.6. G~nitive
,:,
-~ and rarely -yokkCl are the genitive c~se markers.
exx:
nCl:
'my'
; ni:
'your'
na:-yokkCl 'my' ; ni:-yokka 'your'.
Irti~
"
I'~~II I .10.11 • 2. 7. Locati ve
i.·'
F':lUr variants -10:, -10:, -ni and -110: denote the
locative sens e.
They are in free variation.
ni:-lo:
I
in you'
(sg. )
guIlo:
'in the temple' .
kotla -110:
'in the shop'
•
III.10.11.2.8. VocCltive
The vocative suffix is -a:
(exx: akk-a:
'elder
sister~;
amm-a: 'mother~'

---

I
I
-
233 -
I
111.10.12. G 0 N D I
Five cases are found in this lunguage; they ure:
I
accusative, dative,
instrumcntal/l~cative, qblative and
I
genitive.
1I1.10.12.1. Accusative
I
The accusative case suffixes are - ~ and -u:n.
The
I
suffix'~ occurs after the oblique suffix -n- (cg: pe:ra:l-n-O
.
pe:ru:-n
'boy'
(Acc.»
and -u:n elsewhere (exx: ko:nda:
I
-t-u:n 'ox').
I
II1.10.12.2. Dative
To denote the dative case sense the suffix -k is usec
I
(exx: mu:ra:-t-k
'to the c~w').
I
11I.10.12.3. Instrumental/ locative
Instrumental and lccative cuse use the suffix -e to
I
denote instrumentality and lOcution.
This suffix occurs
with all the nouns except ro:n 'house' which takes the
r
suffix - 's..
{l;~
!'f
~
exx:
kuy-d-c:
'wi th the hand'
J:.t -.;~_;
:.~ ~~~
ru:si:n-e:
'with the knives'
~ -::~~
However the postposition - agga:
'near'is also found after
pronouns and human nouns to denote the instrumental meaning
(eg: v~:n agga:
'with him').

---

•I
234-
I
III.10.12.4. Ablative
I
The ablative case allornorphs are - na:l
(which occurs
after the noun na:r 'village')
~nd - a:l elsewhere.
I exx: na:tana:l (.zna:r-t-na:l) 'from the village'
kuhi:ta:l
'from the well'
I
III.10.12.5. Genitive
I
The genitive case is formed with the suffixes -na:
(occuring after the n0un na:r 'village'): -va: after the
I
pers0nal and reflexive pranouns and -a: elsewhere.
I. exx: na:tna : (<.. na:r-t-na) 'of the village'
na:-va:
'my'
I
kuhi :-t-a:
'of the well'
I III.10.13. K 0 N D A
I III.10.13.1. Accusative!Dutive
The accusative/dative suffixes are -~i after the 1st
I and 2nd person pronouns 2nd - ~ elsewhere.
The accusative .is optional in the case of non-human nouns.
I
exx: aya guruve-fl osinar
I they
are bringing that GUru'
•
I
I1I.l0.13.2. Saciative
The suffix - vale is the s0ciative case suffix.
I
ex: korodi -vale sana 'g0 with the bQx'
•
I:
III.l0.13.3. Instrumental/ Ablative
The suffix -
an which is sometimes followed by -d
I,
•
;r~
denotes the instrumental /
~lativc meaning.
'., .
J'1;'. ",'
. 1;- ~ _~" .....
:~.-~. - .,~
'il
;ti~
==----------~-~...............
._.-_
.. _.-._.-......~~__iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii~JL

---

l-
I
-
235 -
I
ex:
kuram-t-an koya:
'cut with an axe'
•
I
111.10.13.4. Genitive
I
Genitive is formed by the allomorphs -ti/-di/ri,-a
and -i in most of the inst~nces.
I
exx: gOEo-ti kanda de:vun
"'the Konda God of hills'
••
•
vank-3
a:ram
'their (fern. pI.)
food'
1
ver-i
inro
va:tar
'they came to their house'.
I
111.10.13.5. Locative
The locativc sense is denoted by the suffixes -to/-r0
I
. -
which occur only after a few stems like ilu 'house', na:ru
11
'village', solu 'fire place',
-i after the stem ending in-m
11
and -t(u)/- d(u) /-ru elsewhere.
1
exx: unrina: -to soRad ' i t went into a vil13ge'
•
1I
sa:lam-i
nores
maRad
'in the cave, there was a tiger'.
mara-t-ektan 'he climbed on the tree'
1
un£ipi:ngu nadi -R(u)
idtan 'he put a corpse in the middle
• •
. of the house'
11
111.10.14. K U I
1
I
1
111.10.14.1. Accusative
1
The suffix for the accusative case is -i."
I t is used
I
to denote the indirect object after some verbs like vespa
'to speak', inba 'to say',
to:spa 'to show'.
I t is to be
li
noted also that the accusative case sign is often omitted
if the noun is neuter.
exx: veska gatanju mrahnu -tin-i katitenju 'the wood man
•
·cut down the tree'.

---

'rIt.:
If~:'i...J..~.:.~.~•..~'..;~;.~
- 236 -
l
I1I.10.14.2. Soaiative
I
The suffixes -gc and -ke denote the sociativ€
senSQ.
I
~ge occurs after a stem ending in a nasal and -ke elsewhere.
exx: aja-n-ge 'with the mother'
I
negan-i-ke
'with a g~od man'
III.10.14.3. Dative
I
The dative suffixes are -gi after the stems ending in
I
a nasal and -ki elsewhere.
exx: a:ba-ki
'to father'
I
aja-n-gi
'to mother'
I
11I.10.14.4. Ablative
Several postpositions help to express the ablative
I
sense. -ti, -ki and -rai are some of ~hose postposit1ons.
•
.
exx: eanju _kuGu-rai di:katenju 'he fell down from the wall'
I
•
•
••
III.10.14.5. Genitive
I
The oblique base of th" nouns or the nominative form
I
are used as the genitive form.
exxs aja • mother'
">"
ajani-
'of the mother'
I
a:ba 'father' ~
a:ba-
'~f . the father'
r
III.10.14.6. Locative
c·
A number of postpositions such as -ni, -ta and suf-
~.
cj
J.-
fixes like _a and -nco are found to express the locative
•
t}
rreaning.
L;~
r •
exx: so:rka -ni
'on the hills'
f"

---

I
I
I
-
237 -
I
ketanga - ndo "in the wet fields'
•
I
paheri - a
'in the road'
III.10.14.7.·Voc a tive
I
The allomorphs -ti, -di (they vary freely and occur
.
after the singular
I
nouns)
and -teru,
-deru (vary freely and
.
occur after the plural nouns) denote the vocative sense.
I
In these,-~i and -~eru occur after stems ending in a nasal
and -ti and -teru elsewhere.
However, very often
I,
a noun
in the vocative is preceded by the exclamation 0;- or e-
1
exx:
a:bati
'oh~ father'
1
a:bagan - deru 'oh~ fathers'
ajan -di
'oh~ mother'
I
0:
kra: di-ti ',oh~ tiger'
•
•
I
III.10.1S. MALTO
There are seven cases in Malto, viz accusative, instru-
I
mental,
dative,
ablative of motion, sociative, genitive and
I
locative.
I
I
I
I
....,.
I
, .:.
I

---

1::.
I
-
238 -
eXX;
I
man-e
'tree'
I
en-g-an
'me'
,
maler-in
'men.
I
bendu-n
' coil'
••
ne:-k-en
'who'
I
111.10.15.2. Instrumental
I
Instrumental sense is expressed by the allomorphs -et,
-it and -to
I
The ·allomorph -et occurs ufter neuter noun ending in a n2~·
or
I
-re
•
-it after. the nouns ending in other consonants.
I
-t
elsewhere.
exx:
I
man-et
'by the tree'
maler-it
'by the men'
I
male-t
'by the man'
I
111.10.15.3. Dative
-e and -k denote the dative sense.
I
-e occurs after personal und hurnun interrogative
I
pronouns
-k elsewhere •
I
exx:
efl-g-e
'to me'
'to a tree'
, ,

---

I
I
-
239 -
I
..
1111.10.15.4. Ablative of motion
-nte occuring after human nouns ending in u vowel,
1
-inte after human nouns ending in a consonant and
-te elsewhere, are the ablative allomorphs.
1exx:
male-nte
'from a man'
1
mann-te
'from a tree'
maler-inte
'from the men'
1
1 111.10.15.5. Sociative
The sociative sense is expressed by the forms - gusan/-
gane:
1exx:
a:d
a:lorguthiar - gusan ra'i:
'she is with the men'
1
a:s
a:liguthiar - gane: ka:das 'he goes with the women'
•
1111.10.15.6. Genitive
The genitive case suffix is -ki.
1
ex:
male-ki
'of the man'
I 111.10.15.7. Locative
The locative allornorphs are -no after neuter nouns end-
1
ing in a nasal or a vowel, and -eno after personal and hum3n
I interrogative pronouns and also after the neuter noun ending in
I
I a consonant.
:.:'1'·
exx: man-no
'in a tree'
I
ef1-g-eno
'with a man'
I
a:de:s-i-no
'in that country'
I
IiR---------------

---

-
240 -
111.10.16. BRA H U I
111.10.16.1. Accusative /
Dative
The suffix is -e.
It is obligatory only with the
rational objects.
exx: da:shar-e ilIa:
'he left this village'
te:na: musi huchch -e sauda: kare:t '
I
sold my
three camels'.
111.10.16.2. Instrumental
-at is the instrumental case suffix.
ex:
da:chukke du: - at halkut
'I caught this bird with
my hand'.
1II.10.16.3. Sociative
The sociative suffix is -to.
ex:
i: na: ma:ra: - to m~stungai -3 k~:va 'I will go with
your son to Mas~ung'.
111.10.16.4. Purposive
The allomorphs of this case arc - kin when i t co-occur~
with the present affirmative of the verb, -aki with mono-
syllabic singular nauns ~nd -ki elsewhere.
exx: khuda:na; pin - aki nanc ille:
'for God's name's
sake let us go'.
i: te:na ba:va - ki da:
dagha:re dase:t
'I showed
•
this land for my father'.

---

I
I
I
- 241 -
I
III.10.16.6. Ablative
The suffix is -a:n.
I
ex:
tugh - a:n bash massut
'I awoke from sleep'
-
.
I
111.10.16.6. Genitive
I
The genitive suffix is -a: and the preceding nand t
are taken as inflectional increments.
1
exx: khara:s-t-a:
'of the bull'
kan-a: hulli: batane 'my horse h~s not come'
1
11I.10.16.7. Locative
1
There arc two allomorphs to denote the locative
sense, viz - a:ti: and - a:i.
I
•
-a:ti: denotes 'rest in' ,or 'motion into a place'
•
I
-a:i means 'motion ·t6 or 'towards'
I·
exx: ut-a:ti:
pe:ha:t
'I went into the house'
•
•
kana: ura:gh - a:i ba
'come towards my house'.
1
1
I
~.. ,.
lit .,
.}!~.~
.,

---

---------------------
Case suffixes in DRAVIDIAN
~-----~---------T--------~-~--------~~--------~----------~---------
--------~--------
Lang.
Ace.
Inst.
Soo,
Dat.
Abl.
Gen.
Lee.
Purp.
Voc
~-----+---------+--------~----------~---------~---------~---------~---------+--------~--------
Ta.
. -ai
-a:l
-otu/-o:tu
-kku
-iliruntu
-atu
-e:
•
•
Ma.
- e
-a:l
., '-otu,
0: tu
-kku
-e:
-kentu
•
••
Ko.
-n
-a:r
-o:r
-k
-tr,
- l t r
-d
-1
-ka:ry
-
-a:,-o:
-i: , -e:
To_
-n,
-n
-a1
-pody
-K
-sn,
-nid
-n, -d
-5,
-ts
-koy,
-i,
-a
•
-a·r,-it
-
•
-z
-koc
-kiiz, ,-giz
fIJ
~
Kod.
. ..
-a,
-1 I -kondi
-jot~1.i,
" . ,
fIJ
•
•
-~nJ~,
-da,
-ra
-11
I-a:yti
-pakka,
-gi,
-k-i
...,.
-kaynJa
,.J •
-ku:da
-n a
.
k
1"- ayn J a
-
Kb.
-e,-mal-o:da
-be1iye
-ka
-Il5
-1,
-kabbyri
-o:y
-pili
Kas.
-e
-di
-dokka: ,
-
-kk,
-2a : virda J <
-d
-da :v,
-kka:gi
-dirda
- - -dottikk
-.
-kke
i1irda
-i1i
Ka.
-annu
-inda
Odane
-{kJke,
-a
-alIi
-e I-e:
-{g)ge

---

________________________ __________________ _________ !!!!____ S _JIII __' "
~, -~ -
Lan~~
-
Acc.
- - ~
Inst.
-Soc. - -
Oat.
-~ -
Abl.
Gen.
Loc.
-----
Purp.
-----
Voc.
- -
------ -------------~----- ----------1------------------- --------- ---------- 1--------- fa------...--
Ir.
-e
-a:le,
-o:de
-kk
-ilirund,
-0, -tt
-11i,
-i
-kk
- i l i
-kke
-irund
' "kke,
-akke -kka :yi
Tu.
-nu,
-da,
-ki
-tt\\
- t i
-<1
-ti,
-tu
-a, -0
•
•
-anu
-ta,
-ata
-ku,
-gi
-di,
-at
-0,
-.:,
•
•
•
•
Te.
-nu
-to:
-to:
-ku
-ninci
->?1
-10:
-110:
-a: /
-a
-ni
-ki
-yokka
-
-10: i
-ni
·
I\\)
.p..
Go.
-~,
-e:
-k
-na:l,
-na: ,
w
-u:n
-a:l
-va:
-e:
-a:
Kond.
-id,
-an
-vale
l-iU"
-fl
-to,
-ro
-n
•
Pe.
-atl,
-in
-ab
-hoke
-a~, -~~
-0,
-an
Kui
-i
I-ge,
-ke
-gi,
-ki -ti,
-ki,
-ti,-di
-a,
-ni
-ti, -di
•
•
-rai
-ndo
-teru
. •
•
-deru
.
Kuvi.
-i
-tole
-ki
-ti,
-ki
-i
-a,
-0
•
Kol.
-n,
-un
-ad
I-n, -uti
-tanat
-c,
-ne
-t,
-eh
•
•
,
...._.~4'"_ ";.4'4: "".'4 i,e., flit; , <
..
(\\' •.:.~~'
,,-,.;.,!~j~

---

,~
- - - - - - -
~---_.~--------------------------------- ....--------
- -
~-------------------~--------- -
------ -
lLang.
Ace.
Inst.
Soc.
Dat.
Ab!.
Gen.
Loc.
Purp.
VO~. -
-------
-.
'.
''';'
1----- ---------- ------------,..-----------1---------~---------- --------r-.--------- ------- -------
NK.
-n,-unlon
-la
-nokon
-n, -un
-la
-ne, -n
-in/-un
-en,
-n
Pa.
-n, -in
-od, -nod.
!-od, -nod
-g, -ug
-tug, -tuh -ni-in
-i
.
•
•
•
-h, -00
-ar, -are
-t/-to
Ga.
-n, -in
-na;l
-na: 1
-fl,
-in
-n, -in
-tin,-tun
-un
,
-fJ.,
-ift
Kur.
-tri:
-ti:
-gahi
f
-an, -n
,
-gc:
-nu:
-cy
-in
-tru:
-hi:li
-aye:
Malt. -e, -cn
-et, -it
I-gusan
-e,
-k
-ntc, -te
-ki
-no,
-eno
'"
-in
- t
I-gane:
-inte
~
~
Br.
-e
.at
-to
-e
-a:n
-a:
-a:ti
-kin
.
.
-aki
-a:i
-ki
PDr.
*-an
!*-a:n/*a:l
*-a:n/*-a:l
* (n) in!u
*-a
*-~:
*-ay
*-otu/*-o:tu
*kkv .
antu
*-atu
*-'J :
*-(V)nk
*- (V) n
----------------------------~----------~---------1------------ -------------------------_.----~-
f
-"~:~~

---

L-ww s nrttf
I
-
245 -
I 111.11. V E R B S
I
Verbs are those which take or are capable of taking
!.
tense suffixes.
The verb in the Dravidian Languages
I distinguishes various grammatical categories such as m~od,
tense, gender and person.
The verbs are generally divided
I
into two groups,
namely, the finite verbs and the non-
I finite verbs. The later comprises the participles, verb~l
participles such as conditional verbal participles,
infini-
I tives and relative participle whGreas the farmer includes
all those which can function as an utterunce.
I
In the Dravici2n Languages,
the verbal farms consist
I of a verbal stem plus suffixes expressing various gramm~­
tical categories.
The number of the verbal suffixes variGs
I from language to langu2Je. Moreover t:l.ere are simple verb;J~
stems and complex verbal stems.
The simple verbal stem may
I
contain a verb root plus one or two grammatical suffixes
I whereas the complex verbal stem may contain two or more verb
roots plus grammatical suffixes,
or may simply comprise
I aspectual and modal auxiliaries. The conjugation of Tamil
verbs is usually discussed ~n the basis of past tense
I
al~omorphs.
However there is another classification of
I verbs called strong and weak verbs which is based on the
infinitive allomorph.
The verbs which take -kka are called
I .
strong verbs, those which take -a alone are called weak verbs.
I,.
rt-"~J': ':,.
-,.t.l'
("",!",
..:,~
i
I

---

•
-
246 -
I
I
III.11.1. TRANSITIVE AND CAUSATIVE SUFFIXES
Certain ,verbs are capable of taking a direct object.
I
This type of verbs arG called transitive verbs; some others
are not and they are called intransitive verbs.
I
Transitive verbs are subdivided into two groups,
I
i.e. those which, morphologically, contain a transitive
marker and those which do not.
The first group of verbs
I
are culled derived transitivc:s since they arc dorived fro:r
I
verbs which are either transitive or intransitive to which
a transitive marker is added.
The sec8nd group of verbs
I
are called inherent transitives.
I
III.11.1.1. T A M I L
There are many pairs of intransitive and transitive
I
bases in which the intransitive ends in a single stop (p)
I,
or the combination nasal plus homorganic stop (NP)
and the
:,"
corresponding transitive in a double stop (pp)
of the sam~
I.f. :_~'_.,,-
articulation.
,t:-
·1' ~".:'T·
;
' :•.f?j.
The double st~p in the transitive base can be considered
I"/;~iPY;
as the result of the morphophonemic change, viz
(N)P +
Tr. --
PP.
Examples:
Po: -ku
• to go'
--~ po:k-ku 'to cause to go'
per-uku
• to grow'
-~
per-ukku 'to cause to
grow'

---

I
I
- 247
I
..
ir-aflku
'to descend'
--)-
ir-akku
'to lower'
I
o:tu
'to run'
--> o:t-tu
' to make to run'
. .
ar-untu
'to eat'
I
--~ ar-uttu
'to feed'
There are other groups of verbs in which transitives are
I
formed from intransitives by acding the suffix -ttu or -ppu
Examples:
I-
alar-ttu 'to cause to
blossom'
I
kita
'to lie down'
-7"-
kita-ppu 'to cause to lie
•
down'
I
However i t should be notec that when the suffix -ttu occu rs
after verb bases ending in -1,
i.!2,
-1 and -n,
the foll';)wing
.
1 changes take place, .i.e. :
1-
1
{~ } + tt
--)'
rr
Example:
tin
' to ear'
-~
tir-ru
'to fced'
I
akal
'to be removed'
<:lkarru ' to remove'
I
2.
t t
t t
I
Examples:
ka:n
'to show'.
.
.
I
ni:l
'to be lengthened'
--~ ni:ttu
'to lengthe~'
•
• •
".
There are also certain verbs the bases of which end
I
in -i, -y,
-r or -1 and a few other verbs of the type (C)"V
••
1 Cu in which transitive and intransitive are marked by using
different allomorphs of the tense suffixes.
For example
the allomorphs -nt-/-t- of the past tense, -kir- of the
..
I"",
L~
;;;E

---

I
I
- 248 -
..
I
presenttensQ and -v-I-urn of the future tense are used
I
to express the intransitive meaning when they are added
I
to the verb base.
EXClmples:
ma:y
E-nt-,
-v-]
I to
die'.
I
But the allomorphs -tt-(past),
-kkiE-
(present),
-PP-I-kkillu (future)
express tra~sitive meaning when added
I
to the same verb base.
I
Examples:
ma:y [ t t - , -pp~
'te> kill' •
In Tamil,
the causative suffix is I -vi-pi- ·:oppi- I.
I
The suffix -vi- occurs after the weak verbs and -ppi afte~
I
the stre>ng verbs.
These suffixes are generally added to the verbal bases
I
to convert them into causatives
I
Exai-::ples:
kal
'to lea:..-n'
--~
ula
'to suffer'
-~
ula-ppi 'to cause to
••
suffer' •
I
But i t is to be noted that there are a few instances in
I
which these suffixes are added to intransitive bases.
In
all cases the following morphophonemic changes take place:
I,'
p
--~ ppl in the strong verbs
) - v .
I, .
in the weak verbs.
p
'iC'
--> vi l~vj
:'·t~
0
,*- ,
There are also a few instances in which the causative suffix
varies freely with the transitive suffixes and also instances
of free variation betw~en the allomorphs of the transitive
'., SUffix itself •
.. .
, ...,

---

•I
-
249 -
I exx: ka:n 'to s~e'
--~ ka:t-tu
•
•
•
I
-I 'to snow'
ka:n-pi
•
nata
'to w\\3.lk'
--~
nata-ttu
I
•
•
walk'
nata-ppi
•
!'to cause to
I
III.11.2. MALAYALAM
I
The formation of transitives and causatives is
similar to that of the Tamil languages.
But in Malayalam
I
the f~llawing phonetic changes take place:
NP --..) NN
I
Dental
--~
Palatalized aft~r i or y.
I
In this language also there are many pairs of transitive
anc intransitive bases in which the intransitive ends with a
I
cons~nant and the corres~onding tr~nsit~ve in a double
I
consonant of the same point of articulation.
i;xample:
a': ru
'to grow coo I'
-~ a:£-£u
'to co:>l'
I
or the double stop of the transitive base will be the result
of the morphophonemic change namely
(N)P +
Tr.
-~
pp.
I
Example:
I
per-uku
'to be multiplied'
--~
per-ukku 'to multiply'
I
There is another class of verbs in which the transitives are
formed from intransitives by acding the suffix -ttu.
I
Here also the following sandhi changes take place:
r
[. '.)
l .
~.. ;- -
I
b

---

-
250 -
. l '
+
t t
--~
t t
..
..
1•j
Example: ni:l
Ito extend oneself '
ni:t-tu
Ito lengthen I
I -
•
•
•
tn1 + tt --~
rr
..
I Example: tin Ito eatl --~ tir-ru Ito feed'
I In Cl number of bases ending in i, the intransitive and
transitive meaning is shown by the employment of different
I allomorphs of the tense suffixes.
exx: ili (-nn -, -urn) Ito descend ' --~ ili
(-cc-, -kkyum)
I
••
••
Ito lower'
oti (~n- , -urn) Ito break I
--~ oti (-cc":,, -kkyum)
I
•
•
't·::> break I
In these examples the all~morphs -nn- (past
) and-urn
I
(future) ar~ added to the verb base to express intransitive
I whereas the allomorphs -c~-(past) anc" -kkyum (future) ar0
added to the same to express transitive.
I The causative suffix is -i in Malayalam.
I Examples:
o:tu
Ito run'
-->
o:t-i
'to cause 'to run I
•
I
ke:l
Ito weep'
--~
ke: 1-i
I to cause to weepl
••
••
cey
Ito dol
I
--~
ceyy-i
Ito C03use to do'
collu
Ito sayl
--~
coll-i
'to ca.use to sayl
I III.11.1.3. K 0 T A
Kota has many classes Of, verbs, each class distin-
I
guishes transitive and intransiti"c in a Giffc=~nt mC'nnp"
I In one cl ass of verbs a final voiced stop or -r.of the
•
I
..
I-----v-----------
I

---

•
I
- 251 -
I
intransitive base is replaced by the c0rresp0nding voice-
less stop in the transitive.
I
Examples:
er-g
'to go down'
I
--"?
er-k
'to put down load'
par-d 'to spread over'
--~
par-t 'to spread' .
I
ni-r
'iron becomes longer'
--~ ni-t
'to lengthen'
•
.
There is another class of verbs in which the transitive
I
suffixes are -c- and-t-.
The following changes take place:
I
y
and nj
arc dropped before c.
r
and
v
are dropped before t.
I
Examples:
I
kal-
'to learn'
--> k21l-c-
'to teach'
ka:y-
'to become hot'
--> ka: -c-
'to heat'
I
pirnj-
, to separate
--;.> pir-c-
'to separate'
oneself from'
I
ce:r-
'to gather'
--7-
ce:-t-
'to make to
gather'
I
narv-
'to walk'
--~ nar-t-
'to make to wa]" .
There are groups of verbs ending in -v and -y in whichthe
I
past stem contains the past marker -d- (which changes to
I
-c- after y)
in the intransitive and -t-
(which changes
to -c- after y)
in, the transitive.
I
Examples:
. :
,
',
I'"
erv -(er-d-)
'to spring up'
--) crv- (er-t-)
'to make to
r
~ b~'
•
•
1'. :r-=
spring up'
t~
.~~ ..
~- J
-,
- = ~ - - -- ---
-
F

---

..
I
-
252 -
I
.:
_.....
:;
04.:·_.~t:'.•
....
.
tc~y- (te:-c-) 'to become worn down'
-~ te:y-(tc:-C-)
I
'to wear down'
I t is to be noted from these examples that v beforet/d and
I y before c arc dropped.
The causative suffix in Kota is -kc-/-gc-.
It may be
I
derived from gey-
(gc-c-)
'tJ make,
do'
(Emcncau 1968
I
368).
Examnles:
I
un -
'to drink'
--'7
un-kc-
'to make to drink'
I
cot-
'to fall in dr'Jps --7'-
cot-gc-
't:) make to
•
fall in drops'
I
II1.11.1.4.
K A S A B A
The inherent transitive verbs v~e those verbs which
I
have stems .which take past tense -tn-/-in- and n~n-past
tense -x-; past tense -t-
and non-past tense -k-, past
I
teose -t- and non- past tense -x-, past tense -d- and non-
I
past tense -k-; past tense -d-
and non-past tense -x-;
past tense -nd-
~nd non-past tense -k-i past tense -nd-
I
and non-past tense -x-.
(For detail ef Chidambaranatha
Pillai : 1918: 62-80).
I
III.11.1.5. KURUMBA
r
. Transitive
exx:
adak-n-i
(:>
adakuni)
'controlled-I'
ulp-n-i
(>.
ulpuni)
'caused to get down'
piri-,g-i
(":> pi£j i)
'got separated I'
•

---

I--
I
- 253 -
I
Intransitive
..
1
adaflg-n-i
( > onda: d-ni) 'bec()me controlled-I'
• •
•
1
uli-t-i
( > ulci
)
, got down - I'
pi..£i-~-i.
( >
piE,ci
)
'separatcc- I'
1
Transitive and intransitive verbs arc those verbs which
I
have stems which take past tense suffix -~- and -~- as
non-past suffix, -t- as past tense suffix and -p- as non-
I
past suffix (the derived transitives of this subclass
take -x- as transitive suffix); -2- as the past tense
I'
suffix and -~ as non-past suffix; -d- as past tense suffix
and -p- as non-past suffix; -n- as past tense and ~- as
1
non-past suffix; -n- as past tense suffix and -p-
as non-
I;
past suffix; -nd- as past suffix and -p- as nonTpast suffix.
p-
1< <
IL.J~~:
III.l1.1.6. I R U L A
,,~\\-~}~
Transitive and intransitive verbs have stems which
'~- .. \\-~~
take past tense suffix -in-, -nd- , -t- and -d-.
The
transitive suffixes are -t- , -x- and -tt-.
-t- occurs
after stems of verbs which take past
tense marker - in;
-x- after stems of verbs which take past tense marker
..
-nd-; -tt- after sternms of verbs taking past
tense marker -t-.

---

Ir-~
.. -~~-
...
1
/
I
I
t
•
I
I
I
I
-
254 -
I
).
Ill.!!.!.?
KODAGU
I
It has many classes of verbs in which the formation
of transitives vary fr0m on8 class to another.
I
Thus in· one set of verbs, base final voiced stops or the
cluster, homorganic nasal plus voiced stop is replaced by
I
the corresp~nding voiceless stop in the formation of tran-
I
si tives.
I
a:g -
Ito be'
--> a:-k-
Ito make to stay'
I
~r-ang- Ito sI ip down I --;,- ·~r-ak- I to let 51 ip down I
In another group of verbs, transitive suffixes -k-, -t-
I
and -!'p- are added to the intransitive verbs..
The f':)llowirl:::
changes are noted:
I
base final 1 is lost before -k-
I
" '. ~
.--.
,
'.'
Example:S~ ... :. ~., ;'.;:.
-:-].
.
I
;~r '... 'tJoto -leave' ooEifs 'pos"itio'n ,..:: --~~ra~J I to make to
leave'
;-'rksr-
I
~. 'to be' :digested.' :,-.;.>.;
iCara:-k":;·:':' to' "digest-' ".::
c 'a~r- :. " to become:..·.:c.rr ...~.=._.:.~ .c: 'a :-:':'i:-
;.J'to dry"
,.. ';':~-':' >:,-
I
- -arf:':' ,- ~t6' flna-:out':, '..:..: ~ .:-;...~;.;"".::. :·.ar:!,p.'··1 io ·irtfdim.J:,< .-: ---,--
T1lEi-tratrsitive morpheme has a zero allomQrph in another.
I
~e~p~~~~bs.
These verbs take the tense suffix allomorphs
..;
I
_v- (npn~ast) ~I1d -00-::_ (wh;ic{l. chan:ges ,.t9:,-nj- after i/y i
J
,1
. I
....
.
.
~..
.....
!
r
- ........
...
-. I
. . • . -
:0_-
:..,'
I
" .J
",.'

---

- 255 -
Examples.:
kari-
(-v-, nj-)
Ita be singed'
-->
ker~-{-p-, -c-)
Ita singe'
tade (-v- -and-)
'to be obstructed l
--~
tadr (-p-,-t-)
•
'to oestruct'
111.11.1.8.
KANNA~
The causwtive -
transitive suffix in Kannaca is -isu.
exx: en 'to say'
--~
en-isu 'to cause to say'
0: du
I to
run'
--~
o:d -isu
Ito cause to run'.
Kannada has a few pairs of intransitive and transitive
bases.
The intransitive bases and generally in w voiced
stop or a homorganic nasal plus voiced stop;
the transiti~_
bases end in a voiceless sto~.
exx: am-ugu 'to be yield to pressure'
--~
am-uku 'to press
firmly'
tur-ugu Ito be crammed'
-~ tur-uku 'to cram'
Kannada has also a few verbs which end in -n,
-n
and -1.
.
.
This grou~ of verbs has the c~rrespQnding transitive verbs
with -tt- which is assimilated to r or rl .
'-
•
exx: na:n 'to get wet'
--?
na:ru
' to mJisten'
un
., to eat a meal'
--).
u:du
'to cause to eat l
III.ll.1.9. T 0 D A
Transitives are formed in one group of verbs by Substitutj~~
the corresponding v0iceless stop to a final voiced stop,
fricative or t r i l l of the transitive base.

---

I,;;~:·
~.
-
256 -
,-1:':;.;~-~;,
,,, .eXX: al-x
'to shake'
al-k
--~
'to shake'
(tr. )
tJ:d-
'to dance'
--~
0:t-
'ttJ shake'
•
o:r-
'to bec0ffiC dry'
--~ o:t -
'to dry'
"
-
/ '
I
Moreover there is an0:ther category of verbs in which the
,: transitive suffixes are -c- and -t-. The final consonant
of the stem is lost b~fore the transitive suffix -c-.
1 The base final 1 or l/n + t change to., t or t.
• •
I
exx: ko:y-
'to be hot'~
--~
ko:-c-
' to heat'
u:l- 'to roll
(intr.) ,
.
--~\\
u:-t- 'to roll (tr. )
•
I
In another set ?f verbs tthe past stem c:mtains the past
1
marker -&- (which changes to -s- after y)
in the intran-
sitive and -t- (which ch~nges to -c- 3ftcr y)
in the tran-
If'
sitivc.
In the transitives that do not ane in -y the suffix
If' -f- occurs in the non-pas~ stems.
exx:
~c1-
(~d-&) 'to ris8 --~
~r~f- (~r-~)
'to arOUS8
•
•
from sleep'
twad- (twad-S)
'to be polluted'
-~. twad-f- (twad-t-)
•
•
•
•
'to p':)llute'-
The causative suffix in Toda is -et~.
- .
exx:
tin-
'to eat'
--~ tin-et-
'to cause to eat'
111.11.1.10. T U L U
to denote transitivity.
exx: ka:yu -
'to be hot'
--?I*
ka:yi-pu
'to make hot'
pori -
'to be parched'
--~ pori-pu
'to parch'
'.

---

~.ln.m.rslil;71,n.""'-lIrlllnli'IIlii$."'IIIlli"KIii'~'iI'''lIIn_'lliilimer_Iii'*lIlIi·laaIlllSIiIEIi'MIIlI1'1..=.siil'••IIiWIii'..nllllr.._'t•••'1iII'---_....•..5.............111;"...'.IIIIlIliIWI!fIIII__
I:fi~.,,:.
-
257 -
I The causative suffixes are -po:- after monosyllabic bases
I and -0:- after disyllabic bases.
-po: and -0:- are in free V:ii~iation in disyllabic bases.
-~
..'""
I eXX: tin- 'to cat' --~ ti~-p'J:- Ito cause to eat'
bar-
'to c~m~' -_:::::...
bar-pa:- 'to cause to c~rne'
I
-
o:du- 'to read'
--~
a:d-o:-
X
X ' to cause to read'
o:d-pa:-
X
I
111.11.1.11. TELUGU
I
It has thr~e transitive suffixes viz -cu, -pu and
-incu.
The suffix -cu is generally added to bases ending
I
in ru, ru, -lu, -nu and -dUi the suffix -pu is substituted
-
.
,"
I for the final syllable of same verbs ending in -qu, -cu ':
and -YUi -incu is used t'J form causative verbs fr'Jrn tran-··
I s,itives.
Examples:
I
"'1".
ka:ru
' t~ le,ak'
> ka: ru-cu
' to make to leak'
I
a:du
'to play'
> a:d-incu
'to cause t~ play'
•
•
-.,
udugu
' to end'''-
I
:> udu-pu
' to cause to end'
•
•
ce:yu
'to do'
"7 ce:y-incu
'to cause to do'
I
ma:yu 'to be destroyed' ma:y-incu'
'to cause to become
ripe'
I 111.11.1.12. PEN G 0
In some group of the intransitive verbs which end in a
I
voiced stop or a nasal plus homorganic stop, there arc cc~~
I ponding transitives ending in a vJiceless stop of the same
series.
I '. .,
I
I

---

~~.
-
258 -
,~,.,
':~~lK
J;~2_
I'~~fExamples'
.fir.
.
:-i>'.-i;:;,'
'to hide' --~:>~ ru-k-
't':> hide
(tr.) ,
I~~
~-g-
•
ke-nj
'to be torn'~ ke-c-
'to tear'
pad-
'to break' ~ pa-t- 'to break (tr.)'
1
.
.
In some pairs of verbs the intransitive ends in a nasal
I (n, n, m) and the corresponding transitive has either the
•
marker t, c or p before which the nasal is lost •
I
•
exx:
un-
'to drink'
~
,.,
u:-t-
'to give to drink~
•
•
1
tin- 'to eat'
_~>~_ ti-c-
'to feed'
I
Some other suffixes like -~- and -t- are also found to be
transitive markers of some verbs
( ju:- 'to descend'
--~
I
ju:-t- 't~ bring c0wn'; ar-'t0 fall'
--~ra-t 'to let fall'.
I
111.11.1.13. K U I
There are many pairs of verbs in Kui,
in which the intr--
I
ansitives end in a voiced stop or hom0rganic nasal plus
voiced stop and the corresponding transitives in the corres-
l i ..;.'
ponding voiceless stop or s.
I,..
~..:
Examples~
:.J.:,-:.:'.
e:-g- 'to be open'
--~ e:-k- 'to 0pen'
I:"'.y.-?
:t' '"
':.,/. . .
glo: -ng- 'to be muddy'
--~ glo: -k- 'to make mUddy'
a-j -
'to fear'
--;,..
a-s-
'to cause to fear'.
A set of verbs take the transitive marker -p-, -s-, -k-
and t-/r-
•
•

---

L - - - - - · -..··--·--------···..·.---..
-
259 -
I
,.....•..i-":
I EXamp!es:
:1
-
~~·c
',,,,,,
e-
'to arrive' --~ e-p- 'to cause to arrive;'
I
mi-
'to bathe'
--> mi-s- 'to cause to bathe'
un-
'to dri nk'
-->-- u: -t-/ -u: -r- 'to cause to drink'.
I
•
• •
The inflected forms of the verb 9i- 'to do' are adde<J to
I the infinitive of a verb which has no corresponding form
I with the transitive suffix to denote causative or trana1t1ve
sense.
I 111.11.1.14. K U V I
A few verbs consist of intransitives ending in a voiced
I
stop or homorganic nasal plus voiced stop with the oones..
I ponding transitives ending in a voiceless stop.
exx: u:-d-
'to become wet' - - .
u:-t. 'to wet'
I
tu:-flg- 'to hang (intr.)' ~-_ tuc-k~ Ito haft9l.
I In another set o'! verbs it is added one of the 1:r.nsiUye
markers -t-. -h- and -p- •
•
I
I.
ExamPle:
un-' to drink' -?
u; -~-
•to 9ive to dr1ftlc
I In mo.st of the verbs the transitive-causatj"ve sense 1_
expressed by the verb ki- 'to make' with a special .,e~bal
I participle characterized by a labial element except for a
very few verbs.
I
Ex~es:
hi-viki-
'to cause to give'
I
pis-piki- 'to cause to abandon'.
I
I
I
t
: "!
I
-_.-

---

.. 260 -
1I:~~11.1.15. K 0 L A M I
~'~~~., .
,
-.~
In Kolami the transitive sUffixes ace -ap-, -ip-, _p_,
I:,.~)cl.and -t-•
.::~
I~anples: negay-
'to fly' --~
n'eg-ap
'to make to fly'
da:t-
'to cross' --? da:t-ip 'to make to cross'.
I Some
fO~d
sets of :ransitive stems are
corresponding to a
r.~ingle intransitive stem (un- 'to drink' corresponds to
i .(,m-ip-'to make to drink', and ur-t- 'to give to drink'.)
~~Ji~II.ll.l.16. N A I K I (CH)
\\~:;
'::~.-7
I'"~z..
The suffix -up- is added to the intransi tive to form
transitive.
A
few verbs ending in -y or -g take the tran-
I>. sitive suffix -p-, then the preceding y or 9 is dropped before
t: _ ~ .".,'
It' -- it.
exx:
a:r- 'to be dry' corresponds to a:r-up- 'to make dry'
ka:y- 'to be hot' corresponds to ka:-p- 'to heat' •
..-
III.ll.l.l?
PAR J I
In this language, the transitive-causative suffix is
:-ip- I-it.
This suffix occurs in most of the verbs but some
}.
-
Cbas~s ending in a voiced consonant or homorganic nasal plus
voiced consonant substitute for the transitive-causative

---

-
261 -
:;f~ ~
'-'~~.".'
I~~I.11·. 1.18. GADABA
~
The transitive suffix is -p- /
-t-
ar-
'to cry'
--> ar-p-/ar-t- 'to make to cryl.
•
•
IIII.l1.1.19. K U R U X
I . The different transitive - causative sUffixes are
_ta:1a-, a:ba?a- and -d- (which occurs after verbs ending
I in n.) •
eXX: es?- Ita break l
~-~
es-ta:?a
Ita cause to break l
I
on -
Ita eat l
-7on-d
Ita feed l •
1111.11.1.20. M A L T 0
I
Malta has the transitive - causative suffix -tr- which
has an allomorph -d- after verbs ending in -n and in a few
lather verbs.
However to the suffix -tr- it can be added ano-
ther causative suffix -tit- which converts a transitive base
into a causative one and a causative base into a double causa-
I
tive base.
I Examples: baj - Ita strikel
baj-tr- Ita cause to strike l
--~
et- Ita come down I
et-tr- Ita take down I ---
--~
I et-tr-tit- to cause to take downl•
I Malta has the possibility of forming intransitive bases from
transitive bases by adding the suffix -gr- to these transi-
I tive bases.
I.Example:
I
is-
Ita tear (tr.) --~
is-gr
Ita be torn'.
··.·.·•.
"-=-
, ' " ,

---

I
I
-
262"-
I III.11.1.21. BRAHUI
.,.
In this language the transitive-causative suffix is -if-.
I But this suffix which has a variant -f- after bases ending
I in a vowel can also be added to a transitive or causative base
contai'ning already -if- to convert i t into a double causative.
I Examples:
ka? 'to die'
--~
kas-f-
'to kill'
---~ kas-f-if
I
'to cause to be killed'.
I I1I.11.1.22. Reconstructed suffixes
The transitive -
causative sUffixes can beneconstructed
I to Proto Dravidian. Thus in the (V) pp transitive formation
I process, the commonly reconstructed suffixes are *-kk-, *-tt-,
*-tt- , *-tt- ,
*-pp- and *-cc-.
Moreover the causative
••
I suffix in OTa. and Ma., namely -vi-( OD-ppi) can also be
reconstructed to Proto Dravidian though i t was used only
I in the post Cangam literature in a few instances and in one
I su:tra of Tolka:ppiyam.
However this suffix is not used in Modern Tamil.
I In old Malayalam, it is used commonly but later the V in
vi has been droppe d.
I Examples: cey-vi --~ ceyy-i- 'to cause to do'-
I
i t is found in Modern Malayalam (example: o:t-i-
•
'to cause to runt).
I The suffix *-tt- and its variants *-tt- and *-tt~ occur in
• •
all the languages except Telugu and Brahui.
The suffix *-pp-
I
I '~
I

---

I
-
263 -
I
~nd its reflexes -ip- (in Parji), -p- (in Gadaba 011.
),
-1£- (Brahu1) occur in all the languages except Kota, Gondi,
Ikur~ and Malto. The s~ffix *-cc- is not found in ~amil,
•
lLalayalam, Ko~agu, Kolami, Naiki (Ch.), Kurux, Malto and
Brahui.
It appears that the process of transitive formation
l i n bases ending in a stop (p)
or homorganic nasal plus stop
(NP) by replacing i t by the corresponding double stop (pp)
is
l i n a complementary distribution with the formation of transi-
Itives by the addition of a particle of transition or causation
to the root.
I
The two methods of formation
(i.e the change of the
I
final plosives and the addition of the suffix)
need not be
considered as different processes as previously stated by
I many scholars like Caldwell, Subramanya Sastri, Ramaswami
Aiyar etc.
I Therefore all derived transitive bases should be treated as
consisting of one single transitive morpheme with different
I
allomorphs.
I
I
I
I
I,
"
~i
.
..;
It ~
i
'\\I'
"
I
'~
'~
,
~
i-.
Lf_"
- - - -
".)11
r

---

-
264 -
PAST-SUFFIXES
'ffi~'past tense formation is one of the oldest morphological
,. -y;'l'.'
.';';"structions in Dravi di an.
Many of the Dravidian languages have a number of suffixes for
I the past. These suffixes are added to the non-marked stem in
all the languages except Kota and the two-stem parji verbs
I and multi-stem Telugu verbs.
I III.11.2.1 TAMIL
III.11.2.1.1. Finite Forms
I In OTa. the verbs are inflected by four allomorphs which are
I t~e past tense markers, namely, t, nt, tt and i (oo-in-/iy-).
Thus Old Tamil verbs are generally classified into four
I classes on the basis of these suffixes. The doubling of the
plosive is also found in some verbs,
viz miku and mikku.
I In Modern Tamil, the past tense markers are t, tt, nt, in
I and doubling of P (plosive) as PP. Therefore, the verb stems
are classified into five classes on the basis of these tense
I markers.
III.11.2.1.2. Non-Finite forms:
I The non-finite formsaomprise broadly the adjectival parti-
I ciple and the adverbial participle respectively called
peyareccam and vinaiyeccam by the traditional grammarians.
1 The adjectival participle or relative participle comprises
I among other subclasses the present relative, future relative
',I" '4
I:
..
I

---

I--
-
265 -
I
I and negative participles, thus classified on the basis of
..
I tense marker: the past relative participle which exhibits
the following structure:
Vst. - past tense - a
I
e.g.: pati - t t - a
patitta
, read'
•
•
I The formation of the verbal participle is simple in Tamil,
the addition of tense suffix to the stem.
I i.e.
exx:
cey + t
~
ceytu
'having done'
I
o:t + i
~
o:ti
'having run'
III.l1.2.2.
MA LAYAL AM
I
III.l1.2.2.1. Finite Forms:
I In Malayalam among the past tense suffixes there are nn, cc
and nn which are originated from a morph0phonemic change
I peculiar to this language, i.e. :
I, 1.
r* nt J-; ------..:7
L* tt
I~.··"".,, '.:~.r'l
nn
------~
Ut
.~tt~~~ -.~:.~
.,.p'''.:
r ntJ-
* nr
--
. tfHowever, in modern Malayalam the following suffixes are
weak verbs, namely, --
nn, t, nn,i and nt whereas in
the past 'markers are cc, nn, tt, t, t and
(doubling) •

---

-
266 -
Non-finite forms:
I'-Malayalam shows the same pattern as Tamil r~garding the
structure of the relative participle,
i.e. Vst.-past tense - a
eXX:
cey - t
-
a
'done /
that did'
I
-~
oli - nn -
a
'that avoided'
••
I
Moreover the same method of formation of the verbal
participle as found in Tamil is also there in Malayalam.
I
exx:
cey + t
> ceytu
'having done'
I-
o:t + i
> o:ti
'having run'
III.11.2.3. T 0 D A
I,
In this language also the secondary stem forms the basis for
I the past tense. To the secondary stem one of the suffixes
-l9.-, -t-, -d- or -y- is added to the ver-") base and some
I changes take place (see Emenea~ 1967:376).
In the non-finite form,
the past adjective is formed by adding
I~
-foy to the secondary stem.
.'; Examples: pi:sk-foy 'thBt killed'
natO-foy
'that walked' •
I:
.
;:;'.t;'f", .
I11.11.2.4. KODAGU
fr.,.~.~~~..:.: In the finite forms of Kodagu verbs the following past suffixo~
are found: -d-, -nd-, -t-,
and -i-.
The dental SUffixes have
variants -a-, -nd-, -t-
when preceded by the retroflex conso-
•
• •
•
nants land n; the s~me ~ental suffixes have variants -j-,
•
•
nj-, and -c- when they are preceded by the front vowels i
a"r

---

•
- 267 -
palatal consonant y.
In the non-finite forms, 'the
, a s t adverb is formed by adding the suffix -iti
(variant -ti
after "i)
to the past stem of the verb.
The past adjective is
!t0rmed by adding the adjective marker -~
to the stem of the
verb.
Ix: ta-nd-~ I that did / done'
1111.11.2.5. KURUMBA
In Kurumba the different past suffixes are -!-,
-~-, -nd, -n-,
I-c- and -i-.
I -t- occurs after the stems which take past tense suffix -t-.
-d- occurs after the stems which take past tense suffiX -d-.
I -nd- occurs after the stems which take past tense suffix -nd-.
-n-
occurs after the stems which take past tense suffix -n--
I -i- occurs only before the verbal participle suffix -n. The
1 relative participle is for~d by the addition of the suffixes
-a and -u.
I -a occurs with all stems after past tense suffixes; -u
I occurs after non-past tense suffixes -~ and -p-.
Examples:
ede -t-i
'took I 1 ;
erka-d-i
'swept I'
•
-
I
ba-nd-i
'came I' :
ett-n-i
( etni)
'tapped I"
--
I
ba-nd-a '(one) who came'; tin-p-u (timbu)
I
(One)
who will eat I •
, e lrula past tense suffixes are 0) -t-, ill -in-, oo-nd- and
..

---

Ir-
...
Ij/
-
268 -
et:> -d-.
The allomorph <D -t- occurs after verb stems of
I
"£.'
cl ass 3 (i.e. verbs which have stems which take -t- as past
I tense sUffix) and after transitive suffix -x-.
Example:
tin-t-e:m
(>tinre:m)
'ate we'
I
oo-in- occurs after the sterns of class 1 (i.e.
stems taking
1 -in- as past tense suffix) and after transitive suffixes -tt-
and -t-.
I
Example: col-in-iri
( > connirU
'told you'
oo-nd- occurs after the stems of class 2 (stems which take
I
-nd- as past tense suffix).
1 Example: ce:-d-e:m ('> ce:de:mu) 'did we'
III.l1.2.6.2. Non-finite forms:
1
The past relative participle marker is -a.
It occurs after
I
the past marker.
Example: ce:-d-a
'that done I
I
III.ll.2.7. KASABA
1 Kasaba has six past tense markers, viz., -t-, -~-, -n,
-~~-, -n- and -i-.
Of these suffixes -n- has a free variant
I'
form with -in- in all places.
1 co -t- occurs after the stems of verbs which take the past
tense suffix -!- and non-past tense suffixes -k- and -x-
I
and after the transitive suffix -x-.
I
example:
por-x-~-a:I (> pori~~a: I ) 'carr ied she'
I~,.
,1 ...
1l':!If;' .r,.
::..~'
":i">

---

L-!re.
d
-
269 -
I
100-9- occurs after the stems which tak~ past
..
tense suffix
I_~_ and non-past tense -K- and -x-.
Example: unn-d-~
(und~)
'having drunk'
.. -
..
I oo-~- occurs after the stems which take past tense suffix
I -~n-/-in- and non-past tense -x-, after the transitive suffi-
xes _~_, -tt- and -x- and also after the causative suffix -s-.
I Example: ra:nk-in-a:n 'descended he'
I ro -nd- occurs after stems which take past tense suffix -nd-
and non-past tense suffixes -k- and -x-.
I Example:
nada:
'having
x-1l9-.0
walke
(:::>.
d'
nada: nd~)
after the stems po: - 'go', soll - ·say', permesoll
I 00 -n-
'boast' and a:-'be'
I Example: po:-n-e 'went I'.
-i- ufter the stem po:y- 'go'
1
(,::>
Example:
Po:yi)
'having gone'.
po:y-i-~
I 111.11.2.8. K 0 T A
The past tense suffix in Kota is formed on a special stem
I which itself is formed by adding to the verb base one of
When these are
the
added
suffixes
to the
I
-d-,
-t- or -y-.
verb base, a few changes take place (see Emeneau, 1967:378).
I In the finite verb the past tense suffix (added to the
special stem) is -v-, with a variant -uk- before th~ third
I person suffix -0: in the verbs a:g - 'to become' and o:g -
'to go' •
I.
'.·······'!~:;~ .
t· .:;
{~:,'
,rf:~

---

""'"
~~;
·'.:·;I"~...
-
270 -
I 111.11.2.9. KANNADA
I The past suffixes are -d-, -t-, -nd- and·-id-~ The suffix
-nd- occurs only in a few verbs; base final -1,
-1 and lr
I are lost before -nd-; after 1, -nd- changes to -nd.
The past adjective is formed by adding the adjective marker
I -a to the past stem.
I The past stem itself functions as the past adverb.
111.11.2.10. T U L U
I has two finite constructions in the past, viz. immediate
I past and distant past or perfect.
The immediate past markers are -y-,
-t-,
-d-
(,,-, -d-);
I those of the distant past are -tid-, -t- and -d-. They are
morphologically conditioned.
In the no~-finite construc-
I tions, the past adverb comprises two participles which are
I ident1cal with the distan~ and the immediate past stems plus
an additional enunciative vowel ~.
I To certain verbs the Suffix -d~ is added to the stem.
The adjective marker -i is added to the stem of the distant
I or the immediate past to form the past adjective.
I 111.11.2.11. TELUGU
I 111.11.2.11.1. In the finite constructions, modern Telugu
past tense morpheme is / - E.:-
(- -a:-
CD
-in- ( ....... -tJ->/.
I
:- occurs before all personal endings other than 3rd
non-mas. sg.-di.
It has a variant -a:- after verbs
I
I
I
•

---

-
271 -
:t''t:
, "'."'I!"~~.-.
'~?~
containing a short vowel and ending in -n or -du an~after
"·":t
.
the irregular verbs avu/ayy- 'to become', and po:/po:y- 'to
I'
go' •
I
111.11.2.11.2. In the non-finite constructions, the past
adverb is formed by adding -i to the verb base.
I
ex: cepp-i
'having told'
The past adjective is formed by adding to the base the
1
suffix -ina.
Verbs ending in -d or -g form generally their
I
past adjective with the suffix variant -a before which the
final consonants are doubled.
I,
ex: pad-ina
--~ padd - a
'that fell'
I
111.11.2.12. G 0 N D I
111.11.2.12.1 Finite Forms:
I
The past tense suffix is -t- which has a variant -tt- after
• •
the verb un -
'to drink' •
I
exx: un- 'to drink'
--~ utt
..
• 111.11.2.12.2. Non~finite
81,",: ."
I:J '.
. .:1
The suffix is I-si co-ci,,-, -ji/.
-ci oocurs after
I, verbs ending in -c, -j, -t and -d or -hi -ji after verbs
ending in -ni -si occurs elsewhere.
exx: ka:c-ci
,'having dug'
111.11.2.13. K 0 N D A
In the finite forms the past tense marker has two allo-
morphs, viz. -t- and -it-.
The allomorph - i t occurs base~

---

aRM
.o'n'·t••
1.7
nr n .t '
i.
I
-
272 -
I ending in a voice4 obstruent and in the sonorants ~, V, r
I and 1.
e.g:
dig -
'to get down' ~
dig-it-
I ·
.
,-0:.
pand -
'to pI an '
:::>
pand-i t-
I The allomorph -t- OCCurS after the remaining bases.
e.g:
nik -
'to raise'
~
nik-t-
I
sa : -
'to di e '
sa:-t-
In the non-finite constructions, the suffix /-zi ....--si/
I occurs to form the past adverb after bases ending in the
I vowels -a -e, -e:, -0 and -0:, and in voiceless obstruents.
l
e.g: ar-si
'having fallen'
I
ta-si
'having brought I
The past adjective is formed by adding to the past tense
I stem the adjective marker -i.
I e.g: ;~=-t-i 'that fell'.
pand-it-i
'that ripened'
••
I III.11.2.14. PEN G 0
The suffix -t- is the past tense marker in the finite forms.
I
A set of sandhi changes take place when i t is added to the
I base (cf: Subrahmanyam, 1971:152).
e.g:
ta -
'to bring'
.> ta-t-
I
hi:- 'to give'
~ hi:-t-
The perfect tense is formed by the addition of -na to the
I
past tense.
The perfect tense expresses both the completion
I of an action and the state reSUlting from its completi0n.
I
..
I
I

---

L- It
I
-
273 -
I However, the personal terminations are repeated after -na
in the first person singular and in the third person plural
I
f€minine
and neuter,
and also in other forms.
I e.g: tus-t-an-m-an 'he has put on'
The suffix I-si 00 -ci Cl?hi co -zi 00 -j i 00 -is/ in the non-
I finite constructions is the past adverb suffix.
e.g:
as-si
'having seized'
I
nil-ci
'having stood'
I The past adjective is formed by adding the adjective marker
-i to the past stem of the verb.
I e.g: vac-c-i 'that spoke/was spoken'
e:nd-t-i
'that danced'.
I
111.11.2.15. K U I
I
The morpheme / -i t- 00 -t- co -d/ is the past tense suffix of
I Kui in the finite forms.
-d occurs after a very limited number of verbs; -t- occurs
I
elsewhere and -it- after a group of verbs described as verbs
of first conjugation.
I
e.g:
a:j
- ' to cool down'
.:::::>
a:j-it-
I
nog - 'to wash'
.::>
nog-d-
ta:k
'to walk'
;>
ta:k-it-
I
In the non-finite forms,
the past adverb is formed by
I
adding to the verb base the suffix I-a oo-sa oo-ja/.
I
1-' .~
I
I

---

I
- 274 -
I
'having
e.g.
ah-a
held '
I
a:r-sa
I having called '
a:-ja
'having become I
I
III.11.2.16.
K U V I
I The past suffix after verbs of the first conjugation is -it-
in the finite forms, -h- after those of the fifth conjugation
I
and -t- elsewhere.
I e.g. pa:y- 'to beat' "'::::> Ipa:y-it-
'to
kak-
laugh I
..::::>
kak-h-
'I·
... '.•
I
Y",
va:-
I to come l
>- va: -t-
In the non-finite forms, the
I
past adverb is formed by adding
I-,I
to the
~
base the sUffix / -a
-ha-
-sa 00 -ca
~
- j a/ •
~
I
..~
".
e.g.
pa:y-a
'having beaten '
hi-ha
'having given I
I
ven-ja
'having heurd '
I I11.11.2.17. KOLAMI
III.11.2.17.1. In the finite constructions, the
I
past
tense morpheme is / ~t- co -d-/.
I -d- occurs after only six verbs ending in -n, -r or -1: -t-
occurs elsewhere.
I e.g: tin - Ito eatl ~ tin-d-
un
-
I to
drink
I
I
.:> un-d-
tik -
Ito die '
~
tik-t-
I
ar
I to weep I ~
ar-t-
I
"
~
I
~
·
i
:_'_'.-__--------------~~--------1

---

•
-
275 -
I
I III.11.2.17.2. In the non-finite constructions, the suffix -t-
is found to form the past adverb whereas the past adjective
I is formed by adding to the past stem the adj ective marker -a.
I e.g: si:-t
'having given'
ku:k-t
'having called'
tin-d-a
'that are, eaten'
I
vat-t-a
'that came'
I II1.11.2.18. NAIKI (Ch.)
I In Naiki (Ch.) the past tense suffix is I-t- CD -d/- in the
finite forms.
I e.g: e:nd-
'to dance'
~ e:n-t-
tin-
'to eat'
.:::::::.. tin-d-
I In the non-finite forms, the past adverb suffix is -tun,
and,
like in Kolami,
the adjective marker -a is added to the
I
past 5tem ~ form the past adjective.
I e.g: pak-tun
'having beaten'
..;;;'0,.
tin-dun
'having eaten'
,
"';/. -
? .w·
'that cut'
A R J
I
~...o~.~ The past tense morpheme is I -t- CD -n- 00 -n- ro-d- co?5 I
.~. .it:'~
.
" in the finite forms. -n- occurs in certain verbs ending
~i, -r or -y: -n- occurs after a few verbs: the allo-
occurs only in three verbs which end in -n; -t-
--.1Io
~~bs with stems alterning in pit: -~- occurs in many
And the following changes take place,
i.e.
trr7

---

-
276 -
n
+ t
--). t t
'to come'
~
ve-n-
'to run'
............
tu:l-er-n-
-
, to eat'
":::>-
tin-d-
.' to cut'
~
kut-t-
In the non-finite constructions,
the suffix / - i -ci
(
-c)/
helps to form the past adverb.
e.g:
ver-i
'having come'
cen-i
'having gone'
111.11.2.20. GADABA
(011. )
There are
two classes of verbs:
the fir:..t class uses the
base it-self as the past stem but a vowel
e
is inserted
between the base and the personal suffix;
the second class
of verbs forms the past stem by adding the suffixes -t-
(variants -t- and -d-)
and -n- to the base,
in the finite
•
•
construction.
e.g:
un-
'to drink'
">
un-d-
var-
'to come'
:> va-n-
In the non-finite constructions,
the past adverb is formed
by the suffixes -i and -si;
s becomes z after n.
e.g:
var-i
'having come'
un-zi
'-having drunk'

---

I
-
277 -
I
I1I.l1.2.21. K U R U X:
I
in
...
he allomorphs of the past ::uffix are -Ck J verbs of base
~
~
Iff the type (c)v·_, -k- in verbs of base of the type (c)vc·-
and before suffixes of first and second persons, -~- before
J.hOSe of the third person, /-k-',,. -~-/ in' verbs which do not
end in a glottal stop.
..I
f
verbs ending in -n, the past suffix is/-jk---j-/
'1n a few
[
,and after the base nal- 'to dance',
the past suffix is
/-ck-
-c-/
~
e.g: ba·-
'to say'
>-
ba:-ck-an
'I said'
1
?
esO-
'to break'
.:>- es-k-an
'I broke'
?
I'
pit':'
'to kill'
>- pitt-~-a
' it kille(1'
..
The past adverb is formed by adding -a:r (optionally followed
I'
by ki or dara:). to the base, in non-finite constructions.
~
e.g:
I
l
SO -ar
'having br( ken'
~
baro-a:r
'having come'
I'
111.11.2.22.
MALTO
I The, past stem formatives are -c-, -y-, -d-, -j-, -t-, -s-
..
and -q- in the finite constructions.
These suffixes are ,
I
fOllowed by (e)k before the first and the second personal
I,
suffixes.
~~l- ,
~
o:n-
"to drink'
.> on-d-
coy-
Ito rise l
~ co:-c-
cog-
Ito set loose'
::::::::.. co-q-

---

I -
-
278 -
I
band-ek-e
I he
drew'
I
I.'f'~.i
The past adverb is formed by adding one of the suffixes -i
'.~.
'1"
and ie.
I
e.g: e:c-i
x
X 'having bound I
I
e:c-le
X
111.11.2.23. BRA H U I
I
The past tense suffix ~s formed by adding to the base one
I of the suffixes -a:, -e:-, -k- (with a variant -g- after n)
and -is- (variants -s- and -55-)
in the finite construc-
I
tions.
e.g: bin -
'to pick'
bin-a:-
I
bi:r-
'to milk'
bi:r-e:-
•
I
111.11.3.
NON-PAST SUFFIXES
In Proto-Dravidian the non-past tense is used for present,
I
future and habitual events.
This situation leads us to
I
deal only with the present and the future tenses for the
sake of clarity and simplicity.
I
111.11.3.1. T A M I L
I
Present Tense
I
The present tense markers are KiEu,
-kkiru,
-ki~£U and
kkinru.
Kiru can freely alternate~ with -kinru except
I' -
<
when i t ' i s followed by the plural suffix -a~a.
,
Similarly kki£u can alternate with kkinru in the same
I
condition.
-kiru and ki~£u occur with the stems
the
l

---

1 - -
- 279 -
I
optative forms of
I
..
which end in -ka,
anc -kk~ru and kkinru
with the stems the optative forms of which end in -kka.
I Future Tense
The future tense markers are v, p and pp.
Another sUffix,
I
viZ, -urn is also found and has allomorphs -urn,
-kurn and
I -kkum. It occurs before neuter singular and plural.
The suffix -pp occurs with the stems the optative forms of
I which end in -kk~; p with the stems ending in -n or n, and
.
v with the other stems.
I
Examples:
I
Varu-v-e:n
11 will come'
ka:n-p-e:n
11 will see l
.
I
ti!!-p-e:n
I
I will eat'
nata-pp-e:n
I
I will walk'
I
.
o:t-urn
lIt will 1: un'
I
paEa-kkum
' I t will flyl
111.11. 3.2. MALAYALAM
I
The suffix of the present tense is -unnu (exx: varunnu
I
'coming');
that of the future tense is -urn (exx: varum
'will come').
I t occurs with all the persons.
I
111.11.3.3. K 0 T A.
I
The present-future tense is formed by adding pronominal
I
I'
I';" ':,
. ,:1:.
I'~~..,.,,;~~~~
';.,.'
l
.,fI
5
. . .- - -p

---

•
- 280 -
I
I
I
However,
a·few irregular verbs insert b(-p)
00
g(~Jk)
(g/k before the third person 0:
and b/p elsewhere) between
I
the secondary stem and the pronominal suffixes.
I
The suffix -kv-
(-'-gv-) added to the base and followed by
personal suffixes forms the future tense.
I
Examples:
va-kv-e:n
' I will come'
I
va-kv-i:
'you (sg.) will come'.
1II.ll.3.4. T 0 D A
I
The formation of the present -
future tense is done by
I
adding the personal suffixes to the secondary stem of the
verb.
This secondary stem is the past stem in origin.
I
Example:
kispi-ni
' I will do'
kispi-mi
'We
(excl.)
will do'.
I
The suffix -k-,
followed by the pronominal suffixes and
I
added to the base,
forms the future tense.
Example:
kTy-k-in
' I will do'.
I
III.ll.3.5. KODAGU
I
The present -
future tense suffix is /-V-OD-p-/.
e.g:
key-v-i
' I will do work'
I
key-v-ira
'you (pI.) will work'
I
r
!

---

I.: m.... 7J r.
I
-
281 -
I
..
111.11.3.6. KANNADA
I The present tense is formed.with the suffix -ut(t)-.
e.g:
bar-ut(t)- e:ne
11 camel
I In the verbs agu Ito bel become' and iru Ito bel, the pre-
I sent tense has a periphrastic structurel i.e. past adverb
+ future tense forms of agu (e.g: a(y)-d-e:ne 11 become').
I The present - future tense in formed with the allomorph -v-.
I ..e.g: kudu-v-em
'I \\.;i 11 gi ve I
kudu-v-a:l
IShe will give'
I 1~1.11.3.7. T U L U
I In the present - future tense the suffix is /-puv- 00- p,.....
-b-/ •
I e.g: kal-puv-e
I I
learn I
I The future tense is fanned with the suffix /-p- co-v- -b-/;
-b- occurs after verbs ~nding in a nasal and -p- and -v- are
I morphologically conditioned.
e.g:
bar-v-e
I I will come I
kal-p-a
lyoU(sg.) will learn I
111.11.3.8. TELUGU
The present tense consists of the present adverb and the
past - present finite forms of undu Ito be'.
Descriptively
••
this construction is analysed as a morphological condition
in which the present tense marker is -tunna:- with a variant
-to:n before 3rd non-mas. sg. suffix.
I .

---

j~! -i',..
...;
.~.
I
... 282 -
t.-.,
-a.;;
I
:o~
' I am doing'
ce:s-tunna:-nu
e.g:
' I t is doing'
ce:s-to:n-di
1
I
I The future tense suffix is -ta:-with a variant -tun- before
the 3rd non-mas. sg. suffix -die
'I will do'
ce: s-ta: -nu
I e.g:
, It wi 11 do'.
ce:s-tun-di
1III.11.3.9. G 0 N D I
In the dialect of Adilabad,
the present - future tense suffix
I
is -a:nt- with a variant -nt- occuring after stems of the type
1 (C)v and after stems ending in -ne
'I see I
e.g: su:r- a:nt-o:n
I
•
/CD-ak- ook- c:o-n- <::e-a:n-,...,-a:r/ is the suffix of the future
I tense.
-k- occurs before the 1st and 2nd person suffixes;
i t has a
1 variant -ak- after stems ending in -k or -g; -a:n- occurs
before 3rd mas. sg.,
mas. pI. and non-mas. pI. suffixes; -a:r
I
occurs before the 3rd non-masculine singular suffix.
1
'I will cook'
e.g: at-k-a:
•
'they will cook'
att-a:n-ir
1
• •
, I twill cook'.
·.
att-a:r
I
III.11.3.10. K 0 N D A
I The suffix /-sin-oo-zin/ is the durative tense marker (dura-
tive referFing' to an action in progress in the non-past time
I" or in the past time).
I
1
1
_

---

I
- 283 -
I
The non-past suffix is -n-: this -n- is morphologically lost
I
in a fe~ verbs ending in -n and -ne
•
I
e.g:
ki-zin-a
'I am doing'
ta-n-a
'I bring'
I
111.11.3.11. PEN G 0
1
The present tense is made by the addition of the suffix -a
to the forms of the future.
A final -g is restored before
I
this -a in the 1st singular and 3rd neuter plural which end
1
in -'h.
e.g: hur-n-a~g-a
'I see'.
.
I
TI1e suffix of the future tense is -n-.
This -n- is replaced
1
by zero after verbs ending in -n and -ne
e.g: hur-n-afl
'I will see'
.
I':
.
111.11.3.12. K U I
There is a periphrastic construction which consists of the
present adverb of the verb followed by the future tense forrr-s
of man- 'to be' as the present tense marker in Kui.
~.g:
ta :k-aima-.0-i
'I am walking'.
The future tense morpheme is /-d(tP -id-) V"
-n- (~. -in-)
,...." -.0-/.
-d- occurs before the 2nd personal suffixes singular and
plural: -n~ elsewhere except before the 1st singular suffixpr
where ~-
occurs.
e.g:
ko:-It1-i
' I will reap'
ko:-n-e
I It
will reap'.

---

I
-
284 -
I
..
111.11.3.13. K U V I
There is, in the formation of the present tense, a periphras-
I
tic construction con~isting of the present adverb of the verb
I plus the future tense forms of man- 'to bel.
?
e.g: ve-ci ma"i
1 1 am striking'
I
?
suffix
-in-) r.J _.
The future tense
/-d(~ -id-) (;P' -n- (00
- / .
-d- occurs before 2nd person singular and plural suffixes;
I
elsewhere except before the 1st person singular suffix
I where -?- occurs.
'you(sg.)
will
e.g:
hi:-d-i
give'
I
'I will
hi:-?-i:
give'
'He will
hi-n-esi
give'.
I
111.11.3.14. KoLAMI
I In Kolami the present-future tense suffix is -at- before
It
suffixes
has a zero
I
of the
variant
1st and 2nd persons.
before the suffixes of the 3rd person.
I
1
e.g:
si:-at-un
1 give'
'He gives'
si:~-an
I
The durati ve tense suffix is /-d- ~;=' -n- (..:;) -un-/.
I
1 1 am giving'.
e.g:
si:-d-un
IHe is
si:-n
giving'.
...en
I
The future tense suffix is -dat- before the suffixes of the
I 1st and 2nd persons, and -d- before those of the
n
3rd pp.rsn .
'I will
e.g: si: ....
give'.
dat-un
I
'He will
si:-d-an
give'.
I",'c' .:,
< ' ~~
I~'I~---_IIII!!!!!!!!!I!~~-------

---

L....-.-- - - -
I
-
285 -
I 111.11.3.15. NAIKI(Ch.)
-t- is the present-future tense suffix in the irregular
I
verbs and -1- in the regular ones.
But there is also another
I suffix -ent- which appears more commonly in forms.
I
e.g:
an-t-an
I
am'
I
var-l-en
lIt/she is coming'
puc-ent-an
'I am opening'.
I
7he present continuous is formed by a periphrastic oonstruc-
I tion in which the first member is a verb base with the suffix
-c-, -cik/-cig (-sik/sig) and the second member the present-
I
future tense form of an- Ito bel.
I e.g: tin-cigantun
'She is eating l •
The future tense suffix is /-at-oo -d-DO -ani; -an occurs
I before the 3rd non-masculine singular sUffix; -d- occurs
before the other 3rd pers ..mal suffixes aud -at- before the
I
suffixes of the 1st and 2nd persons.
I
e.g: kak-an~
IIt/she will do'
'kak-d-an
IHe will do'
I
kak-at-un
'I will do'.
I
III.11.3.16.
PAR J I
-m- is the present tense suffix in Parji
I
e.g:
ver-m-en
11 come I
The future tense is formed with the suffix -ra- in the
I
North-Western dialect and -iya- in the Southern dialect.
1-.
";.;
It, '4
)\\'
Ilif;-
I

---

•
-
286 -
I
In I-ending verbs the r of -ra- changes to 1.
I
Another suffix -da- is found to occur after n ending verbs.
I e.g: cu:r-ra-n
' I will see'
•
cu:r-iya-n
' I \\'lill see'
I
tu: I-I-ad
'He will run I.
I 111.11.3.17. GADABA(OLL.)
The present progressive tense is formed by adding to the
I
verb base the present-future forms of -in 'to bel.
I The formative of the present-future tense is /-da~ -ta-
-..'
-ya-/.
I e.g: su:r-in-da-n
' I am seeing'
vand-da-m
'I
(will)
cook
I
I
•
•
111.11.3.18. K U R U X
I
The suffix /-d-
-n-
-~-/is the forma~ive of the present
I
tense.
-n- occurs before the 3rd hum. plural suffix,
-~-
before 3rd non-masculine singular suffiX,
and -d- else-
I
where.
I
e.g: es-n-ar
'They break'
?
is°-)6-i
'It/she breaks I
I
I
es-d-an
I break I.
?
I
The future tense suffix is -0- (e.g: eso-o-n ' I will break').
r ·
h···.··
~:~~~-
~C.
I
~~;>·
1
.
·.·.(."i

---

...
"
I
-
287 -
I
..
IrI.11.3.19. M A L T 0
rhe present tense is formed with the suffix / -n- ~ -i-/.
In- occurs before the 2nd singular and plural and 3rd plural
IrUffixes; -i- elsewhere.
e.g.:
band-n-e
'You (sg.)
come'.
band-i-n
'I camel.
I
fun1re tense the suffix is -e- with a variant -en-
IIn the
before suffixes beginning with a vowel.
1
band-e-n
'I will come'
e~g:
/
band-en-e
'You (sg.) will come'.
1
III.11.3.20. BRA H U I
1The present (indefinite) tense suffix is -i- with an alternant
-e: -in a few verbs (e.g: bin-i-v 'I may hear'; kun-e:v
I 'I may eat') •
-a- is added to the present indefinite forms of all persons
I
except 2nd plural and 3rd singular to form the present-
I future tense.
e.g:
bin-i-va
• I
will hear'
I
bin-i-r-a
'They will hear'.
I
(",
~i·_:i­
O' ".-
~: ~
r; _~.
~.~~.
,;",N" '

---

---
I
-
288 -
I III.l~.4. NEGATIVE SUFF.IXE~
The Dravidian Languages can express negation in the morpho-
I
logical structure of the verb.
Many of these languages possess
I
a fully conjugated negative tense,
a negative adverb and a
negative .adjective.
They have also a prohibitive mood.
The
I
negative marker occurs after the stem,
in the position of
the tense marker.
The most common negative markers found
I
in the Dravidian Languages are - ~ - and - a : - I
- a -.
I
III.l1.4.1. T A M I L
I
III.l1.4.1.1. Old Tamil
In old Tamil the negative suffix is -a:-; i t has a zero
I
variant before all personal suffixes other than 3rd neu~~_
sg. and pI. The aIIomorph of the 3rd neu. pI. is zero after
I
the negative suffix.
e.g.:
ka:n
'I do not see'
I".
- 95 - e:n
•
ka:n - a:- tu
' I t does not see'
•
ka:n
a:- 95
'They (neu.)
do not see'
III.l1.4.1.2. Modern Tamil
Modern Tamil has preserved this type of negative construc-
tion in the construction indicating negation in the future
in which the negative auxiliary verb ma:ttu occurs after the
••
infinitive of the verb.
Example:
var -
a ma:tt - ~ - e:n
'I will not come'
••

---

re
-
289 -
'I~ is not known'
However, negation is usually expressed in Modern Tamil by
means of syntactic constructions, With the infinitive or par-
ticipial nouns followed by the negative word illai 'It is not'
example: ceyya-v-illai '(subject)
did not do'.
In the past negation is expressed by either the infinitive
In the present,
it is expressed by adding illai to the
present participal noun (example: varu-kir-dtu illai
'(subject)
is not used to come').
The negative adverb is expressed by the suffix - a?mal
(example: anc - a:mal 'without fearin'J').
In the construction of the negative adjective, the suffix
-a:t-a (-a:t- is the negative marker and -a the adjecriv8
marked
is added to the base {example: ceyy-a:ta I that which
does not do').
Negative verbal noun is formed by adding to
the base the negative marker -a: followed by the nominalizer
-mai
example: kall-a; -mai
'.not learning' •

---

,.'_c-
11-..
$
u.-a.,Z71 d W W'
li
·
i
- 291 -
I:I 111.11.4.2.2. Modern Malayalam
In the present
li
day Malayalam, negation is expressed by adding
I
the word ilIa 'it is not' to the infinitive, past or present
li tense form of the verb.
iI
The infinitive + ilIa denotes negation in the future.
I
e.g.: ceyy- ( a,)
ill
'(subject)
a
will not do'
11
ceyy-unnu ilIa
'(subject)
is not doing'
cey-tu Llla
'(subject)
did not do'
I The negative adverb suffix is -a:te (e.g: unn -a:te 'without
• •
I eating').
I' Two forms are found in the negative adjective; one for the
past negative adjective which has the structure: base-a!
I:,, (negative) -nn (past) -a (adjective) •
!
I
~.g.:
var-a: 'fln
that
- a
di d not cOTle'
1\\\\I the other form for the non-past neg~tive adjectiv.e which has
the
Base
structure:
-a:tt {negative)-a (adjective).
t..... r!.·.:
.-
. I
• •- ' :
\\..
-
,4". -
•
'that does/will not come'
The negative verbal noun has the structure: Base -a:y (negative)
-ka (verbal noun).
e.g.: ceyY-a:y-ka
'not doing'
lII.ll.4.1.-K O.T A
In the finite forms; the negative suffix expre~.si~g n~gation
.
,
in all tenses is-~- (e.g. tin
'I
-
eat')
~ - e:{n)
•
.another construction expressing negation in the past

---

292
"t:·
[;""
or non-past and which consists of a
1'O:...:~·r.I';
base + a:y (negative)
+ P (past) / kv (non-past) +
I
personal suffix is also found.
11I e.g.: va:r - a:y - p -e:n
'I was not coming'
1I
va:r -
a:y -kv--e:n
' I ~~/will not come'.
I: Moreover, in many instances" negation in the past is formed
I
I
by adding ila:
' i t is not'
to the past stem of the verb.
11 e.g.: avn kekn kec - ila: 'He did not do the work'.
The suffix of the negative adverb is -a:d (example: o:g-a:d
I'
'without going),
whereas that of the negative adjective is
I,
-a: with a free variant -a:d.
e.g.: Ka:n -a:d
'without seeing'
.
I;
111.11.4.4. T 0 D A
The negative suffix is -~- in the finite forms before all
~~ personal endings except that of the 3rd person where -i
and its variant -ot occur.
f(j -
ini
'I do'
k!y - ot -
i
' I t does'
These forms express negation in both past and non-past.
The negative adverb suffix is -o:Q
(e.g.: tin-o:Q
(without
e~ting').
The suffix of the negative adjective is -o:foy
e.g. mo:r - o:foy 'that diq/does not sell'.

---

mr
~rr._n
- . •
..
-
I/{'
·
j
_.~:
I
;
-
293 -
I
-IIlI.11.4.S. KAS A B A
. ,.
The negative suffixes are -a:d and -p:-; they are phonolo-
i;:
gically conditioned (e.g.
ekk-a: d - e
'not sending);
(ada:
1I
vstx-a:mali 'without worshipping).
Another suffix -ele
1 occurs after the past tense marker and a suffix -ma:tt-is
• •
also found to occur only after the infinitive SUffix.
I!! e.g.: mand - ele
'(someone)
did not urine'
1
'I would not beat'
..
adikke-ma:tte
1 II1.l1.4.6. I R U LA
This language expresses negation in the morphological struc-
I
ture of the verb.
The negative markers -a:- and -a:d -
occur in the position of the tense marker,
after the link
I
morph.
-a:- occurs before consonant and -a:d-elsewhere.
I: But 1rula has also an overt tense distinction past and non-
past in the negative forms of all verbs with the sUffix -ale.
Thus the structure of the verb in its negative form is as
follows:
verb - link morph - Tense -
ale
e.g.:
..
a:ttin -ale
'did not shake'
Another form of negation is the negative which is restrictp.n
only to the future tense when the subject is non-human.
Its suffix is ma:tt- •
• •
e.g.: varga -ma:tte
I I
won't come'
..

---

••
I
- 294 -
I III.11.4.7. KODAGU
In the finite forms there is only one form common to all .
I persons to express negation. It is made by adding to the base
(with the formative k in the case of the strong verbs)
the
I
negative marker -a.
I e.g.: ba -kk - a I (subject) will not come'
There are also a few syntactic constructions to express
I
time along with negation.
They contain the word il
(18)
I
preceded by either past adverb, perfect adverb or future
adverb.
11,
e.g.:
ba-nd-ile
I
(subject)
did not come'.
II The suffix of the negative adverb is -ate (e.g.: bakk-are
'without coming').
I:
The negative adjective is made by adding to the base the
~, negative marker -at- followed by the adjective marker -~
e.g.:
bakk-at-e
'that did/does/will not come'.
1II.11.4.8.
KANNADA
There are two suffixes in the finite forms,
viz.-a-
before
3rd neu. sg. and pI. suffixes and -~- before the other per-
sonal suffixes.
e. g. : no:d -a- du
' I t does not see'
•
no:d -4- em
'I do not see'
•
•
The negative adverb suffix is -ade (e.g.: ir-ade 'without
being').

---

. '",c';
. Ii.···········;'·····
I
-
295 -
'.1
[ -
I The negativ~ ~djective formation consi~ts of the base
t
1-
~
I
followed by the negative marker -ad- which itself is follow-
.
I
ed by the adjective marker -a.
I e.g.-: ma:d.- ad- a 'that did/does/will not make' •
•
111.11.4.9. T U L U
I The finite forms show a negative sUffix -a- before 3rd
I meu. sg. suffix -ndt/-nt and -ay- before the other personal
11I e.g.: Ke:n-a-nt
'It does not hear'
I
•
Ke:IJ.-ay-a
'We do not hear'
11I There is another'negative suffix -ji/-ri which is added to
11
the immediate past, distant past and the present-future
I
stems to express negation.
I1I
e. g.: kal-t'1-j i
'I oid not study'
(immediate past)
kal-tYdY-ji
'I did not study'
(distant past)
I
kal-pu-ji
'I am not studying (present-future).
The negative adverb suffix is -ande in the common dialect
I
e. g.: bar-ande
'without coming'.
The structure of the negative adjective is : Base + neg. + -i
(adj. )
E.g.: po:v-and-i
'that diq/does/will not go'.
....
111.11.4.10. TELUGU
-a- is the negative su~fix in the finite forms.
It is
replac~d by zero after stem - alternants of the type (C) V.

---

Lr-.-
I
-
296 -
I
•
These constructions are found in the future and past
tenses in Old Telugu.
I
e.g.: cepp-a-nu
'I do not tell'
I
po:-~-nu
'I do not go'
Also, the negative verbal noun is made by adding -ami to the
I
base
I e.g.: cu:d-ami
'not seeing'
In modern Telugu, negation in the past and the present is
I eXpressed syntactically, i.e. with the structure: infinitive
+ le~du (it is not)
in the 3rd non-mas.
sg., or verbal noun
I
+ adam /-atam + le:du.
•
I
e.g.:
Cepp-a
le:du
'(subject)
did not tell'
I
The negative adverb suffix is -aka (the first a is dropped
after stems of the type (C) V.)
I
e.g.: ceyy-ak-unda:
'without doing'
..
ra: -kunda
'without coming'
I
The negative adjective suffix is -ani (the a -dropped after
I
stems of the (C) V type.)
e.g.:
cu:d -ani
'that did/does/will not see'
I
•
ra: -ni
'that did/does/will not come'
I
111.11.4.11. G 0 N D I
The suffix is /-v-~ 0:-/ in the finite forms in the
I.-, Adilabad dialect whereas it is -vo:- in the Koya dialect.

---

I
- 297 -
I -v- occurs before the 2nd person markers; -0: before suffixes
I other than those of the 2nd person. The suffix -vo:- occurs
after stems of the (c) VC, CV & CV types.
I e.g.: tin-v-i: 'You (sg.) do not eat'
tinn-o:-n
11 do not eat'
I
nor-vo:-nu
'I do not wash'
I Negation in the past is expressed by adding to the infinitive
form of the verb the inflected forms of ill -
Ito be not'
I
followed by personal suffixes.
I
e.g.:
ud -(a)
ill-a:na
'1 do not see'
I
The present negative is expressed by adding to the verbal
noun of the verb the word ille lit is not'.
I
e.g.: pa:r-ata:m
ille
I (subject) is not singing l
•
-akunta is the negative a~verb suffix.
I
e.g.:
u:d - akunta
'without seeing'
I
The negative stem itself can function as a negative adjective
r
which is also formed by adding to the infinitive form the
stem il (l) -0:.
~ ~
e~g.: u:d-o:
•
I'that <!iQ/does/will not see'
u: d- (a) il (1) -0

---

•I
-
298 -
I
•
111.11.4.12. K 0 N D A
I Non-past negative is formed by adding to the base the nega-
tive suffix -7- followed by personal.suffixes.
I e.g.: ki-7-e 11 do not do'
The past negative contains the base followed by the negative
I
marker -7- which itself is followed by the past suffix
I /- et- N -it-,,'..J ut-/ plus the personal suffixes.
I I
did not know I .
e.g.:
nes-7-et-a
I
The negative suffix -7- added to the base and followed by
I the extensive marker -enda (which occurs after the past and
..
non-past markers)
forms the negative adverb.
I e.g.: re-7-enda
'without coming I
..
I
111.11.4.13. PEN G 0
-u- is the negative suffiX of the present-future.
I
e.g.:
hur-u-~
'I do not see l •
•
I
The present negative is formed by adding -a to the present-
future negative forms.
I
e.g.:
hur-u-~g-a
11 am not seeing '
•
I
The past negative has the following structure:
Base + Ne9ative (-va-) + Past (-t-)
+ Personal suffixes
I
e.g.:
hur-va-t-ad
11 did not see l
•
,
-vadafl
is the negative adverb
e.g.:
tin-vad~
'not having eaten l •
The negative adjective (present-future)
consists of the bQ~u

---

-
I
- 299 -
I
followed by the negative suff~x -v- and the adjective
I suffix -i.
e.g.: in-v-i
'that diq/does/will not say'
I
III.11.4.14. KURUMBA
I
Negative is classified into Negative
which is itself sub-
1
I
classified into durative negation, past, non-past and doubtful
negation, and Negative •
2
I
The durative negative suffix is -lpad- ;
i t occurs after all
•
the stems when followed by the relative participle suffix -a.
I
e.g.: ba:r - lpad -a
'(one) who does not come'
•
I
The past negative is expressed by the suffixes -l~i9- and
I
-il-; -l~9 occurs after all stems wher followed by relative
participle suffix -a or conditional suffix -ani.
I
-il- occurs before the verbal participle suffix -9i.
li.'.,·
',',
~.
·i."
."
e.g.:
ba:r - ldid-a
'(one) who did not come'
The doubtful negation is expressed by the suffix -lidapad-
rr' which occurs after all stems when followed by the pronomin~l
suffixes or the relative participle suffix -a.
e.g.:
no:d -lidapad - 0:
'They might not have seen'
-
.
Non-past"negative is formed by the suffix -lkpOccuring after
. all stems when followed by the conditional suffix -an.
no:d - lk -an
' i f {one)-will'not see' •
•

---

..,---~.,--_.
I
-
300 -
I
Negative suffix
contains the negative suffix -1- which
2
I
occurs after all stems when followed by all the pronominal
suffixes •.
I
e.g.:
ba-nd-l-e:
'he did not come I
I
111.11.4.15. K U I
The negative suffix -?- forms the non-past negation
I
e.g.:
tin-?-enu
11 do/will not eat l •
I
The structure of the past negative is as follows:
Base +
Negative (-?a-)
+ Past (-t-) + Personal suffixes.
I
e.g.:
tin-?a-t-i
I I
di d not eat I
I
Beside these constructions expressing negation, Kui has four
periphrastic constructions using the present adverb and the
I
perfect participle with the present-fu~~re forms of the nega-
tive ve~ sid- 'to be not l
and .the past negative forms of the
I
•
same verb.
I
e.g.: a:nu
ta:kai
sidenu
II am not walking '
a:nu
ta:kai
sidatenu
II was not walking
I
'
The negative adverb suffix is -arange or·ara:
I:
e.g.: su:r-arange
Inot having seen l •
."
•
b;
The structure of the future negative adjective is:
±~a~ _2~~,
·r !;,!--'¥!~.~-'~
Base + Negative (-?a-)
+ Future (-n-) + Adjective (-i).
'-~.-
e.g.:
tin-?a-n-i
I that
does/will not eat I

---

-
301 -
I
I 111.11.4.16. K U V I
In the non-past negative th'! suffix ~,s -70-; the ;:) is
I dropped before sUffixes beginning with a vowel.
e.g.:
pa~y-70-di
'You (sg.) are not beating'
I
pa:y-7-e
lIt/she is not beating'
I The past negative structure is : Base + Negative (-?~-) +
Past (-t-) + personal suffixes.
I
e.g.:
pa:y-J-a-t-i 'you (sg.)
did not beat'
Beside these constructions there are four more periphrasti~
I
constructions (present, imperfect, perfect r~d pluperfect
I
negative) which are formed on the present aDd past adverb
with the negative conjugated forms of the verb hil- 'to be
I
not' and man- 'to be'.
e.g.:
na:·nu
.pa:yi
hil?o
I:
' I am not beating'
i
na:nu
pa.:yi
hil?at?e
I,
'I tv-as not beating'
na:nu
pa:yi manj?at?e
~~':'
The negative adverb suffix is -?ahanaha/-?anaha
e.g.: pa:y-?aha naha
'not having beaten'.
The non-past negative adjective is forr.,~d Dj 2~~i~~ the
suffix -?a to the base whereas the past negative adjective
exhi1?its the following structure:
Base + Negative' (-fa) + Past (-t-) + Adjective (-1).
,
e.g. -: pa:y-'?a
'that does/will not eat'
to:h-?a-t-i
'that did not show'

---

•
I
I
..
-
302 -
I
-? atayi is the negative verbal noun suffix
I
e.g.: pa:y -?atayi
'not beating'.
I
111.11.4.17. KOLAM1
I The formative of the non-past negative is -e-
e.g~: si:-e-n
'I do not give'.
I The past negative structure is as follows:
Base + Negative (-e-) Past (-t-)
+ Personal suffixes.
I
e.g.: si: -e-t-an
' I did not give'
I However, beside these morphological constructions, Kolami has
five periphrastic constructionS in which the first member is
I
a participle and the second member is either the non-past
negative or. the past negative of the verb to:t- 'to be not:.
I
e. g •.: vaato: ten
'1 am not coming, w~ll not come'
I,
a:n vatto:ten '1 did not come'
-
-
~ .
The suffix of the negative adverb is -sel/-setay.
I~:;
•
····.'
..
e.g.:
tin-sel
'not having eaten'.
,:,..,.J_..,. The negative adjective is formed by adding the negative
marker -e- to the base.
e.g.-:
tirf';"e"
'that did/does/wiil not eat'
111.11.4.18. NA1KI (Ch.)
.
.
.
In Naiki (Ch~) the non-past negative is formed by the neg~~iv~
..
. ...
suffix -e.
e.g.: a:r-e-n
'1 do not play'

---

k
I
-
303 -
I
The structure of the past negative is as follows:
Base + Negative
(-e-)
+ Past (-t-) + Personal suffixes
I
e.g.: a:r -e-t-en
'He did not play'
.
I
111.11.4.19. PARJ1
-a- is the negative suffix in the non-past negative forms
I
except in a very limited number of verbs, viz pun -
'to know';
I
er-
'to be';
or
'to be able'.
An additional -a- is added in the final position of the non-
I
past negative forms.
I
e.g.:
cu:r -
a -
n -
a
'I do/will not see'
•
The preterite negative is fonned by adding the negative suffL.
I
-a to the forms of the affirmative preterite conjugation bu~
I
in the case of verbs in which the past tense marker is -~-.
e.g.:
cu:r-~-en-a
'I did not see'
•
I
The suffix -aka is the formative of the negative adverb.
e.g.:
cu:r -aka
'without seeing'.
I
The negative adjective is made by adding the negative suffix -a
I
-a to the base.
e.g.:
cen-a
'that diq(does not go'
I
111.11.4.20.
GADABA
(all.)
I
The suffix is -a- in the formation of non-past negative.
e.g.:
su:r-a-n
'I do/will not see'
•
I
However, there are many other periphrastic constructio~~
I
express past progressive negative, present or future
I
I,f;.
...

---

lc--·
I
-
304 -
I
..
progressive negative.
e.g.:
i:l-a-n-i
ma-t-on
' I was not falling'
I
'.
su:rani mayan
'I am not seeing'
•
I
su:rete sayan
'I will not be seeing'
I
The negative adverb suffix is -a, generally followed by the
particle kerin.
I
e.g.:
su:r - a kerin
'not having seen'
I
The negative marker -a is added to the base to form negative
adjective.
I
e.g:
pun-a
'that did/does/will not know'
I
111.11.4.21. KURUX
.
I
It has no morphological negative construction.
Negation is
expressed in this language by adding the negative wOrd mall
I
ma:l/mal:a Inot' before the affirmative verb forms.
I
e.g.: mal keras
'he did not go'
mal-d-ay
'he does/will not go'
I
There are no negative non-finite forms in Kurux.
I
111.11.4.22. MALTO
In this language also there is no morphological negative
I
construction.
Negation is expressed with the word male 'not'
I
which is added to the affirmative future forms.
e.g.:
a:den mala
'I will not select'
I
<";;.
I,~..

---

ps
I
-
305 -
I
But Malto has negative non-finite fovrns,
thus the negative
I adverb is formed by a construction containing the verb base
itself or with the suffix -a followed by balo 'without'.
I e.g.: lap-balo 'without eating'.
The negative adjective has two different forms which both
I
contain the verb mal.
I
e.g.:
a:do
malu
'that does/will not select'
a:do
malpe
I
111.11.4.23. 8RAHU1
I
The formation of the present indefinite negative is made ~-.
the negative suffix /a '-.1 91 / .
It occurs after -p
(non-pas-c.
I
marker) •
I
e.g.:
tix-p-a-r
11 may not place'
The nesative present-future is formed by ~~ffixing -a to t~~
I
conjugational forms of the negative present indefinite.
8'- '.
I
the 2nd pI. form does not add-a;
also -ak instead of -a
is added in the 3rd sg.
I
e.g.:
tix-p-a-r-a
'I do/will not place
I
tix-~-ere
I You
(pI.)
do/will not pI ace'
tix-p-91-ak
'He, she,
i~ does/will not place'.
I
The past negative conjugation consists of the past stern
followed by the present of the substantive verb negativ~.
r
e.g.:
tixtavat
'I did not place'
tixtavata
11 was not placing'.
r:
t
~:--;.
t~'
i;_~.,. ~.
~C,

---

pe
I
-
306 -
I
111.11.5.
INFINITIVE SUFFIXES
I
Infinitive is one of the grammatical categories through
which a variety of meanings are expressed.
I t exists as an
I
independent non-finite verbal form in many of the Dravidian
I
Language3 such as Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada,
Tulu, Tp.lugu,
Kolami, Parji, Gadaba and Malta.
I
111.11.5.1. T A M I
L
I
The infinitive suffix is -a everywhere.
;1
111.11.5.1.1. Old Tamil
This suffix is preceded by the formative -pp- and -kk- in
I
later Tamil,
in the strong verbs •
Examples:
•I
mara - pp - a
x. I to forget'
mara - kk -
a
X
Old Tamil has also forms with a few suffixes which are used
as infinitive denoting ·purpose'.
Thus,' certain forms with the suffixes -iya,
-iyar and -ma:r
are found.
e.g.
ka:n-iya
x
•
X
'to see'
ka:n-iyar
X
.
X
ka:n-ma:r
X

---

...
I
- 307 -
I In some ~stances, forms with the suffixes - va:n
I (co -ppa:~) are also found.
e.g.
ka:n-pa:n
'to see'
.
-
I
puri-va:~
'to understand'
I Similarly forms with the suffix - pa:kku appear as infini-
tives in Tirukkural.
I e.g.
patu-pa:kku
'to suffer'
.
I 111.11.5.1.2. Modern Tamil
Here also,
the infinitive suffix is -a and its variants
I are -(k)a and -(kk)a.
I -k and -kk occur with conditional and future tense.
The variant -(kk)a occurs with the stems of the ke:l class
I
(i.e. stems which take itt
as past tense suffix and -kkiru
as the present tense suffi:.J
and nata cla~
I
3
(Le. verb stems
which take -nt as past suffix and -kkiru as present tense
I
suffix) •
Example:
I
patikka
'to read'
natakka
Ito walk'
I
The variant -(k)a occurs with the stems of the
(C)V type
I
and -a with the other stems.
Examples:
I
po: -ka
'to go'
a:l - a
'to rule'
I
•
,

---

. ' t t l O C _
I
-
308 -
I 111.11.5.2. MALAYALAM
I 111.11.5.2.1. Old Malayalam
I
Infinitive forms with the suffix -a which is preceded
by -kk- in 'strong verbs'
and also with the suffix -va:n
I
(00 -appa:n -- ma:n)
are found in old Malayalam.
I
111.11.5.2.2. Modern Malayalam
In Modern Malayalam the infinitive s~ffix is -a:n
I
preceded by -kk- after strong verbs generally followed by
verbs like kali
Ito be possible'
and paEa 'to tall'.
I
e.g.: kotukka:n kaliYlli~
lIt is possible to give'
I
~.-J
avan vara:n
paEannu
'he was asked to come'
I
The forms with the suffix -uka are also used as infinitives
and as imperatives.
I
e.g.:
var-uka I (please)
c~mel
I
111.11.5.3. K 0 T A
In Kota the suffix is -1 or -lk
I
e.g.: no:r-lk-ila:
I
(subject) will not see)
I
111.11.5.4. KANNADA.
Kannada has the suffixes -a,
-al and -e in old
I
Kannada; -al is optionally followed by the dative suffix -ke
-e occurs only in the old inscriptions and is not founn in
r
modern Kannada.
l

---

..
-
309 -
I
Ie.g.: un - al -(Jj.e).
'to eat or drink'
I
I to
come'
bar -e
In modern Kannada the suffixes are -a, and -alu; -alu is
•
~ .
loptionallY followed by the dative suffix -ike or -ikke.
I e.g. : bar-a
'to come'
tar-al
(ike)
'to bring'
I III.11.S.5. T U L U
The infinitive suffix is -ar
I-er
in this language.
I -ar has free variants -yara, -
e.g.:
po:v-ar
'to go'
I
111.11.5.6. KASABA
I
-e and -eye are the infinitive suffixes in Kasaba.
They freely vary with each other.
I
I to
mark'
I
I
attekk-e
to bird'
I 111.11.5.7. KURUMBA
In Kurumba infinitive is used to express the purposive,
I effective and simultaneous meanings.
I There are four suffixes viz. 1, -laye, -0 and -ka. The
first three suffixes convey the meaning of purposi'le;
the last
I SUffix that of effective or simultaneous.
e.g.: belki:-l-be:da
'(one) needs not speak'
I
belki:-laye
'for the purpose of speaking'
a:d-ka
(
a: duka)
I to
dance'
I
•
b

---

I
-
310 -
I
..
II1.l1.5.8. I
R U L A
There are two suffixes, viz-a which occurs after a link
I
morph and -a:kk which conveys the meaning 'in order to'.
I These two suffixes are in free variation.
e.g.:
pa:kk-a
'to see'; ki:kk-a
Ito tear'
I
II~.11.5.9. TELUGU
I -an is the infinitive suffix (e.g.: ce:y-an 'to do'; cepp-an
'to tell').
I
111.11.5.10. G 0 N D I
I
It has the suffix -a: with the free variant -le: as
I infinitive suffix.
ex:
tind-a:
X
I
X
'to eat'
tind-le:
X
I
111.11.5.11. K 0 N D A
In Konda the suffix is I
- den c-=' -ten - I~' -ref! I".J -denl •
I
Iten occurs after simple or complex stems ending in voiceless
I
obstruents and in -r,
and in simple monosyllabic or disylla~i~
stems ending in the vowels -a,
-e,
-e:,
-0 and -0:.
I
-ren
occurs after verbs ending in -n or -1.
-den
after verbs ending in -n or - 1.
I
•
•
-den
in the remaining verbs.
I
exx: nik-ten
'to make up'
in-refl
'to say'
I
I
I
b~
~~~~
_

---

•I
-
311 -
I
un-deh
'to drink'
• •
koy-dell
'to cut'
I
I
The infinitive of Kui is / -a 00 -pa GlQ -va od- -ba/.
I However another alternative infinitive with the suffix -ondi
preceded by p, v and b respectively in the 2nd,
3rd and 4th
I conjugations is also found.
I exx: it-a
'to place'
•
ve:-pa
Ito strike '
I
a:-va
I to
be'
in-ba
' to say'
I
un-b-ondi
' to drink'
I
111.11.5.13. K U V 1
I
The infinitive suffix is /-ali.-J -sali 00 -calioo -jali-hali/
or -nayi.
I
exx:
pa:y-ali
I to beat'
..
I
hi-nayi
to give'
I
1II.11.5.14. PENGO
I
It has the suffix / -tefl ~ -defl/ as infinitive marker.
I
exx: ta-teri
'to bring I
a:-dell
'to be, become'
f

---

I
I
- 312 -
I
111.11.5.15. KOLAMI
I
In this language the pUrposi'le form is also used as the
infinitive.
Its.suffix is -en which has two variants,
I
namely -e~k (before voiceless consonants)
and -e~g (before
I
voiced consonants and vowels) •
exx:
kor-en
Ito bring'
I
a:d-efJ.g
• to play'
I
111.11.5.16. NAIKI
(Ch.)
The infinitive suffix is -en.
This form functions also as
I
a verbal noun.
I
ex:
tin-en
un-en
'eating (and)
drinking'
I
III.1i.5.17. PAR J
I
-ufl is the infinitive suff'.x in Parji.
H,....·...ever the Northern
I
dialect uSes -u as infinitive suffix;
i t substitutes -uk
I
to finBl -pit in verbs having alternate stems in pit.
The
Southern dialect uses the suffix -un which is added to -p
I
ending stems.
exx:
ven-un
I to hear'
I
koy-u
'to reap'
I
nil-uk
'to stand'
I
III.11.5.18. GADABA
The SUffix is -un with a variant -ifJ..
I
-u is also found.
I
I•

---

•I
-
313 -
ka:k-lfl
'to wC'. tch '
I
pOk-u
'to speak'
1111.11.5.19. KURUX
_a:/-na:
is the infinitive suffix.
ex:
es-a:/es-na:
'to break'
I
111.11.5.20. ~~LTO
I
The infi~itive suffix is - oti.
I ex: e:K - oti
'to go'
111.11.5.21. 9RAHU1
I
Brahui uses the verbal noun with the suffix -ing
(variant ..
I eng) as the infinitive suffix.
I exx: bin-ing
'to hear'
ras-eng
Ito arrive'
I
111.11.6.
PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES
I
In Dravidian there is a close similarity between the prono-
I minal suffixes of the verbs and the corresponding personal or
demonstrative pronouns.
All the Dravidian languages other
I than f-1alayalam are consistant in showing personal suffixes.
I The table below will show the different personal suffjy:pco
in the various languages:
r

---

--------------------
-----------------------------r--_.----- ----------------------------------------------------
1st pl.
1st plo
l~on-
2n
2nd
3rd
3rd
3rd
~,
Hum.
hum.
lUang.
1st sg.
exclu-
inclu-
mas
fern
neu.
plo
sg.
sive
sive
pl.
sg.
sg.
sg.
pI.
------- 10------------10--------1-------- ------ ------- ------ ------- ------- ------. -------
Ta.
e:n
o:m
..
Cl:y
irkal
a:n
a:l
(a)tu
a:rkal
a
.
-
·
.
Ko.
e: (n)
e:m
0: (m)
i
im,ir
a:n
2:1
d
a:r
·
To.
en,
in,
,.,
em,
im,
urn
i
ts
t,
u,
n
m
c, k
-_.-
Kas.
en,
e
e:m
e
iri
3:n
a:l
ad,
a:r
inE'.e
·
w
d
.....
-
----
~
Kb.
o-f-.
. _ - ------
Ir.
en
e:m
al
iri
an
al
ud,
a:r
in~:jl--
.
·
.
ad
- - -
Kod.
.~ ;
i
a
iya
a,
.
eti
Ka.
enu,
evu,
evu,
i/e
iri,
anu,
alu,
tu,
a:r
uvu,
·
e:ne
e:ve
i:ri
a:ne
a:lc
ade
avu
.
adu!
udu
I;~~-- --
I
C
a
a
ar
e
a~u/
i, u,
eru
a
I
al i
ndu

---

"c_ _
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - \\
------~-------------------~--~----------- ------- --------------- ---------------- r-------,
3rd
3rd
3rd
Non-
1st pI.
1st pI.
2nd
2nd
hum.
rnas
fern.
neu.
hum.
'l..Jang.
1st sg.
excIu-
incIu-
sg.
pI.
plo
sq.
sg.
sg.
pI.
sive
sive
------1---------- --------- 1"-------- ------ ------- -------- ----------------------1--------
.
Tc.
ni, nu
mu, mi
vu,
vi ru,
ri
ndu,
di,
ru,
~..u, vi,
..
du,
ri
nu
nu
nu
--
Go.
0 : n,
0: rn,
a:t
i
i t
0 : 1,
u: , u:
0: r,
a :!l,
.
.
u: 1
J6
ur,r
u:fl,n
-
Kond.
a
ap
at
i
inder,
un
uti
ar
e
.
.
ider
ad
- - -
Pe.
afl
ap
as
ay
uder
un
at
ar
f,ik,ifl
w
......
Kui
i, e,
amu
asu
i
eru
enju
e
eru
u,o
V1
enu
.
Kuvi
i,e,ni
ornil
0,
ohi
i
cri
esi
e
eri·
u
Kol.
un,
an,
urn,
am,
am
iv,
ir,
an,
ad,
ar,
av,
n
rn
v
r-
en
d,
er
ev
un,
in
NK
un,
an,
urn,
am,
i
ir
en,
un
d,
ar,
e,
a
n
urn
un,
er
an
, .
,
I
,
I

---

- : ' ; " , -
~
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
r::::-,--:::-:;~----f~~:~~~--lf~~:~~~-r;~~--- ~~~--r;~~-----1~~~~----;~~~---\\~;~~--\\-t~~~-l
s~ve
.
jSive
sg.
-------~-;-------- --------- -r------l ------
I
-----.-,------ -------J-------L------J------
Pa
en/on,
om,
am,
ot,at
a,
a
lor,
ed,
er/
av,
av,
an
urn
ut
ar,
od,
u
or,
uv
ur
ad
ar,
ir
_.
-
,
-
I
I
-,--+1----
Ga
en, on,
om,
am,
et,
er,
e,a
er,
ev,
av
.
an
em
or,
~
or,
at,
.
ar
ar
at
n
m
tti,
Kur.
ut,
y
lar,r las,
s
i,
n
i<V
ar,
i t
r,
W
£,
I-"
ai
0'1
I
I
I
I
I
I
---1--
I
I
I
Malt. I
in,
en,
I im, em, lit, et, /m, ne,/er, luh,
I
ih
lith,
er,
on
om
at
e
or
eh,
oh
ath,
ar,
h
or
Br.
I i:, ~in.
ir,
e.v,
n'
~~.:sir·~-·-J
L
e:re,
e: r,
v, r
s
re
as,
f)
------~-------------------------------~---------------------~-------~------~----.-~-------
,;(

---

~
I
-
317 -
I conclusion:
I We have confined ourselves in this descriptive comparative
I grammar of the Dravidian Languages to broad outlines of the
grammatical aspects of these languages, giving mostly cursory
I indications concerning the phonetism of the Languages and
describing the most characteristic phonemes, because an exhau-
I stive study of the comparative phonetics of these languages
I would need by itself a whole book.
I
Therefore the variety and the complexity of dravidian
phonetics are almost rapidly mentioned.
I
However a few characteristic phonetic features of the
languages have been discussed,
namely the diphthongs
/
ai /
I
and /au/, the initial plosives and the dental and alveolar
I
nasals.
Another phonetic peculiarity worth mentioning are the
I
retroflex consonants found in most of the languages, mainly
I
in those of the South Dravidian group.
The initial consonantal groups,
so frequent in the
I
Negro-African Languages are not found in Dravidian.
Geminated consonants arG often noted in Dravidian.
r
However,
i t is mainly the peculiarities of their structure
,
Which confer their originality to the Dravidian Languages
which are exclusively sUffixal, hence agglutinative.

---

I
I
-
318 -
I This characteristics giv~s the means to develop and enrich
I easily the language.
Also,
the Dravidian Languages shm'l a variety of
I morphological features· of which the most important are the
I Gender - number system, case declensions, pronominal termi-
nations etc., which place these languages among the richest
I
and perhaps the most ancient languages of the world.
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I,:.··.
lit·
-

---

" " w
-
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
Part III
CO~~ARATIVE STUDIES
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
•

---

•
I
I
I
I
I
I
lilt is by comparison,
and only by comparison,
that the connections or relationships between
I
languages can be traced, whatever the nature of
these relationships may be."
I
I
- M. Louis Hjemslev.
I
I
I
I
I
r
r

---

----
I
- 319 -
I
IV.
COMPAJiATIVE STUDY
I
IV.l. Phonology
Contrasts and resemblances
I
In linguistics, the interpretation of facts should always
be subordinated to the method of work applied.
As far as
I
comparative phonology is concerned,
i t is necessary to take
into account the functional,
structural and systemic criteria
I
and set up strict appropriate rules.
I
Our method in this study is, beside the description in
detail of individual sounds, to compare all the phonemic
I
systems of the languages to be compared, viz.
the Dravidian
I
Languages and Pula:r.
We shall take firstly for the comparisc~, the phonemic systems
I
of the Dravidian Languages as reconstructed from Proto Dravi-
I
dian and that of Pula:r as proposed by the Direction of
Alphabetisation, r-iinistry of National Education, SENEGAL.
I
First of all the vocalic systems of Dravidian and Pula:r are
considered.
I
IV.l.l. Vowels:
I
IV.l.l.l.
Dravidian
r
--i--------------------------u-----------
---------e----------o--------------------
--------------a--------------------------

---

•I
-
320 -
I All the vowels have their corresponding long vowels. ai
--
and au have been studied separately (cf: chapter on diph~
I
thongs) •
I
IV.l.l.2. Pula:r
I
- - - -
i
- -
- - u
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
e- -
-
0
-
I
- -
-
-
-
- a -
I
All the short vowels have their corresponding long vowels.
We note in the comparison of the two vocalic systems that the
I
system of the Dravidian languages and that of Pula:r are very
similar.
I
In both Dravidian and Pula:r the quality of vowels appear
I
as i
i :
u
u : e
e :
0
0 :
a
a :
•
I
IV.l.2. CONSONANTS
IV.l.2.1. Dravidian
I
p
t
t
c
k
I
...-
m
n
n
n
I
1
1
1_
I
r
r
v
y

---

•
I
-
321 -
.1
IV.1.2.2. Pula:r
I
pb
td
cj
kg
I
m
n
I
f
s
h
q
I
1
I
r
I
w
y
I
In the comparison of the two consonantal systems we note
I
that the Dravidian surd plosives p t
c k correspond to the
Pula:r surd plosives p t
c k;
Dravidian nasals m n n
I
correspond to Pular:r nasals m n h;
Dravidian lateral alveolac
1 and alveolar flap r corresponds to Pula:r lateral
1II
alveola~
and Blveolar f1ap r;
Dravidian
semivowel v corresponds LO
I
Pula:r semi vowel w.
And Dravidian retroflex plosive t
; retroflex nasal n;
I
lateral palatal !
; alveolar trill r are not found in the
r
Pula:r system, on one hand.
,
I iIJ
On the other hand Pula:r implosives 6 , er
and~ ; sonant
plosives b d j
g ; velar nasal ~ ; fricatives f s h q are
not found in the Dravidian consonantal system.
I

---

"
. ..,t#l\\&<
-
322 -
I
~he tables below will show the phonemic vowel correspondences
I
and phonemic consonant correspondences between Dravidian and
I pula :r •
IV.l.3.
Vowel correspondences
I
--------------------------------
J
I
~~~~::- -~~~~=~=~~- -----:~~~~~
I a
a
a
I
a:
a:
a:
i
i
i
I
i:
i:
i:
I
u
u
u
u:
u:
u:
I
e
e
e
e:
e:
e:
I
I
o
o
o
I
I
J
0:
0:
0:
I
~-----------------J------------
Table 1
l;~
I

---

I
-
323 -
I
Consonant correspondences
------------------------r--------
I
~~~::~:~~t---~~:~~~=:~----~~::~1
I
I
~
6 I,
t
t
t
I
d
d
I
I
er
cl'
t
t
I
c
c
c
j
j
I
k
k
k
9
9
I
m
m
m
n
n
n
n
n
I
I
f
f
s
s
h
h
I
q
q
1
1
1
I
1
1
I
1
1
!
I
i
I
r
r
r
i!
r
r
I
v
v
!
w
I
r
Y
Y
y!
J
I
~
~.
-
i
~
!
!
,
l~ y
•
~
-
~_
; ,
,
•
r
'.~
•
. '
•
1

---

~.
I
-
324 ..
I.
IV.l.4.1. Plosives
I
P: a voiceless bilabial stop, occurs in the initial position
in all the Dravidian Languages •
.1
exx: Ta. Pal
I tooth'
;
Ma. Pal
'tooth l ;
Ko. pal 'idem';
I
To. Pas
, id'
.I Ma. Pal
'id' •
However P occurs in Modern Tamil in the medial position
I
either as the first member of a consonant cluster, the second
member of a consonant cluster or as identical consonant
I
cluster.
I
exx: Ta. aptam 'year'
; aEpan
'a mean fellow';
appa:
lfa~~(
But P does never occur in the final position in Dravi-
I
dian.
I
In Pula:r P occurs in all positions, viz.
initially
as a ~ingle phoneme, medii"lly ei ther sin~.le or as an identical
I
or a non identical consonant cluster, and finally as a single
consonant.
exx:
Pullo 'a pula:r native
speaker';
Pula:r la language spoken by an ethnical group of
Senegal' ;
lo:pal 'mud'
bilap la kind of big knife'.
b: a voiced bilabial stoPt does not occur in Dravidian
(refer: chapter on plosives in Dravid1an).

---

-
325 -
~";-
In Pula:r, b occurs in the initial and medial position.
~ exx: basal 'sleeping ma·t, mat' : ba:ba 'father';
., mbu:bu 'fly' : ngelo:ba 'camel' : ~babba 'donkey'.
:·L
. ~~:
b : a voiceless bilabial implosive stop, is not found in
i...: the Dravidian languages•
.1 6 : occurs in Pula:r in the initial position and in the
medial position.
I
exx; bicfcl' 0
'child',
infant'
:
6 irod'am 'milk':
I
su 6 ina: de
'to choose,
select' i
to I) 0
'rain'.
t: a voiceless dental stoPi, occurs in the initial and
I
~.
medial positions in the Dravidian Languages.
I
exx: Ta.
talai 'head, top':
K~.tal
'head'
:
Ka.
tale
, id ';
I
Ta. mutu 'old,
ancient'; Ma. mutu 'old,
ripe': Go.mutte-
'old women' •
I
In Pula:r,
t,
a voiceless alveolar stop, occurs in the ini-
tial, medial and final positions.
Examples:
I
ti:nde 'forehead':
tu:ba 'pant':
fetel
'gun': yontere
'week'; alet 'sunday'
:
lamset 'blade'.
I
d : a voiced alveolar stop,
does not occur in Dravidian.
J
<
In Pula;r i t occurs initially,
intervocatically and mediallyr
t:'
";.',
exx: da:nde 'neck'
:
deftere 'book': no:da 'crocomile'i
l
hoddu 'a kind of guitar'
; ladde 'forest, bush'.

---

-
326 -
er: a voiceless alveol~r implosive stop, is not found in
Dravidian. It occurs in Pula:r initially and medially.
exx:
eridi ' two' ;
do
'here';
da 'there';
,"
,
.',
dOyngol 'sleep';
necfcfo ··'person.
t: a noise voiceless forelingual retroflex stop, occurs
medially in all the Dravidian Languages.
exx: Ta. katu
f to
pain'
Ma. katu
, pungent'
GO. kati
'severe (of pain)'
Konda. katu 'sharp'
.
.
This phoneme is not found in Pula:r.
c : a noise voiceless palatal stop: occurs initially and
. medi ally in Dravi di an.
,
exx:
Ta. cinna
'small, etc.
Ma. cinna
' id'
Ka. cini
'smallness'
Ta. ma:cu
' spot, stain'
Ma.ma:cu
'spot'
Ka. ma: su
'to be stained' •
In Pula:r C occurs also in the initial and medial position.
exx:
conndi
'powder, flour'
.
cukayel
'child'
·r:~
lo:col
'whip'
:i
i
la:ci
'tail'.
~
t
~
~
t
t[
~ ---------------
. . . . . . .

---

_
. .------~~~---"'--
It
•.• , ............. _
. . . . . . . .'
-
327 -
j : a voiced palatal stop,
is not found in the reconstructed
proto Dravidian.
In Pula:r,
it occurs initially and medially.
, exx: jafmgo.
'tomorrow'
.
[
·····
.,
i·;
jemma
'night'
I
r
i'
wojere
'rabbit'
kobjal
'peel'
j' : a voiceless unaspirated palatal implosive, does not
occur in PDr.
~
is found in Pula: r where i t occurs in the initial and
medial position.
exx: -:f ulbere
'charcoal'
rj' 0 :g-
'to draw water from a well'
'blood' •
1 i :j'am
k: a voiceless velar stop, occurs in the initial and
medial position in Dravidian.
exx:
Ta. ka:y
'unripe fruit'
Ma. ka:y
'unripe fruit'
Ko. Ka:y
, id'
I
To. ko:y
, id'
Ta. mukam
' face'
r
Kol.mokam
'id'
Go mukum
'face'
Pa. mokom
'id' •
:~j .
-oi"
"'"
~

---

-
328
In Pula:r k occurs in the initial and medial position.
I t occurs medially after nasal and also as an identical
J consonant cluster.
~;J.~.'
, exx: ka:w
'uncle'
Kural
'bullet'
I
ha1)ki
'yesterday'
wogki
' soul'
1I
k09ko
'small hoe'
:i,,-
ha~d<il
'brain,
intelligence'
I
lekki
'medicine' •
g. a voiced velar stop, does not occur in Proto Dravidi~n.
In Pula:r i t occurs in the initial and medial position.
: t
occurs medially as an identical conson."lnt cluster and inter--
vocalically.
exx: galle
'house'
go:nga
'truth'
he:ge
'famine, hunger'
ja:gom
, six'
nagge
'cow'
IV.l.4.2. Nasals
-
m: a voiced bilabial nasal,
occurs in all positions.
In
the final position -m alternates with -n in the Prota Dra:....i-
dian nominative suffix o.f some nouns with stem ending
in -a.

---

t
329
..-:~
.
~
exx:
Ta. mi:n
, fish'
I
Ma. Ko. To. Ka. mi:n
, id'
Kod. mi:ni
, id'
I
Tu. mi:nu
, fish'
Ta. cuma
'to become heavy, bear,
support'
I
Ma. cuma
'load l
I
Te. cuma
'carrying pad'
Ta. maram
, tree'
I
To. me:n
, id'
Te mranu
, id'
I
Ga
(011)
I
marin
id'
I
In Pula:r, m occurs in all the positions.
exx:
ma:yo
, sea'
I
ma:fe
, curry,
sauce'
nama:nde
l't;::'{'
njumri
'honey'
I;
lamdam
, salt'
j
kosam
'curd' •
'-"5.
.,~~
n: a voiced alveolar nasal,
occurs in the initial position.
I
exx:
Ta. ni:r
'water'
!j
~~
Ma. Ko. To. Ka. ni:r
'id'
, id'
Kod. ni:rT
...
In Pula:r
n
occurs in all the positions.
exx:
nagge
'cow
na,/ i.
'four'

---

•
I
-
330 -
I
la:na
'boat '
a duna
I world'
I
asama:n
'sky'
I
n: a voiced retroflex nasal, occurs in the medial position
•
in Dravi di an.
I
exx:
Ta. pinai
'unite,
fasten '
Ma.pina
'.a tying, yokel
I
.
Ko. pi:n-
'to become entangled (of ropes)
I
Ka. pene
I to
unite,
tiel
•
n is not found in the Pula:r language.
I
,...,
n:
a voiced palatal nasal, occurs in the initial position
~
though a PDr.
I
* n is not included in the table of cOrrespon-
dences in DED by Burrow and Emeneau.
~owever Krishnamurti
I
has stated that
n was there in old Ta. and Ma. in the
initial position.
I
,...,.
exx:
Ta. nantu
'crab, lobster'
I
, id I
Ma. h'antu
....,
In Pula:r
n
occurs initially,
medially and finally.
I
exx:
'"
nammi
, food'
- J
r
nala: nde
'day'
r-'
bu:na
'gift, presentation I
r
, J
mbu:no
'a skin disease'
Kerin
I charcoal'
~:
a voiced velar nasal, does not occur in the PDr.

---

I
-
331 -
, I
I ,
I
In Pula: r,
f1
'occurs in all the positions.
..
I
exx:
flaccu
'a kind of sword'
flur
' roar'
I
kolofla
'a kind of antilop'
I
si:ra~
'chair, seat, bench'
dolifl
'hook'
I
IV.l.4.3. Fricatives
I
f: a voiceless labiodental fricative, does not occur in PDr.
In Pula:r, it occurs initially, intervocalically and finally.
I
exx:
fO\\-lru
'hyena'
I
fetal
'gun'
fo:fa:ngo
'breath'
I
kafu
'festival'
I
fof
' all'
s: a voiceless alveolar fricative,
is not found
I
in PDr.
I
It occurs in the initial, medial and final position in
Pula: r.
I
exx:
sa: re
'village, place'
su:du
, room'
r
asama:n
, sky'
ngaska
'hole'
ka:lis
'money'
,.-"'

---

....-
I
-
332 -
•
o .
I
h ; a voiceless aspirated.velar fricatIve,
does not occur
in PDr.
I
In Pula:r i t occurs in the initial position and intervoca-
I
lically •.
.
exx·
himere
Inos e '
I
hu:nde
I thing'
bohi
'a tree
I
I
kahi
I a tree'
I
q
a voiced uvular fricative,
does not occur in PDr.
q occurs in Pula:r in the medial position only.
I
exx: toqo
'a wish adressed to a person who is coughing'
I
mboqu 'barking'
IV.l.4.4. Laterals
I
1 : a voiced alveolar lateral occurs in PDr. in the mediaJ.
I
and the final position.
exx:
Ta. eli
r rat r
I
Ma. eli
'id'
Ka. kod. Tu. eli
I id '
I
Te. eluka Kol.elka
'id'
I
Ta. ka:l
' leg , foot'
Ma. ko. ka:l
lid'
I
To. ko: 1
lid I
r:
Te. ka:lu
'id'
In Pula:r 1 occurs initially, medially and finally.

---

•I
-
333 -
I
exx:
la:wol
'way'
lo:col
, whip'
I
alet
, sunday'
I
kulol
'fear'
1
a voiced retroflex lateral,
occurs in PDr,
in the
I
•
medial and final position.
exx:
Ta.
ila
'young,
tender'
I
.
Ma.
ila
I id'
I
Ka. ela
' tenderness'
Tu. elatu
' tender'
I
'J:'a. ul
'inside'
ko. ul
'the inside'
I
Ka. ul
' id'
I
kod oll"
' id'
This phoneme is not found in Pula:r.
I
1 : a voiced retroflexed palatal lateral, occurs in PDr.
I
in the medial and final position.
exx:
Ta. Ma. e:lu
'seven'
I·
-
Ka. e:lu
' id'
-
I
Kod. e:l"i
' id'
•
Tu. e:lu
' id'
I:,~'
-
Ta. ki:l
'place below'
',;,";~i;.
I.it, '
.~'
1·1a •
~:~<-
ki:l
' id'
,~.,:.
-
Ka. ki:l
'below
In Pula:r 1 is not found.

---

' -••••=••!WP?_=_~.M5IllilOl:I§WiI.iIla'.'.,.-.;J , '.
_
I
-
334 -
I
..
IV.l.4.5.
F 1 a p
I
r
: does not occur word -
initially in PDr.
I t occurs in
the medial and final position.
I
exx:
Ta.
iravu
I night'
I
Ma.
iravu
I id'
Ko.
irl
' id'
I
To. erl
I id'
Ta.ni:r
I ",ater'
I
Te.irulu
'darkness'
I
Kod.ni:ri'
' id'
Tu.
ni:ru
' id'
I
In Pula:r this phoneme occurs in all positions.
I
exx
rawa:ndu
' dog'
ro:mru
I mouse I
I
ho:re
'head '
hare
I fight'
I
sa:mar
la small drum I
I
ja:mbur
'warrior'.
, IV.1.4•6• Trill
r
a voiced alveolar trill,
occurs only in the medial
I.'.
posi tion in PDr •
exx:
Ta.
aru
I·to perish
I
'
Ma.
aru
To.
arf--
Ita cut l

---

-
335 -
I
..
Ka.
aru
'to be severed'
I
Te. aru
Ito be destroyed'
)
In Pula:r this phoneme is not found.
I
IV.l.4.7. Semivowels
V : a voiced labiodental semivowel, occurs in PDr.
I
in the initial and medial position.
exx:
Ta. varu
I come,
happen'
~
Ma. vartL1<ku
I id'
Ko. va:r-
I id'
•,jI
Te. vaccu
' id'
I
Ta.
cevi
'earl
Ma. cevi
I
• id'
Ka. kivi
I id'
I
Te. cevi
• id'
Go. kevi
' id'
If
In Pula:r,
v is not found.
I~ can be considered as equival
I
to w.
In that case, w occurs in the initial and medial
position.
r
exx:
wa :ndu
'monkey'
r
14
!
wOIJki
'soul'
awo
j
'fishing'
,
e :wo: de
'scar'
a:wdi
' seed'

---

.( .. '.'*"
-
336 -
I
•
y : a voiced palatal semivowel, occurs in P~r.
in the
I
medial and final position.
Exx:
Ma. ta:yi
' mother'
I
Ka. a:yi
' id'
Kod. ta:yi
I grand
mother'
I
Ta. koy
, to pluck'
I
Ka. koy
Ito cut l
Kod. koy
I to
pluck' •
I
In Pula:r, y occurs in the initial medial and final position.
I
exx:
ya:re 'scorpion'; ya:du 'the act of going'
yontere
'week'
I
woyndu
'well'
ndiyam
"dater I
leydi
t earth'
nji2gena:y
'pillow'
cu:ra:y
• encense' •
IV.l.5. MOrphophonemics
: RESEMBLANCES
In an article entitled 'On morphophonemic rules of Dravidian
Bases', Kamil Zvelebil has set up a rule vmich concerns the
-Cc)
vc - type of bases irrespective whether a derivative
suffix follows or not.
(cf: Linguistics 32, pp 87-95).
The rule is:
•

---

~
-
337 -
I
I
e.g.:
Ta: me:tu
(height,
hillock)
Ta.vi:cu
(to throw)
I
Ta.
mo:tu
(to strike, hit)
Ta. cu:ru
Ito surround'
Te. so:ku
(to touch)
I
Kuwi(F) • bu:ga
(cheek.)
1
Ta.
mettu
(mound,
heap of earth)
Ta.
vi:ccu
( thrQ1:,r)
I
Ta.
mottu
(strike,
bea:: )
Te. bugga
(cheek,
inside of t:'e cheek)
Ii
t'1a.
curru
(what is circular)
Ka.
sokku
(to touch)
I
I t is important to note that the sa~e rule ca~ operate ?sr-
fectly within a
few Se~EgalesE languages,
na~ely, Pula:r,
I:
Sere: rand 'tlolof VIi th the speci fica tion that ;:;'12 base can
11
contain si ther a long vowel or 2
short ';O"\\'lsl.
Thus,
t:--.e fc2.l-
i
owing ~ule can be set up.
I
I'
Examples:
.1
se.
na:k
(cow)
Pu.
nag;e
(cm;)
.,...J
ss.
na:m
(to eat)
Pu.
nam.Di
( food)
-v
\\Jo.
nam
( fOOd)
Pu.
'"
narL"Tli
( food)
"
Se.
jab
( accept)
Pu.
jaf,f-
(accept)
I
(imperati -';8
2nd person sg. )
Se.
god
~be far)
Pu.
wocfcfi
( far)
I
Se.
kol
(fi nger)
Pu. kolli
( fingers)
r ;I
I

---

~
I
-
338 -
I
In the comparison of Pula:r vlhoth the Dravidicn lcnguages, i t
is interesting to note that,
as f~r cS the Dravidian and Pula:~
I
compared lexems are concerned,
the rule mentioned above opera-
I
tes perfectly in the direction Dravidian
<::.-~ Pul a: rand
vice versa.
I
examples:
DRAVIDIAN
pu:.,."" :R
I
:>
Ta:
~a:l (to decline,
Pu. nalli:
(it is day advanced,
descend as the
I
the sun has declined:
sun)
cf:
DED 2372
I
Ko.
na: 9
<Cow)
:Pu.
nagge
(cow)
DED 3010
I
Ka.
u:lu
(to cry oud
;Pu. ~lUllude (to cry)
I
DED 647
Ta. ta:maray
(lotus)
Pu.
tar.~er2 12 lotus)
(cf: A Tamil pho~eti~
I
Reader: 12)
PULA:R
-----'=r
DRAVI !)I;;::
Pu. ka:ki
(cough,
rhuma~~sm)
:Ta. kakki
(whooping cough)
DED 9C9
Pu. Du:ka:de
(to gulp)
:Te. gukka
(a gulp)
DEDS 1539
?
Pu. u:be
(big,
heavy rains)
ka.
"ubbc
(rair..)
DED 6<;3
Pu.
ji:re
(squirrel)
Kur.
cirra:
(squirrel)
DED 2C77
Pu.da:k-a:de
(to remain in
Te,
Ka.
dakku (to remain in
a place for an undetermi-
one's possession)
ned period)

---

I
-
339 -
I
Pu. mu:k-a:de
(to put any
Ka.
mukku (to put any dry grain
food into the mouth
into ••• )
with the hollowed hand
I
DED 4011
and gobble)
Pu. mba:la (fishing net)
Valla (net)
I
cf: A malayalam Grammar and
Reader,
by K.M. Georges,
p.
129.
I
This common morp~ological feature may be a~ important factor
I
in the possible relationship that could exist between
I
Dravidian and African.
IV. 2.
:-~orpholoqy
I
1'1.2. 1.
:;ouns
I
IV.2.1.1.~ese2blances
I
1'1.2.1.1.1. The Noun
~u:fixation is the ch3racteristic feature of both the
Dravidian l~~guages and Pu12:r.
They are agglutinative lan-
guagcs.
In Dravidian the structure of the noun is
root-
morpheme pl~s inflection for nUITber and case (exx : Ta. avan
'he'
U:c;n.)
= av-
(root)
+ an (pronominal sUffix»avanai
I him'
(.'\\cc.)
= av- (root) + an (pronominal suff ix) + ai
(accusative case suffix).
Similarly the structure of the Pula:r noun is
: root-
morpheme plus class suffix or class marker which undergoes
the inflection for number only
(exx:
rawa:ndu 'dog'
=

---

I
X_>_....._.....---
~i'£t.,.".. ·.........;.-.lI_-'02...
I
-
340 -
I
...
rawa:- (root-morpheme)
+ ndu (class suffix singular)
dawa: cii
I
'dogs' = dawa:-
(root-morpheme)
+'cfi (class suffix plural).
As regard to pronouns r
they are. 'considered to consti-
I
tute a distinct and separate clas3 in the Dravidian languages
I
and also in Pula:r.
These languages share also the possessiG~
I
of nominative and oblique forms
in the personal pronouns.
Exam::lles:
.
I
Dravidian: Ta. na:n
' I '
Nom.
--'7
en -
I me 1
obl.
-
-
I
Ma. na;n
'I'
Nem.
--;~
8na·-
'ne'
ob 1.
I
Puli:;:r
mi/rr.ic!O
' I '
l'~om.
--::~-
-2r.1
'rle l
obl.
~o~eov€r i t could be established a correspondance betwe~~
I
the Dr2vidian obli~~e form of the ~erso~al pronoQ~ -em (fi~s~
I
pers. pl. excl.)
and the Pula:r oblique form of the personal
prono~n - en (first pers.~l.excl.); also Getween the Dravidian
I
oblique form -an
(1st pers. sg.
in Ga.,
~~., Ko~.)
and t:-tS
Pula:r oblique form -
am (1st pers. sge)
I
In the Numerals the onlv res2mblance found is between
the Dr2vidian form na:l- 'four'
and the Pula:r one :layi 1: 0 ":,,
I
It is also to be noted that each of the cardinal nurrbers
presen~s itself in a form of numeral adjective in Dravidian
I
and Pula:r (exx~ Ta. onru 'one'
oruvan 'one man'
; Pu. go:c
I
'one'
go?oto
(nedclO)
'one person')~
I
I
I

---

- ,IIJIIJfbbU) .
I
- 341 -
I
I
Another common feature of ~ravidian and Pula:r is the
formation of substantives derived from verbs by means of
I
common formative suffixes like -aI, -ru,
-an, -u and -a.
I
IV.2.1.1.2.
Derivative nouns
I
I t is a known fact that languages may be inferred to
be genealogically related if they possess not only large
I
proportion of words having correspondence in shape espe-
cially in words designating common objects like men, animals,
I
relations,
parts of the body etc., but also such words as
I
suffixes.
The common derivative suffixes found in the
Dravidian and the Pula:r languages help in establishing
I
their close relationship.
The Dravidian languages fOrm substantives derived £rom
I
verb3 or derivative now:~ in different nQdes.
In the most
I
cases the mode consists on suffi~~ing formatives to the
verbal themes.
I
Similarly the Pula:r language forms derivative nouns
J
by suffixing formative particles to the verbal themes.
The table below will show some resemblances in the forma-
tion of derivative nouns by the means of suffixes which
are common to the Dravidian languages and Pula~r.

---

- - ------ - -
DRAVIDIAN
---_Jl
:~~:~:
_
----------------------------------------
Noun
Root
Formati ve I
Noun
' R o o t
i
-------------------~--------------------~----------~-----------------~---------------
Ta:
pei-(y)-al
pei = fresh
.pc:w-al
(right
fe:w-de = to b
(a boy)
-al
nes s,
jus tice)
righ
just
I
u~-al (the body) I ud-u = to put on
.ndew-al
, rew-de
(following)
~ i~l101
• vay-al
I vci =: to place
• ke:w-al
(multitude
!he :w-de = to bE.
.
m ..i.~orol..':.S
w
numerousness)
*"
IV
kina-ru
k~n-i =: a well
.
-ru
Y' <1kku-ru
yakk .l-dc = to -
(a well
(chewing)
~hew
veli-ru
. -
vel = white
bObbu-ru
bobbu-de = to
(paleness)
(decortication)
lecorticate
.kad-an (debt)
kad-u = harsh
•
- On
katt-an
hattan-de = to
(abil ity)
be abh.
raf-an (virtue)
ar-u = to cut,
define
I

---

---------------
_____________________________________________1
_ - -
oun
T
_____________________.__~::~
~~::::~~::_l::~:
l__:::~
_
• pad-u (suffering)
.
pad-u
.
= to
-u
.ngas-u
(the
as-de = to dig
suffer
digging)
.cum-u (the
sum-de :::: to burn
burning)
la'•mag-a (a child) mag (pI. makkal)
-i:l
.ngen-a
won-de = to be
(the exis-
exi st.
tence)
lJJ
~
e:
I
lJJ
• a:ta = play
...
a: d-u =
.ngu:r-a
wu:r-de = to live)
to play
(the
living)
________________1
I
---~----------
'I

---

I
-
344 -
I
IV.2.1.1.3. Adjectives:.
..
I
Though the most common adjectival suffix is -a in the
Dravidian Languages,
in Kui all adjectives end in -i.
I
exx:
I
der-i
'big'
neg-i
'good'
I
pra:d-i
'old'
, pu: n-i
'new'
I
kog12r-i
'small'
I
In Pula:r ulso all the adjectives which are attribute end
in -i.
I
exx:
0:
galle na ma:wn-i
I This
house is big'
I
(this house is big)
ha: I-de go: nga nu mOy,,£,-i
= ·spea~ing truth is gooc'
(To speak/speaking truth
is good)
wutte makko na nayw-i
= ' His dress is old'
(dress his is old)
ndu: woyndu na lugg-i
= 'This well is deep'
(This well is deep)
But in the case of adjectives epithet, their ending is more
or less influenced by the ending of the substantives which
they qualify,
i.e. ,
there is an agreement between the
sUbstantive and the adjective.

---

_ .
r t
_ _. . . . . . . . . . .
_
=__ S'162_,:«=·tr
I
- 345 -
I
exx: .'leg-gal ma: w-gal
'a big tree)
I
,(tree
big)
owoy-ndu luggu-ndu
'a deep well'
I
(well
deep)
pucc-u
ranew-u
la white horse'
I
(horse
\\'lhi te)
na;-nge mbul-nge
'a hot sun'
I
(sun
hot)
I
mbe:-wa bale-wa
'a black goat'
(goat
black)
I
The Dravidian language Kui and the African language Pula:r
have the suffix -i in the formation of adjective.
This
I
common feature constitutes onc more clement in th~ comparison
I
between African and Indian languages in view of establishing
relationship.
I,
IV.
2.1.1.4. Formation of Interroqati~~
In the Dravidian languages there is a manner which is
the same for all to form interrogation and which consists
on suffixing an open vowel to the ~oun, verb or sentence
which forms the principal subject of interrogation.
This
open vowel is -a:
in almost all these languages except
Malayalam which uses the suffix -0:
(for detail see Cald-
well, 1856, 1st Indian ed. 1974 : 442).
Similarly,
in the Pule.:r language the suffix -a: is
added to the noun, verb or sentence to form inte r rogat50n.

---

-
346 -
Therefore, for both Dravidi~n and Pula:r the following
•
structure can be set up:
Dravidian:
X
noun
X
(Ta., Ka., Te.)
Int. -----~
X
verb
X
+ a:
X
sentence
X
(Pula: r)
Int.
-----~
verb
+ a:
I noun
sentence
I
Note that Int. = interrogation.
Examples:
DRAVIDIAN
Tamil
1. avar-a: ?
'Is it He?'
(Hon. )
2. varinkal-a: ?
'Are you (pI.)
coming?'
3. po:ninkal-a: ?
'Did you (pI'
go?'
Kannada
4.
avan-a:?
115
i t he?'
5. barutti:y-a:?
'Do you come? I
6. hogiddir-a:?
'Had you gone?'
Telugu
7. va:d-a: ?
'Is it he":'
8. vasta:r-a: ?
'Are you coming?'
9. poyya:v-a:?
'Did you go?'
PULA:R
10. ko ka~ko-n-a:?
'Is i t he?'
11. a na:mi:-n-a:;
'l~avc you. (sg.) eaten?'

---

'------------~
I
- 347 -
I
12. 0 yi:-n-a:?
'Did (he/she/it)
see?'
I
13. kafe heboto-n-a:? 'Is coffee available?'
14. suka 0 na:t(u)no galle-o-n-a:?
'Did the young
person enter the
I
house?'
It should be noted in all the Pula:r examples
(sentence
I
10 to 14)
the presence of the link morph -n-.
I
Pula:r and the Dravidian Languages present a similar
interrogative suffix.
I
IV.2.1.2.
Contrasts
I
IV.2.1.2.1. The Noun
I
Suffixation is,
as already noted,
the feature which charac-
terizes the Dravidian Languages and also the only type of affi-
I
xation in these languages.
Thus,
the Dravidian noun
(N)
can be structured as root-morpheme
(RM)
plus inflection for
I
number and case (Inf. Numb/case
I
N ---------.> RM -I- Inf. Num./case
I
Examples:
I
Ta.
mak -
an 'son
= mak+an
Ga.
ku:t-a:l 'lame man'
= ku~t + a:l
I
Since each noun in Dravidian is stated to belong to a
I
particular gender (Shanmugam : 1971
: 1), there are a limited
number of nouns having the masculine -
feminine contrast and
I

---

1IB··Ilr.-
II.'•••t,.••,....
'ZfIIIW'iloO'...
' ......· •__
• •
_
1
-
348 -
I.
so the
morphological construction is restricted to them
1
only.
1
ex:
Ta. makan
'son'
makal
I daughter'
1
As regard to the Pula:r Language,
the nouns appear in a
different pattern and their classification is not based on
1
the gender - number distinction because syntactically there
1
is no such grammatical category as gender in this language
(cf: chapter on gender and number) •
1
Therefore,
in Pula:r,
the noun h2s the following
1
structure:
stem (stR)
plus class marker (cl.m.)
1
N.
-------->
st + cl. m.
Examples:
1
\\va; - ndu
'monkey'
- wa: + ndu
,-
J.
ba:
cfi
'monkeys
I
1
= ba: -,- en
jU9 - ngo
' arm'
= jU9 + ngo
I
ju: - de
'arms'
= ju: +c1~
The different class markers or class suffixes are inventoried
I
Chapter on the class system (see Part I).
t
IV.2.1.2.2. Gender-number:
The category of gender in the Dravidian Languages is, as
pointed out by Andronov (1977 : 40,
1st Indian ed.)
lexico-
grammatical.
As already noted certain substantives have

---

t.>--------=- - - -
I
-
349 -
I
..
formatives of gender and many have not;
some r8veal masculine
I
and feminine suffixes,
as far instanr.e the human nouns, but
many do not exhibit such suffixes.
However,
in the Dravidian
I
languages, gender is reflect~d either in the pronominalisation,
I
in the adjectival concord or in the subject predicate concord.
Thus s~tactically gender-distinctions arc found in the pro-
I
nominal reference in the finite verbs
(e.g: Ta.vanta:~ 'he
I
came'; vanta:l
'she came'; vanta:r 'they
(hum.)
came')
and in
the demonstrative and interrogative pronouns
(eg: Ta.
ava~
I
'that man'; aval
I that
woman'; atu 'that thing'
in the third
I
person) •
Gender-distinctions are also found in the adjectival concord
I
which is maintained in the constructions
: NWTleral ",- Noun
I
(eg: K~. obba maga 'one son'i o~ba (lu)magalu 'one daughter')
.
.
and in the demonstrative pronoun -I- Noun
(eg; Kol. am ma's
I
'that man'; at pilla 'that woman';
avr ma.sur·
'those men').
As regards to the classification of the nouns into gender-
I
number categories the Dravidian languages show a hierarchi-
I
cal arrangement because at this level there is difference at
this level between the system found in the singular and the
I
plural.
I
Tamil,
for example, has only number distinction in the non-
human nouns,
and masculine and feminine distinction in the
singular ofhurnan nouns.

---

I-II•••••'.-...Ulllll....-...------------
I
-
350 -
I
..
In Telugu,
feminine is part of the neuter in the singular
I
and part of masculine in the plural.
I
Tamil gender-number system can be represented as follow$:
I
Nouns
I
Human ./
Non-Human
I
~.
5g.
Pl
A
I
/\\ II
r
f'I
mas
fern
Ep. pI
neu. sg
neu.
plo
I
However each of the languages has its own arrangement acco-
I
ording ~o the gender-numbe~ system which characterises it.
I
Unlike the Dravidi3n languages, Pula:r does not
exhibit gender at the syntactic and morphological level.
I
In this language, gender is neither reflected in the
pronouns, adjectival concord,
nor in the subject-predicate
-
concord.
It is at the semantic level only (and this is of nc
interest in our study)
that Pula:r distinguishes masculinG
and feminine or. che basis of sex as far as human and non-
human beings are concerned (see for detail chapter on
Gender
number in Pula:r)
To give an illustration of the
absence of gender in Pula:r, we shall consider the follow-
ing substantives.

---

I
I
-
351 -
I
1. gorko
'man'
I
2. debbo
woman'
I
3. asama:n
'sky'
4. ngori
• cock'
I
All these substantives can be accompanied by the third
I
person pronoun singular Q 'the'
(example: /gorko 0/ 'the
man'
; /debbo 0/ 'the woman';
/asama:n 0/ 'the sky'
I
/ngori 0/ 'the cock'); they can therefOre be replaced
I
by this pronoun.
Example:
/0 yani:/
which muy mean
'He
(the man) /,
she
I
(the woman) /,
i t (the sky or the cock) hus fallen.
I
No indication of gender is reveal~d in these substantives.
It may be concluded that the absence of gender in Pula:r
I
is ~ contrasting elemcn~ in the compari~on of this languag0-
wi th Dravidian.
I
IV.2.1.2.3. Personal Pronouns:
I
The nominative forms of the Dravidiun personal pro-
nouns are characterized by the pr~sence of 2 long vowel
I
, J
c
(examples: Ta. na:~ i
Ma. na:ni
Ko. a:n ; To. o:ni
I
Te. ne:nu i
Kas. na:ni ' I ' ) .
And the oblique forms of
the pronouns arc characterised by the shortening of the
I~c,
,
t,
long vowel which is present in the nominative forms
Examples:
Kas. na:ni
' I '
-----:;s.
na- 'me'
(acc.) i
Kol. a: n
' I'
----J'!I"'
an - (obl .) i

---

I
.,
-
352
I
Tu. ya:nt
'l'
_":p- en- (obl.)
I
In the Pula:r language no long vowel is found in the
I
form of the personal pronoun. in the nominative; there-
fore there is no shortening of long vowel to form oblique
I
forms.
Moreover,
syhtactically,
the Pulw:r personal pronouns
I
present themselves,
in the nomin3tivc,
as simple and com-
I
pound forms when they functi~n dS subject.
They are considered as simple forms when they Qre subject
I
of u verb conjugated in the pQst 2nd future tenses.
I
Examples:
mi
(ya: no)
'1 hdd gOhe
I
u
(arat)
You (sg. ) will come
0
(wmat)
He/she/it ",rill dance
I
Gn
(ngari : )
We (incl. ) have come
I
min
(nj u : ta:)
We (excl.) will not go
on
(rnba: li)
you (pU
spent the night
I
be (cali :)
They refused
I
-But they are considered as compound forms when they are
S'ubject of a verb conjugutcd in the present tense.
Then,
I
some morphemes are added to these simple forms to obtain
what ",e have called comp01.l."id forms.

---

. . . .ruWftrIMal>lIIisa--------
I
-
353 -
I
,.....
exx:
mi&,
(mi + do)
na:rnu
' I am eating'
I
11
ado
(a + do)
'you (sg.)
are eating'
1\\
I
omo
(0 +mo)
'He,
she,
it)
is
eating'
1\\
cnen (en + en)
"We
(incl.)
are
I
eating'
1\\
minen (min + en)
'We
(excl.)
are
I
eating'
on·=·n (on + on)
"
'you (pI)
are euting l
I
obe
(
+ obe)
'They are eating'.
"
I
Beside these fundam~nt2l morphological and syntactical
differences,
i t shJuld also be pointed out thut no form
I
of u personal pronoun in the Dravidian languages resembles
I
the Pula:r ones.
The tables below willillustratc the con-
trastive nature of the personal pronouns in both Dravidian
I
and Pula: r.
I
IV.2.1.2.3.1.
Dravidian
--------------------------------- -------------------------.
Nominative
oblique
I
Persons
Singular
Plural
Singular
Plural
I
Ta.na:n
na:nk31
e~-(gen.)i
enkal- nam-
(c~cl. )
ena-
na:m
I
I
Na. na:n
na:nfJ.al
enn-(Acc.) ;
naiU1al-
Person
enG-
•
na:m
nam-
I
Ka.
na:n
na:m(oka. )
ena-(Dat.) ;
em-
- - . -enn-
I
Te. ne:nu
me:mu
nan- (Ace.)
marrun-
--------
---------- ------------------------- ------------
l

---

I
- 354 -
I
I
Nominative
oblique .
I
------------------------------- ----------------------------.. -
Singular
Plural
___________ -----1
I
~=::~~~J-~~~~~:~:----::~:~:---
Ta. ni:
ni:nkal
un-
unkal-
•
11
Ma. ni:
nif1l1al
nin-
ninI'lal-
I
Person
Ka. ni:nu
ni:m
nin-
nim-
Te. ni:vu
mi:ru
nin-
I
mim-
i
I
------- ------------ ---------- ------------t---------------i
Ta. ta:n
ta:nkal
tan-
!
tankal-
I
-
I
•
.
t
III
Ma. ta:n
ta:m
I'
tan-
t a m - !
I
Person
I Ka. ta: n
ta: m
I
tan-
t a m - :
! Te. ta:nu Ita:mu
Itan-
t a m - :
I
--------------------~----------~------------~--------------~-:.
IV.2.1.2.3.2. Pula:r
I
--------------_.~
,
I
-en
Xmin
I
Xmi..en
;
-min
Ii
~
J
-
_
I
---------------y
I
11
a
I
on
-ma
-on
I
erson
aao
onon
-------J----------- -----------~------------
r
o
be
III
r
omo
obe
-mo
-be
Person
-makko
~-------~-----------------------------------L---------_____
I
Table 2

---

~
I
-
355 -
I
..
I
I t results thnt Drnvidian personal pronouns differ from
its Pula:r ~ounterparts.
The only case of resemblance
I
which could be taken into account is the first person plur.
obl. form em-(ka.)
and its correspondent first person
I
pI. obl.
form in Pula:r'- en.
All the other pronouns
I
contr~st when Dravidian and Pula:r nre compared.
I
IV.2.1.2.4. Case formation
One of the characteristic features of the Dravidian
I
Languages is the existence of C8SC form8tion found in all
of them.
I
Caldwcll has argued on the origin of the formation of
I
cases in these languages, st8ting that 'all the cnse-rela-
tions are expressed by means of postpositions or post-
positional suffixes •••• '
and that ' ••• most of the post-
positions are sep8rate words in re8Iity ••• '
eventhough
I • • •
they have lost the faculty of scp8rate existence in
the more cultivated dialects'.
(Caldwcll, 1856,
3rd Ed. ,
1st Indian Ed. 1974 : 253.).
Each Dravidian language has a particular case
system; the number of case suffixes vary from one language
to another but show a certain uniformity in the use of
the same signs of case in the plural as in the singulur.

---

1--
I
-
356 -
I
However the usuge of DrQvidian grammarians has res-
I
trictc:d the number of C.:lses to e ight.
~.
I
~.: _". . .
The Druvi diun Languages hQVC in CIJITlITIon
the absence of nominQtive case terminQtions but the
I
inflectional base of the n~un includes the formativc if
I
there is any.
The Drnvidiun lunguagcs distinguish ulso two cate-
I
gories of nouns:
those which arc used as nominutive and
which constitute alslJ the inflecti0nal basc, and thoSG,
I
in which the nominative form is different fr~m the oblique
In thc first cQtcgory ~f nouns the nominative und
the base of thc oblique cQses 3rc identicQl.
The CQSC-
signs urc Zldded to the :'lominQti ve wi th_ ut Qny link except
the glide v or y which is inserted to prevent hi3tus.
In the second C~t8g0ry of nouns the nominative form
and the oblique fsrm Qr0 distinct and the bQs0 undergoes
some alternations beforG receiving the addition of case
SUffixes.
As regard to th~ Pula:r languagv,
i t can be said
thQt one of thc charucteristic features of this language
is the absence of case formation.
In pula:r,
the noun
does not vary and is nlJt inflected may i t be an accusative.
dative, genitive or ublative form.
We shall take for
illustration the following sentences:

---

1
-
357 -
1
1.
mi
lu:ri:-ma
(I huve looked at you)
I
2.
mi
winda-t-mu
(I will write to you)
.3.
mi
ya:di-he-ma
(I went with you)
I
Note that -t- in example 2 is the future tense marker,
1
-he- in example 3 means
'with'.
In all these examples the oblique form of the second
1
personul pr'Jnoun singular -ma 'you'
does not chi3.nge or t2ke
I·
any additional morpheme.
I t remains the same form in
spite of functioning as uccusative in example ;
dative
1
I
in example 2;
and sociativc in example 3.
1
REmark:
However i t is worth noting that the meaning of
certain cases like instrumental and s~ciative is expressed
1
in this langu3ge in the verb itself by means of derivative
suffixes like ~ir- and -or- for instrumentality, -du-
I
for soci3tivity, but never in the noun.
I
,.-,.
exx:
'ha: m-ir- (de) <"
n.J.:m-de
'eat with /
by'
wa: l-or- (cc) -<'
wa:l-a: de
'sleep,
lie down by'
1
ya: -du- (de)
<' ya: -de
'go 'VIi th '
I
The absence of cwse system in Pula:r constitutes one more
contrasting clement in the comp3rison between Dravidian
1
and Pula:r.
I
,
~~::.~

---

La-rwc
.·<iOCe'Ctam"W]' fT..dW·
'
'tWe_..RMO'
raeeff.n"m'$
5
I
-
358 -
I
..
IV.2.2.
Verbs
I
IV.2.2.1.
Resembl<J.nces
I
IV.2.2.1.1.
Tenses
IV.2.2.1.1.1.
Past tense
I
The Dr<J.vidian Languages possess various suffixes to form
past tense; many of these lunguages have the suffix -i-
I
in the formution of the pust.
I
The:: simple pust,
for inst<J.nce, exists in all th8 Dravidiun
l<J.nguagcs except Tulu (Anc~0nov, 1970 :75)
and among the
I
suffixes which help to build the forms of this tense there
I
is the suffix -i- in Tumil unc Malayalum.
In Kunnadu -i
is suffixed to the cruce verb stem to form the past;
I
Telugu forms the preterite vcrbul participle by udding -i
to the verb stem.
I
Examples:
(eg: Subramanyam,
1971
107) •
I
Tamil
buse
Past stem
I
va:nku
'to buy'
vunk-i
tu: flku
' to sleep'
tu:nk-i
I
pe:cu
' to speak'
pe:c-i
I
pa:tu
'to sing'
p<J.:t-i
.
.
ko:ru
'to desire'
ko:r-i
I
I
I
I
. /
I
I

---

1--*---
I
-
359 -
I
Malayulam
I
mu:tt-
I to change'
ma:tt-i
I
ilak-
Ita move'
ilak-i
.
."
a:t-
'to dance '
a:t-i
•
I
Kannada
I
mu:d-
Ita d0 1
ma:d-i-(d) -enu 11 die;"
ba:l-
Ita live '
ba:l-i-(d)-3nu 'He lived '
I
Telugu
I
preterite verbal participles
kon-i
'having bought I
I
kan-i
'having seen l
ce:s-i
'having done'
I
ra:s-i
'having written'
I
Similarly,
in the Pula:r language,
the suffixes
-i
and
its variant /-i:/N/-ino/ and /-i:no/ (which incorporate
I
-i/-i:)
are found to form the past tense.
These suffixes
I
are the formants of the simple past, present perfect and
are also used in the formation of the past participles.
I
Examples:
IV.2.2.1.1.1.1.
a)
Preterite
I
base
past stem
I
imm-a:de
I to get Upl
imm-i:
dar-a:de
I to stand'
dar-i:
I~~
wa:l-a:de
I to lie down'
wa:l-i:
.
uddu-de
'to close'
udd-i

---

,......~..
I
I
-
360 -
I
,.,.,.
.
na:m-de
'to eat'
na:m-J.
I
,
ha:l-de
'to speak'
ha: l-i
IV.2.2.1.1.1.2. b) Present perfect
yim-de
' to sing'
~
yim-i:
I
ar-de
'to come'
:::>. ar-i:
I
diwnu-de
' to shiver'
~ d1wn-i:
wedd-a:de
' to throw'
>- wedd-i:
I
subin-a:de
' to choose'
~
subin-i:
I
IV.2.2.1.1.1.3.
c)
Past participles
I
gas-de
I to
be finished'
.:::::.. gas-i
' finished'
wc:t-de
'to dawn'
->- we: t-i 'dawn'
I
dad-de
'to escape'
.> dad-i
' escaped'
be:b-de
'to dry up'
::>.
be:b-i I dried up'
The table will show the similarities that exist between
the Dravidian past suffixes and the Pula:r ones.
Dravidian past suffixes
Pula:r past suffixes
----------.
Preterite
Simple
imple
Pres.
ANG.
v..::rbal
past
past
Perfect
partic.
OTa.
-i
-i:
Ma.
-i
Kod.
-1
To.
-1
-i
Ko.
-1
Kb.
-i
Kas.
-i
Tu •
-i
.---------------- ----------
-

---

•I
-
361 -
I
This common fGature is important becausc~aldwell (1856
I
3rd Ed. P.
495)
has remarked that:
liThe mode in which a
.
I
language forms its preterite constitutes" onc of the mos";:
distinctive features in its grammatical character, and on8
I
which materially contributes to the determination of the
question of its relationship."
I
IV.2.2.1.1.2. Non-past tense
I
IV.2.2.1.1.2.1.
Future tense
I
Among the suffixes which help to build the future tense
in N2iki,
the suffix -~t is found.
This suffix occurs
I
before the suffixes of th0 first and second p8rsons.
Examples:
I
kak-at-un
I
I
will do·
I
kak-at-um
·we \\..ill do·
kak-at-i
·you (sg. ) will do'
I
kak-at-ir
·you
(pI. ) will do'
I
In Pula:r,
the suffix -(a)t and its variant -(o)to are
used to build the Simple future,
They arc added to the
I
verb root but are always preceded by the format -a- (
in
verbS of the conjugational class 1)
or -0-
(ib verbs of con-
I
jugational class 11).
r

---

-
362 -
exx:
wad-u.-t
' (subject)
will do'
ha:l-a-t
"
will spGak'
imm-o-to
"
will get up'
abb-o-to
1\\
will follow'
Thus,
i t C3n be said that Naiki
(Ch.)
has a non-past
suffix (future tense suffix)
-at which resemb18s the-
Pula:r future tenSQ suffixes -(a)t and -(o)to.
Nk
(ch.)
fut.
tense sUffix
Pula:r fut. tense suffixes
I(a) -t; (0) -to \\
IV.2.2.1.1.3. NcgativG suffixes:
-The most common neg2tivc suffix found at the morpho-
logical level in the Dravidian languag0s is -a:-/-a-.
FOr
instance in Literary Tamil the negative form of the vGrb is
denoted by the suffixes -a: and -a:t; this negative suffix -a:
and its variants occur only when they are followed by a
neuter suffix or udjective or participle suffix (see for
details P. Kothandaroman:
1977).
In Old Malayalam the
negative suffix -a:
is olso found in the finit8 verbs.
I
Kodagu, Kasaba,
lrula, Kannada, Tulu and Telugu have also
I
the negative suffix -a in their finite forms.

---

..........,--
I
- 363 -
I
exx:
I
.Tamil
1. ka:n-a:-tu
' I t will not see'
I
2. ceyy-a:-tu
' I t will not do'
I
3. tE:riy-Ll:-tu
' I t will not know'
Old Mal<:lyalam
I
4. ni :mutiy-a:
'You (sg.)
will not perish'
I
5. na:n ceyy-a:
'1 ,..,rill not do'
6. ni:a~iy-a:
'you (sg.)
will not know'
I
Kasaba
I
7. ckk-Q:d-e
'not sending'
-
8. pirikk-a:9-e
'not separating'
I
Similarly,
negation is expressed ir
the Pula:r
I
Language by adding the negative suffix
-a:
to the: affir-
mative form of the verb in the simple future tense for
I
verbs of conjugation31 class 1.
I
9. mi
~a:m(u)-t-a:
'1 will not eat'
(I
eat
will not)
I
10. 0 hUl-(a)-t-a:
X 'He will not fear')
X
X
I
I
She
He
She fear will not
X
X it
i t
I
and its variant /-a:ko/ (which incorporates -a:)
for verbs
I:
of the conjugational class 11.

---

1----
1
-
364 -
1
..
1
11. mi
imm-(o)-t-a:ko
1 will not get Upl
(I
get up
wi 11 nf.Jt)
I
12. 0 abb-(o)-t-a:ko
'He will not fol10w '
I
(He, She,
i t follow
will not)
I
In the present tense the variants of the negative suffix /-a:/
and /-a:ni/ in verbs of class I.
I
13. mi
fitt-a:ni
1 I
do not swec;p'
I
(I sweep not)
14. a
udd- a:ni
'You (sg.)
d0 not close ' )
I
(you close n':)t)
and /-a:ki/ in verbs of class 11.
I
15. be ngim~-a:ki
'th~y do not get Upl
-
I
(they get up not)
16. en nj0:d-d:ki
'we do n'.... t sit ' )
I
(we
incl.
sit not)
Yet, a table could shJw clcdrlier the resemblnnccs
I
between the Dravidian negative suffixes and tha Pula:r
,
,
.
."
I
0nes.
I
I",,,;,:;~ii..
~.

---

. . m,?,.. '" :"
I
365
I
Dravidian
Pula:r
negative suffixes
negative suffixes
I
,------- -----------------
Lang.
neg. suffixes
Ncg.
suffixes
I
Ta.
-a:
,
-a: t
-a:
,
-a:ni
I
o M21.
-a:
-a:ko
,
-a:ki
I
od.
-a
as.
-a:-
,
-a: d-
I
,
":'21 :
-a:-
d
.
a.
-a
I
Tu.
-a
I
Te.
-a
I
Many Dravidian Langu 21ges share with pula:r the negative
I
suffix -a:.
This f0ature constitutes one more clement in
!
establishing relationship between Dravidian and Pula:r.
, IV.2.2.1.1.4. Formation of Imperative
Caldwell
(1856
: 1st Indian Ed. 1974 : 192) has noted,
regarding the formation of the imperative mood,
that the
Dravidian Languages use the crude root of the verb without
any addition,
as the imperative of the second person singul~r.
lIThis is the general -rule ll ,
he added,
"and the few apparent
exceptions that ,exist arc to be regarded either as corrup-
tions or oS euphonic er honorific forms of the imper3tive.

---

I
-
366 -
'"
I
The same idea is shared by Subrahmanyam (1971: 453) when he
I
remar~d that in many of the Dravidian Languages th0 verb
base itself functions as the second person singular impe-
I
rative.
I
In Pula:r too, verbs of the conjugational" class I,
use the crude r:)ct eo4l the verb, wi th>Jut any addition, as
I
the imporative 0f the second person singular.
Thus, the
I
following structures are obtained:
Dravidian:
I
Imp. II pcrs. sg.
--~
verb r-:>ot + 125
Pula:r:
I
Imp. II pcrs. sg.
X
X
--?="
ve rb root + 125
verbs of cl.I
X
exx:
Dravidian
Ta.
-le ke:l
'Hear, ask'
(L ke:tkka)
•
2. col
'Tell'
(L colla)
3. pa:tu
'sing'
(L. pa: ta)
•
•
Ko.
, go'
4. o:g-~
5. tin-.0
'eat'
6. org-.0
'sleep'

---

-
I
I
- 367 -
I To.
I
7. po:
'go'
8. k!'y
, do'
I
9. nil
, stand'
Pula:r
I
10. nan-,0
'hear'
(L nan-de)
11. ha:I-,0
'speak'
(.( ha: I-de)
I
12. yim-,0
'sing'
(<:. yim-de)
13. d'Jg-,0
'run'
(<:' dog-de)
I
14. uddu-,0
'close'
«
uc1du-dc)
I
15. lippu-,0
'beat'
«
lippu-de)
Many of the Dravidian Languages share with Pula:r the
I
manner in which they f~rm the impGrative of the second
person sing.
This common feature may be considered as
I
positive in establishing relationshipnes~ between Dravidian
and Pula :r.
I
IV.2.2.1.1.5. Infinitive suffixes
r
Th·:ugh the Dravidian infinitives suffixes contrast with
their Pula:r counterparts at the morphological level, there
are some which, syntactic~lly, like the infinitives in Pular .
function as verbal nouns.
It is the case of the infinitive
in Konda, Naiki, Kurux and Brahui.
Pula:r infinitive functioning as verbal noun has been dis-
cuSsed in the chapter which deals with infinitive in this
language.
------------===-----

---

"'r'wb»t'"W.k'··tt .... rt
I
368 -
I
Therefore, this grammatical feature shared by both Dravi-
I
dian and Pula:r may be retained as one m~ro element towards
I the relationship that may exist between these languages~
I IV. 2.2.2. Contrasts
In the Dravidtan Languages the verb distinguishes
I
various grummatical categories such as mood, gender and
I person ~tc. Moreover verbs are divided, in these languages,
into finite and non-finite verbs.
Non-finite verbs compris~
I participles, verbal participles such as conditional verbal
participles,
adverbial participles and adjectivial or rela-
I
tive participles.
I
Another characteristic feature of the Dravidian verb
is th~t the number of verhal st8ms varie~ from one language
I
to another, and there arc simple verbal stems (i.e. those
I
which contain one verb root plus onc or two grammatical
suffixes) and complex verbal stems (i.c. those which'con-
I
tain two or more verb rsots plus grammatical suffixes).
I
In Pula:r, the verb d~es not (unlike its Dravidian
countcrpClrt)
distinguish mood, 'gender <:mc1 person in its
I
form.
It contains only a single verbal stem plUS tenSG
markers and aspectual auxiliaries
(for detail see chapter
r
on the Pula:r verb) •
I.
I

---

•I
369
I
..
Moreover Pula:r verbs -cannot be clearly divided into
I
finite and non-finite verbs since such verbal constructions
I
as participles, verbal and conditional verbal participles,
and adjectival participles, are not found in this language.
I
The infinitive form only could be considered as belonging
to non-finite verbs because, as it has been discussed
I
earlier, the infinitive form is also the verbal noun.
I
All the verbs have uniformly one verbal stem and
hence there are no simple and complex verbal stems.
I, IV.2.2.2.1. Transitive andcausative suffixes
In the Dravidian languages, the verbs that are
syntactically transitive are divided into two classes
those that morphologic~lly contain a transitive marker
(they are called derived transitives and those that do not
(they are called inherent transitives) •
Both the inheren-t transitive verb and the intransitivE
verb are same at the morphological level, hence they are
indiscriminaly termed 'intransitive'.
Thus 'transitive'
is
r
restricted to derived transitive.
Therefore transitives are formed by adding suffixes
r
to· the intransitive form of the verb.
Example: in Tamil, the suffix - ttu added to the intransitive
verb ka:n 'to sce' results in the formation of the transitive

---

~
I
- 370
I
verb ka:t-tu
'to show'
after the following morphophonemic
. .
I
change viz.
(n + t t
--~
t t ) has taken place.)
..
I
Similarly causatives are also formed by adding suffixes.
As regard to the Pula:r langu~ge, there is no suffix to
I
form transitives neither at the syntactic nor at the morpho-
logical level.
However causatives can be formed with the
I
help of derivative suffixes such as -nu-,
-in-.
I
exx:
ma :y-n (u) -
'cause to die'
(L ma:y-de 'to die')
ma:y-in
'make to die'
I
la:r-n(u)-
'cause to look'
(L:.
la: r-de 'to look')
dog-n(u)-
'cause to run'
(~ dog-de 'to run')
I
dog-in-
'make to run'
I
These suffixes are directly added to the verb root.
Therefore, the absence of transitive suf~ixes in Pula:r,
I
and also the particular way this language forms causatives,
constitute a contrasting element in the comparison between
I
the Dravidian Languages and Pula :r.
I
IV.2.2.2.2.
Past Suffixes
Each of the Dravidian Languages has in its finite and non
I
finite forms . . . various suffixes in the construction of
I
.past tense.
In many languages these past tense suffixes
are used to classify verbs into various classes.
However
I
there is no an uniform pattern of verb-stems found in all
I
the languages; certain have a single stem verbs,
others a
I
IL
...

---

1 . - - -
I
- 371 -
I
two stem or a multi stem verbs.
In the latter past suffixes
I
are added to the marked stem whereas in the former they are
added to the non-marked~stcm.
I
Most of the non finite forms are formed fr~m the past
I
stem.
The Tamil past suffixes in the finite forms are:
I
-t-, tt-, -nt-,
-i~- and Doubling.
I
~,.<I
Malayalam past suffixes are : -
nn-,
-t-, nn-, -i-
and nt- in weak verbs ; they are -cc-. -nn-,
-tt-, -!-, -t-
I
and the Doubling in strong verbs.
I
Kannada has the fOllowing suffixes to form the past
:-d-, -t-,
-nd- and -id-.
I
In Telugu the formants of the pust in the finite
I
forms are -
t :-, -a:-, -in- and -~-.
In Pula:r, as i t has already been noted,
there is
I
no distinction finite and non-finite forms since the latter
I
are virtually absent in the language.
I
Also,
the past suffixes arc not used to help to
classify the verbs.
The classification of verbs is made on
I
the basis of the infinitive marker.
Moreover i t is to be
noted that this language has only single stem verbs and there
I
is no verb using the base itself as a pa~t stem.
The stru~­
I
ture of the verb in the past is:
I
I~----_:---------~

---

. . .
n_...r&lRIlllliW............S...- - - - - - - - - - -
- -
1
-
372 -
1
Iverb stem + past SUffiX.=-r
1
The Pula:r past suffixes in the finite verbs are
1 -i(...., -i:) and ino (......, -i:no). They are added to the verb
stem.
1
The table below will show the contrasting past suf-
1 fixes in Dravidian and Pula:r
Dravidian
Pula:r
I,
------------------------- ----------------------
Finite Verbs
1
a.
-t-,. -tt-, -nt-,
-i~-
...J -v
1
-nn-,
-t-, -i-,
-nt-,
a. -cc-,
-nn-,
-tt-,
-i,
-i:,
-ino,
i:no
1
-~-, -t-
1
a.
-d-,
-t-, -nd-, -id-
1
e. E :, a:, -in
1
IV.2.2.2.3.
Non Past suffixes:
I
The Dravidian languages hav8 various non-past
I
sUffixes which differ from one language to another.
The non-past suffixes are -kiEU, -kki£u, -ki~Eu and
I
kki!lEU "in the present tense in Tarnil,
and -v-, p-, pp- in
I
the future tense.
I

---

• •:",
~
'.' r' ...
".'
'
..
a l=S S7
I
-'373 -
I
Malayalam present tense suffix \\is - unnu, that of
I
the future tense is -urn.
I
In Kannada the pr~sentten5c suffix is -ut(t)-,
that of the present-future tense is ...;puv- co -p- r-' -b -
I
and that 6f the future tense is -p- OJ- v- -b-.
I
Telugu present tensc suffix has four variants, viz,
-to:n- which occurs before 3rd n~n-mus. sg. in verbs of
I
stems of the (c) vn-type and to:n- in verbs of the other
I
stems; -tunnu: - before other pronominal suffixes in verbs
of the (C) Vn- type and -tunna: in verbs of other stems.
I
In Pula:r the simple present tense shows a complex
I
construction; i t is formed with the he:"p.Q;!: the personal
pronoun to which is affixed SUffiX (1) plus verb stem, plus
1
I
format
suffix
(0f:....:~~ __~.
,.>~ .~;:t7tf1us the structure of the present
2
tense is as follows:
I
I:
P ----). Pers. pr. + Suffix
+ Vst. + Formative
1
I
Almost like the present tensc, the future tense is formed
I
by the verb stem plus suffix
(or Formative
a, 0
)
+
2
tense suffix.
I
j: I
F ----~ Vst. + Formative
+ t '" to (tense,. !,~~-x,)-.
I
-------------------------------------------------------------
(1) SUffix~ comprises the different morphemes affixed to the
personal, pronoun.
They are - dO for the 1st and 2nd
I
person sg., -me for the 3rd pers. sg., -en for the 1st
pers. pI.
-on 2nd pers. pI. and - oe for the 3rd pI.
I
I;~"
~.

---

~-­
I
-
374 -
I
The Tables below will show the contrastinQ non-post suf-
I
fixes between the Draviclian languages and Pula:r.
I
IV. 2. 2.2.3.1.
Druvidian non-past 'suffixes
I
--------------------------------------------------------------
I
Present
Future
------------~-----------------------------------------------
I
-kiEu,
-kkiru
Ta.
-V-,
-P-,
-pp-
-ki~£u, -kkinru
I
Ma.
-unnu
-urn
I
I
Ka.
-ut (t) -
-P-,
-v- /
-b-
I
to:n, to:n
-tun- ,
-tun-
•
•
Te.
I
tunna ~,
-ta:- ,
-ta:-
•
I
Table 1
I
IV.2.2.2.3.2. Pula:r non-past suffixes
I
::~::~~~~~~~:::::===:==:::==:=:==::::~~~~~:::::::::::=~1~
I
. Pers .pr.)
+ Suff· 1 + Vst. + 1--
- . .
\\
[ ~I
.'a,~
a
Formativ
.
J
-Vst. + Formative 0
~OJ'
.
-
I
I
+ -t -to
.
\\
~
-----------------------------------------------------------_..
Table 2.
I
I
I

---

1 - - - - - -
1
-
375 -
I•t,
1
I
The non-past sUffixes,
as they appear in both the Dravidian
,
,
i
1 Languages and pula:r, contrast and do not show any resem-
blance except in the future tense suffix of the Dravidian
I
Language Naiki
(Ch.)
which resembleS its Pula:r counter part
I (sce chapter on resemblances).
IV.2.2.2.4. Negation:
Negative suffixes
I
The negative formants vary from language to language
1 and even within one language from one period to another. The
most common negativ8 suffixes found in the Dravidian langua-
I'
ges are - ~ and -a:-/ -a- attested in all the languages
I except Tulu, Tclugu, Kui, Kuvi and Brahui.
There are also some suffixes which incorporate -a:-/-a-;
I
this is the case with -a: -
in Tamil and Malayalam, -a:y-
1 and -a:tt- in Malayalam, -a:d in Kota, -ad- in Kannada,
-ay-,
-ar- anc -and- in Tulu.
1
However in addition to these suffixes the Dravidian
Languages refer to other syntactic constructions to express
I
negation.
Thus Modern ~amil uses syntactic constructions
1 with the infinitive or purticipial noun followed by the
negative word illai ' i t is not'
(exx: po:ka(v)-illai
I '~ubject) did not go'.
I
Similarly Malayalam forms ncg~tion by aGGing the
word ilIa ' i t is not'
to the infinitive, past or present
I
I
I
L----------------------

---

L _ · n - - - -
- -
I
376 ..
I
tense form of the verb.
Moreover the infinitive plus ilIa'
I denotes negation in the. future. Telugu also uses syntactical
constructions in the formation of negation.
In this lan-
I
guage, negation in the past is expressed by the infinitive
I plus le:du lit is not'. Thus the following structure can
be retained:
I
Neg.
---~
infinitive + negative word.
I
It is this last aspect of Negation in Dravidian that inte-
rests us the most because i t contrasts with the system of
I
Negation in Pula:r.
I
In the Pula:r language, negation can be expressed
at the morphological structure of the verb alone.
No syn-
I
tactical constructions such as infinitive or participial
noun + negative word are found.
Hence the contrast at the
I
syntactical level:
I
Dravidian:
Ta.
Infinitive
Ma.
Neg. ---~
participal
+ negative word
I
noun
Te.
[' illai
...
:
(
)
ilIa
(
I
t le: du J
I
Pula:r
Neg.
---~
zero
It is to be added that number of the Dravidian languag~s
I
do not have negative suffixes which resemble the Pula:r
I
I
IJ
f . - - - - _ - - - - - - - - - - - - -

---

1----
- -
I
- 377 -
I
..
ones.
Separate tables will show the disemblances:
I
IV.2.2.2.4.1.
Negative suffixes in Dravidian-
I
---------------------
I
-----------r---------------
Tenseless
Present
Future
Past
I
Ta.
-~-
I
K:).
-~-
To.
-$0-
I
-$0--ot-
-ot-
I-$0-
I
Ka.
-~-
I
Tu.
-uj-
I
Go.
-~-
Konda
-7-
-7-
I
Kb.
-lk-
-lk-
-ldid
Kol.
-e-
-,a-
-e-
I
Kuvi
-70
-70
-7a
I
-~-
NK.
\\
-e-
-e-
----------~-------------------------------------j-
Table 1
I
IV.2.2.2.4.2. Negative suffixes in Pula:r
I
I~------------------~----------------------~-------
t
Tenseless
Present
I Future
Past
, p'
-a:
a:ni
U
L
-a:ni
A
R
-a:ki
-a:ko
a:ki
~------------~------ ------------ --~---------------
Table 2.

---

w
I
I
-
378 -
I
These tables show that many of the Dravidian Languages
exhibit very different negative suffixes than those found
I
in Pula:r.
I
IV.2.2.2.5. Infinitive Suffixes
I
The infinitive is formed by means of the suffix -a in
Tamil, Malayalam, Toda, Kannada, Telugu, lrula and Gondi.
I
This suffix is directly added to the verb stem (to ~h.~.ma~Jst:;~.
"'=~•. ~"'; ':'~..
stem in -kk- in Tamil and Malayalam and to the non-marked
I
stem in other cases) •
I
exx:
Ta.
var-a
'to come'
Ma.
po:k-a
I to
go'
I
To.
ku:r-a
'to gather'
Ka.
ma:r-a
'to do'
I
The Dravid;:~ ~·2l.'1C·u.ages distinguish various infinitive
I
suffixes.
A table will show the infinitive suffixes of
the different Dravidian languages.
r
r-
~I·~~C\\.
:
"','.
,.
•

---

- - - - - - - --- - - -
IV. 2.2.2.5.1.
DRAVIDIAN INFINITIVE SUFFIXES
Ko.
~~~---[~:~--[~:~--I~:~--
Ka.
Tu.
--~-~ ~----
----- -----
~~~~~r~~~~ -----------_._----
i
Go.
Kond.l
NK.
I Br.
Inf.
-1
-a
-a:
I-a
I-a
I-a
t..
- 8
-1
-a
-Cl
-den
-en
Suffi-
-ten
-ing
xes
....
-lk
-er,
-eye t1aye
-a:kk
-refl
-~
W
-...J
-kG
ID
I
~--~---~----~----------_._----~---~------~------------------~-----------~------------

---

I
-
380 -
a,'
, "
I' In Pula:r the infinitive suffixes are -de and -a:ce.
-de occurs with verbs which take -i,
-i: and -i:no as past
I
tense suffixes;
-a:de occurs with verbs which take -i:
,'j
- ,;:.!.
and -ino as past tense suffixes.
;;"':
I
:~:
I '
•
It should be recalled that th~ classification of the
pula:r verbs has been done on the basis of these infinitivb
• suffixes. Thus the verbs which take -de as infinitive
, suffixbelong to conjugational class I; those which take
the suffix -a:de to conjugational class 11.
~
~
Here also a table is needed to sh~w the Pula:r
infinitive suffixes •
• IV.2.2.2.5.2. Pula:r infinitive suffixes
~-----------~-------------------~
lass 1
-de
1ntini-
tive
suffixes
Class 11
-a:c1e
IV.2.2.2.6.
Pronominal suffixes
All the Dravidian Languages except Mulayalam show pronomin~L
suffixes or p8rs ',)nal terminations at the encl. of the verb.
These suffixes are,
for mos~ of them, very similar to thp
personal and demonstrative pronouns.

---

I
I
-
381 -
~~-1/
I
Ta.
I
~.
avaQ
po:ki~-a:~
'He is going'
I ~
I
aval
po:kir-a:l
-
.
'She is going'
,.
atu
' I t is going'
.'
(I
I
'.
Ka.
r
avanu
ho:gutt-a:ne
'He is going'
I
avalu
ho: gutt-a: le
'She is going'
I
adu
ho:gutt-ade
lIt is going'
Te.
va:du
tintunna:-du
'He is eating'
I
a:me
tintunna:
-di
'She is eating'
I
adi
tintunnu:-c1i
' I t is eating'
•
!
The resemblances between the personal pronouns and the
personal terminations will be given in the table below:
~-----------------
.. -- -----------------------------------------.. -
LANG.
PERSONAL PRONOUNS
H
--------------t--~--------------------------------~ ;
3rd ms.
sg.
3rc, Fern.
sg.
!3rd nc. sg.
Hum. 1='1..
------------- --------------- ----------- -----~ .
Ta.
avan
aval
atu
avarka\\•
Ka.
avanu
avalu
adu
Te.
va:du
a:me
adi
va:ru
--------------------------.--------------- ----------------

---

1-------..
I
...• "'"
-
382 -
I
-----------1------------------------------------------------.. ,
I
LANG.
Personal terminations
(or pron'.Jminal suffixes)
.
---------- ;:~-:::~-:~~--~~~-;::~-:~~--1;~~-~::~-:~~'-~::~-~~~:
I
------------ ---------------1------------ --------.
Ta.
-a:n
-a:l
-atu
-u:rkal
I
Ka.
-a:ne
-2. : 1 c
-ade
-a:rc:
I
Te.
-du
-di
-ch
-ru
____________________________ L
_
I
I
Unlike the Dravician Languages, Pulu:r hi1S ull its verbs which
I are not inflected by pr-:momin;:ll suffixes or p(;rs:mal t8rminu··
tions.
In this language the pGrs::mal pronoun alone in:licatcs
I the pGrson, the v8rb Goes not.
exx:
;ni-rfo
hi1:I.'1
'1 am s~Gaking /
I speak'
I
(1 am speak~ng )
hu:13
'You (sg.)
ar8 speaking /
I
you sepeak l
(you (sg.)
arc speaking)
I
on-on
ktl:ltl
'you
(pI.)
are speaking
I
speak
(you pI.)
are speaking)
I
o-be
ka:la
'They are speaking /
speak:
I
(They are speaking)
This f~ature of the Pula:r language constitutes onc more
I
c~ntrasting element in its comparison with the Dravidian
I
lunguages.
I
I
1-----------------

---

I-r.....- . * - - - -
I
.. 383 -
I
..
Conclusion:
I
It appears,
in the comparison of the Dravidian Langua~es
I
with Pula:r,
that these languages present many contrasting
features at the phonological,
syntactical as well as morpho-
I
logical level.
Th8 absence of rctr~flex and dental conso-
nants, g8nder,
case declensions,
transitive suffixes and
I
pcrsonQl terminations in pula:r,
the absence of implosivc
I
consonants and initial prenasalized stops in Dr2vician,
constitute a major interrogation and a serious handicap
I
towar~s the attempt of establishing whatsoever type of .
relationship between the.Dravidian Langunges anQ Pula:r.
I
However,
in spite of all these dissimilarities,
the
I
Dravidian Languagcs and Pula:r show 31so many resemblances.
I
They can be consider8c as being exclusively suffixal
languages :
juxtaposition ot suffixes exhibiting an impor-
I
tant process which enriches easily the languages.
A number
I
of suffixes arc found to be shar~d by both Dravidi~n and
Pula:r, namely derivative,
acljectivul,
interrogntive, neg;:.··
I
tive and tense suffixes.
Moreover these languag~s share
also many other grammatical aspects such as the lack of
I
relative pronoun and the relative scarcity of gCi1c.er (ir.
I
Primitive D.rqvidian) •
, ' !
:
. :
.
.
'.'
I
I,
~-
:'~;:"-

---

~
I
I
-
384 -
...
I
This situation obviously may lead us to think like
Berezin (1969:49)
that if the same grammatical meanings
I
arc expressec in the same grummatical forms in the compared
I
languages,
i t can be sure of their close relationship
b8cause the importance of grammatical criteria is that
I
words can be borrowed but gra~matical forms cannot.
, IV. 3. Comparative lexicology
!
Languages may be inferred to have genealogic~l relationship
if th~y possess large proportion of words or at least root
01erncnts of words h3ving correspondence in sh2yA,
0spesiQlly
in words designating comm~n objects like men,
relations,
animals,
parts of the body, elements,
trees atc; or
ex,ressing common actions or states like being,
eating,
drinking,
slee':'J.Llil.],
ascending,
descending, ploughing,
wc::aving etc.
I
However i t is true also that vocabulary is a shaky crit0ri·x
on which to base languag8 kinship,
though i t may be obsezved
r
that-there are certain basic w~rds like names of family
-relationships and numerals Which arc h~rdly ever borroVled.
r
Therefore, vocabulary is, by no means, an important f~c:oJ
in the comparison of languages in view of establishing
their relationship.
a -

---

I
':".~
- 385 -
I
...
This chapter will Qeal with common vccabulary
I
(i.e words and root -
elements of words, having n~re or
less correspondence in shape)
and referring to common
I
objects like kinship,
parts of the body, customs, ~iths
and beliefs,
death and existence,
aesthetics,
colours,
I
smells,
animals and birds,
calling for animals, places and
I
shelters,
instruments,
fruits and cereals,
sounds and
noises,
time; or denoting activities of the body, physical
I
and moral states,
interjections;
or making negation and
affirmation.
However i t is not claimed in this study, to
I
establish historical relationship on the basis of princip.l.€>~
I
of the comparative method,
viz. on the basis of internal aL...<
external reconstructions, but rathe~ to provide data for
I
further research worlc in the field of historical linguisti.cs~
The data dr~ ta~cn mostly frc~ the D~avidian Etymological
I
Dictionary
(DED)
and its supplement,
for thG Dravidian
I
purt.
The Pula:r datus are taken from the various dialects of
that language and as spoken at the present time in Senegal.
IV.3.1. Vocabulary referring tp_kinshiE and men
Dravidian
Pula:r
• aba
'father'
• ba:ba
'fathpr'
Kui
dialect of F.K
~f: N. Lahovary: 1963:204
also
- .")

---

•1
- 386 -
1
also
I· appa: 'FatherI
ba:b
, father'
Se:re:r
Ta.
(A Senegalese language
close to Pula:r)
1
.hummah
'mother I
.yumma
, mother'
1
Br.
cf:N. Lahovary
Dialect
:
1963
of
:201
Tuk.
1
• patti
• Pati
'female'
'old woman;
grandmother
I
-Br.
pa:tti
'old woman;
, Dialect
grand
of P.F
1
mother'
Ta.
I
rf : DED 3608
• bandhu
•
'relative'
bann~~ 'relative'
I
Ma.
Dialect of Tuk.
cf: M.K. Georae: 19~1:11
I
• bira
• mbiru
(Warrior,
(wrestler,
valiant)
generally
a strong and power-
I
ful
Ka.
person).
birudu (strong, capable
I
person
Dial.
Te.
of PK.
Virutan (hero, warrior)
I
Ma.
I
ef: Lahovary., 1963 : 194-95
• Payan (boy, male child)··
• paykun (child)
I
Ta.
Dial • of PF.
I
I
I

---

. ;!
,.
..:.
I
"
I
- 387 -
I IV.3.2. Vocabulary indicating places and shelters
• u:r
'village, place town'
• wuro 'villa ge,
town'
I
Ta.
Dial. of Tuk.
also
I
u:ru 'village, place'
Tu.
I
cf: DED 642.
I • Sa1r 'village'
• Sa:re 'village'
Br.
Dial.ofF.K
I cf: Andronov, 1977 66
I .u:tu (house)
.su:du (room, house)
Hindu Nadar Dialect of Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I cf: MA thesis Rgd. No.3960
A. Nagar,
1974.
I .Kit2 (dwell)
• ngida
(a dwell or a
shelter dug in the
Ta.
I
earth for animals)
cf: DED 1277
Dialect of FK.
I .ku ndu (hen coop)
ngu:nu (hen coop)
Ta.
Dialect of Tuk.
I
cf: Cheikh T. Ndiaye,
Ph.D
Thesis,
1977:67.
I .kuti (hut)
• kUdi
(grass which serves
to cOVer huts)
I Ma.
cf: DED 1379
Dialect of FK.
I
I
I
I

---

•I
-
388 -
.'....
I
..
• gutta (post in ahouse for
.geddu (a place in a house
I
tying buffaloes)
where goats and
Go. MU
sheep are tied)
cf: Cheikh T. Ndiaye, Ph.D
Dialect of F.K.
I
thesis: 1977 : 67.
• bayal
(open space,
field)
• bayal
(open space; field)
I
Dialect of FK.
Ka.
also
I
vayal (paddy field)
Ta.
I
cf: Cheikh T. Nadiaye, Ph.D
thesis: 1977
74.
I
.kada (edge, side)
• g3d~ (side, side of
river)
malto
I
Dialect of FK.
cf: DEDS 929
I
IV.3.3.
Vocabulary referring to parts of the body
• kut
(clitoris)
• kottu
(vagina)
I
ko.
Dial. of FK.
also
cf: DED 1704.
cot
wo.
(a senegalese langua-
ge of th e same
family)
cu:ttu (private part,
anus)
sutte
(anus)
Ta.
DiaL of FK.
cf : DED 2249
• cunni
(male organ)
sunninde 'to circumcise!
cut the prepuce of the
male organ'
Ta.
Dial. of PF.

---

11-' as In
I
.~
-
389 -
I
IV.3.4.
Vocabulary referring to myths and beliefs
I
• kule '
(ghost,
apparition)
• kulli :
(ghost, any
unprecise animal). Thin
Tu.
term is always used to
frighten children.
I
cf : DEDS 1598
Dial. of FK.
I
IV. 3.5.
Vocabulary referring to death and existence
• ma: y
(to di e)
• ma:y -
(die, perish)
I
TB.
ma :yde (death)
cf: DED 3946
Dial. of FK and Tuk.
I
.natu (to extingUish,
perish,
• nattu (de)
(to die,
I
die)
cease to live,
Ta.
extinguish)
ef
: DED 2964
Dial. of Tuk.
I
• uru (urr) to be
• wu:r (be, exist, live)
I
Ta.
also
Dial~ of Tuk.
and FK.
uru (to be,
exist)
Ka.
cf: DED 608
.
IV.3.6. Vocabulary referring to aesthetics
• cennu (beauty,
elegance,
• seni:
(that which is
grace)
elegant,
clea~)
Te.
cf: DED 1999
Dial. of FK.
I
• cakka (handsome)
• sa6~i (that which fits,
is handsome, correct)
Te.
I
cf: cheikh T. Ndiaye, Ph.D
thesis 1977 : 56.
Dial of FK.

---

I-srrfi *
I
-
390 -
I
• ka: ni
(bad)
• ka:ni
(ugly, bad)
I
Te.
Dial. of PF.
cf: DED 282.
I
IV.3.7. Vocabulary Denoting Colours
I
• ceyya
(to be red)
• coyy (specific adv.
deno-
ting total redness)"
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 1607
I
IV.
3.8. Vocabulary den0ting smells
I
.uri
(to snuff up)
u:r(de)
(smell,
snuff up
as smell).
cf: DED 2235
I
Dial. of FK. and Tuk.
IV. 3.9. Vocabulary referring to animals and birds
I
• na:g
(female buffalo calf)
• nagge
(cow)
Ko.
Dial. of FK. and Tuk.
I
also
also
na:ku (female calf)
na:k'L.. (cow)
I
Tu.
Se.
cf: DED 3010.
I
• a :mai
(turtle)
.amre (sg.) i
arne
(pl)
Ta.
I
turtle
Dial. of FK.
I
• cirra:
(squirrel)
•
ji:re (squirrel)
..
I
Kur.
Dial of F.K.
also
Jeri
(squirrel)
I
Ko.
cf: DED 2077.
I,
l··"."·<k

---

•I
- 391 -
''-,
I
Ko:nja (black faced monkey)
• go:nji (pI.) a kind of
monkey
I
Kui
also
go: fl (sg.)
I
Ko:nti (monkey)
Dial. of FK.
Ga.
(S)
I
cf: DED 1819.
•
I
kutti (young dog)
• Kuti
(young dog)
..
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf : DED 1390
• pi
•
tta
mbitta
(bird)
(a kind of pigeor)
I
Te., Ko., NK •.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DEDS 3418.
I
a. pura:
(pigeon,
• pu-:-a:lu
dove)
(a bird)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 3555
•
I
IV.3.10. Vocabulary denoting calling for animals
• ku:r
I
(a
•
call
ku:r
for
Ku:r
fowls)
(a calling for
fowls)
Kui"
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: Cheikh T. Ndiaye, Ph.D
thesis 1977:67.
I
• cu; (sound
• su:
uttered
(sound
in
uttered in
setting on
setting
dogs).
on dogs)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
-cf: DED 2241.
I
I
I
!
.........-

---

n S"th?f'tm
,
,
•
J
1
,
" !
I
392
I
I IV.3.11. Vocabulary concerning instruments
1. Musical instruments
I
• tama tama (drum)
• tama/tama:ru (a small
•
drum)
Te.
I
:::
cf: DED 2406
Dial. of FK.
Ii.
I
r
2. Instruments for agriculture
koflki (curved hoe)
• konko (a small curved hoe)
I
NK.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 1689
I
3. Fishing instruments
I
• pal
(net)
• rnba:la (fishing net)
To.
Di a1. of Tuk.
I
valla (net)
Ga- (S)
I
vala (net)
Ma.
I
ef: K.M. George : 1971:129
4. Other instruments
I
• ande l
{vessel}
• anda {vessel for putting
..
f
Dial.
Tu.
ofi~K:nse}
also
also
ande (vessel)
ande (vessel)
..
Ka.
Wo.
ef: DED 110
• pa:na (water,pot)
• pa:nu (large round watc~
:. ': pot)
.
Ma.
Dial. of FK.
also

---

•
I
-
393 -
'll;.;,.
I
pa:nay (large round water
pot)
I
Ta.
ef: DED 3394
It
• pa:5ak (sleeping mat)
• basal (sleeping mat)
Pre-ka.
Dial. of FK
I
ef: DED 3363
I
• datti (w~istband)
• dadi /
dadol (5g.)
..
(waistband)
Ka.
Dial of FK.
I
cf: DED 2465
I
IV.3.12. vocabulary referring to fruits and cereals
,
• mange
(mLmgo)
• mango (mange)
Ko.
Dio1. of Tuk.
ef: DED 3919
• ,ma :flgay:
(mango)
Ta.
• sonna (great millet)
• su:no (a kind of millet).
Kale
Diol. of FK.
ef : DED 2359
• mokka (maize)
• makJca (maize)
Go., Ko.
Dial. of Tuk.
cf: cheikh T. Ndiaye:
1977:32.
• andi (a germ of mangoes
• andere (a germ of millet
••
etc.)
etc. )
Tu.
· bial. of FK.
ef: DED 106.

---

•
I
-
394 -
r
!
- i,
I
IV.3.13.
Vocabulary denoting sounds and noises
I
• potupotu (to fall nQisely
• potupotu (to fall noisely , f .
as stones or fruit
one after another)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
c£: DED 3674
I
a. vav (barking)
• wow (barking)
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: DED 4328
• pata pata (to rattle)
• Patap 3 ta (to rattle)
I
·
.
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
also
pat pat
(<:lny rapid suc-
cession of
·
I
sounds)
Kur •.
ef:' DED 3178
I
• gunu gunu (mll r rm.1 ring)
• nunul'nlnu (murmuring)
I
•
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
ef: DED 1405
I
• kucukucu (to whisper)
• kusukusu (a feeble, hardl~..
ceptible noise
I
Ta.
cf: DED 1365.
r
• ku:ku:
(out cry)
• ku:ku:
(a kind of bird;
also the cry of
Ta.
that bird)
cf: DED 1551
Dial. of FK.
• gU?ugu (to ,thunder, roar)
• gudugudu (thunder, roar)
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 1382.

---

1 - - - - -
I
''-.,
- 395 -
I
• me:
(the bleuthing of
• me:
(the pleating of "
sheep or goats)
I
Ka. ,
diul. of FK.
cf
DED4174
I
• Vir (onomatopoeia refer-
• fir (sound made by a bird
I
ring to a bird that
that flies suddenl7)
flies suddenly and
fastly)
I
Ta.
Diul. of FK.
cf: Cheikh Tidi~ne
Ndiaye, 1977:194
I
cu:
(sound uttered in
• su:
(< *su:n-a:de)
setting on dogs)
I
Tu.
sound uttered in set+-·" "'Ir
on dogs)
I
cf: DED 2241
Dial. of FK.
IV. 3.14.
Vocabulury concerning nu..,.;rals
I
• na:nku (four)
• nuyi (four)
I
Tu.
Di&l. of FK. and Tuk.
cf: Lahovary, 1963:148
I
IV.3.15.
Vocabulary concerning flowers
• ta: mar ay (lotus)
• tammere (lotus)
I
Ta.
Dial. of F.i<.
cf: Tamil phonetic Reader,
I
p 12.
(Central Institute of
Indian Languuges,
I
Mysore).
I
I
I
I
•

---

1
• •7117115..3......'.'- - - - - - _....._ - - - - - - - - -
I
-
396 -
I
..
IV.3.16. Vocabulary referring to time
I
• Sarti (time)
•
sarti (time, given time)
Tu.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: DED 2033
I
• veti (to dawn,
1
break as day)
• we:t-(dawn, break as day}
•
Ta.
Dial. of FK. and Tuk.
I
cf: DED 4504
• pandi (antiquity, years
• fanti,
fani
(that which
I
••
past, former time)
is old, out-
dated)
Ko.
I
cf: DED 3296
Dial. of FK.
I
• 'ria:l
(to decline,· descend
• nallu(de)
(to decline as
. as the sun)
sun, be day
advanced) •
I
Ta.
cf: DED 2372
Dial. of FK.
I
IV.3.17.
Vocabulary referring to sizes and shapes
I
• kun
(adv.
denoting small-
• kun (small)
-Ko.
D ' 1 ness)
loa
•
I
o f . PF.
cf: DED 1371
• kutu (small piece of a
I
· kutu (small)
•
nut etc.)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: DED 1390.
..
• sewi
(that which is ema-
• cavu (emaciated)
I
ciated)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 1977.
I
I
f
I

---

LOs"..•'! ••
I
- 397 -
I
I • tollel (fat, stout)
dJ:le (fatness, strenght
••
fe>rec)
Tu.
Lial. of FK.
I
ef: DED 501 •
• ectti (a small bit, a
I • eittu (smallness)
..
very smalJ. part)
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
I
also
eittu (anything small)
.
I
Ta.
ef: DED 2073.
• ei:val (thinness of eloty)
I
_ eewal (thinness)
Ma.
DiCl L
of "P}C
ef: DED 2167
I
• kuntai .(shortness)
kunte (pl)
short pieces
I
as wood etc.
(sg) huntere
Ta.
also
I
Kunt3 (dwarf, short man)
Dial. of FK.
guntal (shol. ,-',
Kuntal (a big, short
:,ieee)
I
Ta.
ef: DEDS 1390.
I
• tippe (heap)
• ~ippere (R he~p. pile)
I
Ka.
",,):'_ al. 0 f FI(.
also
I
tippe (heap, pile)
Tu.
ef: DED 2641.
I
I
I
I
L

---

1--
I
-
398 -
I
IV.3.18. Vocabulary 'denoting physical and moral states
a)
Tireness
I
• eo:may
(fatigue)
• carnal
«
som (de)
'to be
tired' )
Te.
Dial. of FK.
I
also
Ta. somay (fatigue)
I
cf: DED 2352
b)
feelings
I
• gili (fear)
• huli
«
hul (de»
that
which is fearing.
I
Ka.
cf: DED 1309
kulol
(fear)
Dial. of FK. and Tuk.
I
• viIi
(to cry)
• wullu (de)
to cry
•
I
Ma.
Dial. of FK.
cf: ...DED 4460.
I
• o:lam (cry of lamentation)
• o:lannde
(shout, roar,
loud cry),
o:la:de (to cry)
Ta.
also
Ta. oli (to roar)
Dial. of FK.
ef:
DED 837.
IV.3.19.
Vocabulary concerning the human activities
a)
The activities of the mouth:
• kati (to bite)
.
• nat-
(bite)
Ta.
ef: DED 945
Dial. of FK.
eu :mpu (to suck,
fondle
•
sumb- (a: de)
(to sud:,
with the lips)
fondle as tobacco
powder in the mO'.lth)

---

I
I
-
399 -
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: M.B. Emeneau,
compara-
tive Dravidian Phonology,
21546
I • kappa (to bite)
• nappu (de)
(to cram into
the mouth)
I
Pe.
Dial. of FK.
also
I
kappu (to cram into the
mouth)
Ta.
I
cf: DEDS 1025
I
• mukku (to put any dry
• mu:k-(a:de)
(to put any
,grain into the
food into the "
,;
mouth and gobble
I
Ka.
also
also mokku (to eat greedily
mokk . (a: de)
(to eat
in large mouthfuls)
greedily in large
I
mouthfuls)
Ta.
I
cf: DED 4011
Dial. of FK.
I
• in- (to say)
inn (ude)
(to say,
tell,
call)
ko, kol,
SR
Dial. of PF.
I
I
• tupe
(to spi t)
• tu:pe (spittle)
malto
cf: DED'2725
I
Dial. of Tuk.
• kunukunu (to speak through
• flunuflunu
(murmuring)
the nose, to mur mur)
I
Ta.
Dial of FK.
cf: DED 1405
I
I
Jl

---

1 - - -
I
-
400 -
I
also
gunu gunu (murmuring)
I
•
•
Ka.
I
• gu:h- (to swallow)
• gu:h-a:de
(to put into
the mouth and swallow)
Te.
I
cf: DEDS 1539
Dial of FK
also
also
I
• gukka (a gulp)
• gu:hande
(a gulp)
Te.
Dial. of FK.
I
b)
The activities of the arms
I
• gutye
(to give a blow with
• gutte
(blows with the fis+-'
the fi st)
I
Halto
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 1536
I
(swing as the arms in
• wiccuru «
Nwicc-ude)
• vicUf:u
walking)
I
Ta.
the act of swinging as
the arms in walking or
also
throwing a fishing line
I
vi:ccu (throw,
swing)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 4479
I
• tappu (to strike, ~2at)
• tappu (de)
(to beat,
I
strike)
. lrula Dialect of Tamil
I
cf: A descriptive grammar
Dial. of FK.
of lrula Dialect, P 523
I
also
~appu (to beat gently as cloths)
Ta,
I
I
I~---------------~

---

•
I
\\",
- 401 -
I
c)
The activities of the legs:
I
• tatt (to leap)
• taddu (de)
(to leap,
jump)
,
Hindu Nadar Daial of Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: A Descriptive study of
Kanyakumari District.
I
.o:ttu
(running)
• doddu ( <:. '*dog-de) = runnin~
••
I"
-Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 877
I
d) The other activities of the body
• lel
(to lie down)
•
lel
(a: de)
(to be down,
I
to sleep)
Br.
Dial. of TUK.
I
cf: Cheikh T. Ndiaye, The
Relationship between the
pravidian lang and wolof
I
Ph.D dissertation,
Annamalainagar, 1977.
• take
(to touch)
" • takk
(a: de)
(to touch)
to
I
come in contact)
Malto
cf: DED 2434
Dial. of FK.
I
also
ta:kku (to come in contact)
I
Ta.
cf: DED 2570
I
• remmu (to pull out)
• rem(u)de
(to pUll out the
grass from a paddy field:
to cultivate)
I
Te.
(K)
cf : DED 4243
t

---

1--
I
.,'"-
-
403 -
I
• u:n
(to fix into the ground
• un-de (to crush, grind
by pressure)
I
fix into the ground)
Ko.
I
cf: DED 650
I
• viIi (to cry)
• wullu (de)
(to cry)
Ma.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 4460
I
I
.u:lu (to cry out)
Ka.
I
cf: DED 647
.
uru (urr)
to be
·
.
• wu: r
( de)
(to be, exi s t -
live)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
Ka. uru (to be, exist)
I
cf: bED 608
I
• tari
(to stop)
• dar-(a~Je)
(to stop, stand)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I, cf: DED 2522
• sonku (to catch,
attack)
• songu- (to catch, attack'
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 2346
• tonku (to hang, be dependent)
tongu (to prevent to go,
to hang)
Ta.
Dial of FK
cf: DED 2863
tonkal
(hanging)
tongal
(prevention of
going, hanging)

---

•••••_._7
-----II!!I-'!II!!!5--~-!!J--I!!III!!I!!!!m!!l.-· ......-
I
404 -
...
I
• coli (to strip off, peel off)
• soli «
sol-de): that
I
which is stripped off
Ta.
cf: DED 2336
Dial of FK.
I
• cende (to remove in small
• sendu (de'}
(to share,
quantities from a
remove from a whole in
I
heap)
smaller quantities)
Malto
cf: DED 2310
I
.ir- (to put down)
• ir(de)
(to put down into
something as mud etc.)
I
Pa.
also
I
Ta. iri (to drop down)
Dial. of FK.
.
.
cf : DED 426
I
• khuli.'(to fear)
~ huli (<: hul-de): that
whic~ is fearing
I
Br.
cf: DED 1501
kulol (fear)
Dial. of FK.
I
• ku:r- (to join, meet,
• hur (a:de)
(to surround
assemble come to-
join together and surround'
I
gether)
Kuwi (SU)
also Konda Ku:r (to come
I
Dial. of FK.
•
tOEJethe r)
cf: DEDS 1160.
I
(to cover)
• m:ur?
• mu:r (de)
(to cover)
•
I
Ma.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DEDS 802
I
• ma: ju (to di sappear)
• majju' (de)
(to disappear,
be lost)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
cf: DED 3940.
II

---

I
I
-
402 -
I • pir (quarrel, fight)
• pi:ro
(~ pi:r-de)= qu~r~
I
To.
fight
ef: DED 3908
Dial. of PF.
I
• na:tu (
to enter)
• na:t-(u) de
(to enter)
•
Te.
Dial. of PF.
I
ef: DED 2958
also na:t-de
(to enter)
Dial. of TUK.
I
• ma: y
(to di e )
• ma:y(de)
(to die, perish)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 3946
I
• ,maEEu (to hide)
• maru (de)
(to hide, keer'
Ta.
Dial. of PF.
I
cf: DED 3961
• kumi
(to gather)
• hum
,J.e)
(to tie, unite
I
by tying)
kumi
(Y.nots)
Ta.
Dial. 0f :
, P.K.
I
ef: DED 1449
I
• kuppu (to heap up)
• huppu(de)
(to pur, heap u;
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
ef: DED 1440
I
natu (to perish,
die)
• nattu (de)
(to die, perj j-
Ta.
Dial. of TUK.
I
ef: DED 2964
I
• na:nudi
(rumour, report
• nanu (de)
(to hear as
•
saying)
rumour,
saying)
Te.
I
ef: DEDS 3137
I

---

•.,._----
I
- 405 -
I
QV.3.20. Vocabulary referring to solitude
I
• onti (that which is, single,
• wonti:
(that which is alone,
••
soIl tary)
solitary)
I
Ta.,
wonta:de Ito be alone l
cf: DED 834
Dial. of FK.
I
IV.3.21.
Vocabulary denoting rumour
I
• na:nudi (rumour, saying
• nanu(de) to hear, know.
•
report)
by rumour
Te.
Dial. of PF.
I
cf: DEDS 3137
I
IV. 3.22.
Vocabulary denoting space
• pette
• pete (lump of rocks,
••
I
mountain)
Ka.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 3606
I
• ge:ri (street, passage)
• Ke: rol
f sg. )
(border,
boundary small passage be~­
I
ween fields)
Te.
Ke:ri
(pI)
also
Tu. Ke. ry (street)
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED'1669
• kada (edge, side)
• gada (edge, side, bank of
a river) •
Malto
cf: DEDS 929
Dial. of FK.

---

I
I
- 406 -
.'....
I
..
IV.3.23. Vocabulary referring to pronouns
I
· ya:m (obl. em-) we (excl. )
• en (we
incl.
)
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
I
also
To. em (we)
cf: DED 4231
I
a:n
(one who is mine)
~
•
-am
(suffix)
mine
I
Ka
Dial. of FK. and Tuk.
cf: DED 4243
I
IV.3.24. Vocabulary marking negation and affirmation
I
I. Negation
• alla
(no)
• ala:
(no)
I
Ma.
Dial. of Tuk.
cf: K~M George, Malayalam
also
Grammar and header,
: 21
I
ala:
(<: * was-de) = that
1971:21
which has not
also
I
Ka.
illa
(no)
ila (
a man who has
not)
I
;
cf: DED 2106
, II. denoting affirmation
• ate
(yes)
•
(h)
atte
(yes,
true)
Ma.
Dial. of FK.
cf: K.M. George, Halayalam
Grammar and Reader, p.
1971, /1.
• a:
(Yes)
• ha:
(yes)
kui
cf: lahovary,
1963:124
ha:
(yes)
Dial. of FK.

---

1--.
I
......
407 -
J
IV. 3.25. Terms referring to interjections
I
• a:
(ipterj expressing Wonder,
•
a:
(inter j. expr. wonder,
admiration, pity)
admiration, pity)
I
Ta.
Dial. of FK.
cf: DED 281
I
• ayyo
(interj.
expressing
• ayyo
(interj.
expr.
astonishment,
astonishrr.ent,
I
compassion)
compassion)
Ka.
cf: DED 780
Dial. of Tu.1<.
I
• kata
(interj.
expr.
distress,
• Kata:
(misfa!:"tune. distresc;'
I
displeasure)
Ka.
I
cf: DED 21
Dial. of FK.
General Conclusion
I
As alreCiOy noted,
comparison of the Dravir3.i?n Languages with
Pula:r show a number of contrasting features a~ ~he phonOlogical
and morphological level.'
Phonologically, retroflex and dental
consonants
(1, !, n, ~, t, ~)
which are found in most of the
•
Dravidian Languages,
are not available in the Pula:r phono-
logical system.
Moreover,
the implosives
(b,
cC }1 and t.hp. initial
prenasalized stops
(mb-, nd-, ng-)
found in Pula:r are not
there in the Dravidian Languages.
Morphologically,g~nder, case declensions, pronominal
suffixes' or personal terminations,
transitive st~fiy.es, ~on-
finite forms of the verb,
all,
characteristic grammatic?l

---

I
I
.''-.,
I
I
-
408 -
I
aspects of Dravidian,
constitute contrastive elements when
these languages are compared Vlith Pula:r.
I
Besides these differences,
there are number of phonologi·~
I
cal,
lexical and grammatical reser.blances found in the compared
languages, viz.,
derivative,
adjectival,
interrogative, negative
I
and tense suffixes.
I
This comparison forcibly leads US to take part in the
debate regarding the nature of the relationship that may exist
I
between the Dravidian and African Languages.
I
A few but significant grammatical correspondences, plus
a considerable number of similar morphemes and root-morphemes
I
as those found in this thesis,
constitute undoubtedly positive
I
and favourable elements towards the hypothesis already propose.]
by certain schol~rs +0 ~onnect Dravidian with African.
I
But, unless the exponents of this hypothesis work on the
basis of a solid linguistic research to produce convincing
I
results,
i t willbe certainly very premature to speak about
I
di ~ect genetic relationship, though similarities and affini~jo~
do really exist between the 'Dravidian Languages and some
I
African Languages like Wolof, Pula:r and Se:re:r.
t
A definitive answer to this question would be given with
the help of not only linguistic studies but also anthropologi-
cal, ethnographic,
archaeological and general historic
Considerations.

---

I-
I
I
- 409 -
I
IV. 4.
I N D E X
I
IV.4.1. I. Pula:r Vocabulary
ala:
no,
that has not
(Dial. of Tuk.)
I
am
mine
(Di al. of FK. and Tuk.)
I
amre
turtle
(Dial. of FK.)
anda
vessel for putting incense
(Dial. of FK.)
I
andere
germ of millet, maize etc.
(Dial of FK.)
ara:de
to have sexual intercourse
(as animals)
I
(Dial. of Fk.)
attam
first rain setting on the beginning of the
I
rainty season (Dial. of Tuk.)
atte
Yes,
true
(Dial. of FK. and TUK.)
I
ayyo:
interj. expr.
astonishment, compassion
(Dial. of Tuk)
a:
interj. expr. wonder,
pity,
admiration
(Dial.
of FK.
and Tuk.)
banda
: re~ative, cousin (Dial. of Tuk)
bas.al.
sleeping mat (Dial. of FK.)
bayal
open space, uncultivated field (Dial. of FK.)
ba:ba
father
(Dial. of FK. andTuk.)
ca:bi
: key (Dial. of FK.)
cetti
a very little bit (Dial. of FK.)
. cewal
thinness
(Dial of FK.)
cornal
fatigue
(Dial. of FK)
coyy
adv.
denoting total redness
(Dial. of Fk).
dadol
waistband; dadi -(pI)
(Dial. of FK.)

---

1-----
I
-
410 -
I
I dara:de
to stop
(Dial. of FK.)
da:ka:de
to stay somewhere for a long time,
to live·
(Dial. of FK.)
I doddu
running
(Dial. of FK)
I do: le
strenght,
force
(Dial. of FK. and TUK.)
en
we
(incl.)
(Dial. of FK.)
I fani xX
old, outdated (Dial. of FK.)
fanti X
I gacfa
: side, bank of river
(Dial. of FK.)
ga :wol
(sg.)X
I
X: big hole
(Dial. of FK. )
ga:wi
(pI)
X
11
go:flru
a kind of monkey
I
11
gudugudu
: to thunder, roar
gutte
(pI.) :blows wit¥ the fist
(
11
I
11
to gulp,
swallow
)
I gu:h a: de
11
gu:tu
a secret anger
)
hadda:de
to tie around the waist
Dial. of FK)
I
habbude
to tie,
join by tying
(Dial. of FK)
ha:
I
yes
(Dial. of FK)
hulde
to fear
(Dial. of FK)
I
It
humde
to tie
huntere
a short piece (Dial. of FK.)
I
huppude
to heap up, pour (Dial. of FK.)
I innude
to tell, say (Dial. of PF.)
irde
to put down into
(Dial.
of FK.)
I ittude
to remove,
share
(Dial. of FK.)
I
I
L - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . - - -

---

• •'
• • 0
Mc'
I
I
- 411 -
I
ittande
to portion out (Dial. of FK.)
jalde
to laugh
(Dial. of FK.)
I
ji:re
squirrel
( Dial. of FK.)
I
kallu
road (originally made of stones)
(Dial. of FK.)
kara
dry wood sticks to for making fire
(Dial. of FK.)
I
kata
misfortune
(Dial. of FK.)
ka: ndi
milk
of a cow that has claved (Dial. of FK.)
I
ka:ni
ugly, bad (Dial of PF)
I
kedde
what is left, remains
(as food etc.)
(Dial. of FK.)
kele
I
ke :rol
ke:ri
(pI)
I
Kolce
hoofs
(Dial. of FK.)
I
Konko
curved hoe
(Dial. of FK.)
kottu
vagina,
iemale organ
(Dial of FK.)
ko:ce
over cookedfOofl sticking at the saucepan
( Dual. 0 f FK.)
ko:li
a kind of tree
(Dial. of FK.)
kubbol
coiffure
(female)
(Dial. of FK .. )
kudude
to beat with the first
(Dial of PF.)
kUch
grass with vlhich huts are covered (DiaL of FK.:
kumpa
curiosity, what is kept in secret and curiosity
(Dial. of FK.)
preposition denoting
smallness
(Dial. of PF.)
Kusu..lcusu
faint noise, murmur, whisper (Dial of 'FK.)
Kunte
small, short pieces (Dial of FK)
---------------

---

I-
I
- 412 -
.'~
I
kuti kuti
: a call for a young dog
(Dial of FK)
I
kutu
a small piece (Dial of FK)
cry of a
I
ku:ku:
a surq!bird (Dial of FK)
ku:ral
gathering around,
coming together (Dial. of FK.)
I
ku:r ku:r
a caJ.l for fowls
(Dial.
Of F~.)
lela:de
to lie down
(Dial of Tuk.)
I
makka
maize
(Dial of TUK.)
I
majjude
to disappear, get lost
(Dial. of FK.)
manda
anything that covers the head (Dial. of FK.)
I
mango
mango
(Dial. of FK.)
marude
to hide
(Dial. of PF.)
I
ma:y
die
(Dial. of FK.)
I
ma:yde
death
(Dial of FK.)
me:
the bleating of goats,
sheep (Dial. of FK)
I
ro.e :yde
to =oam (~ial. of FK.)
mu:ka:de
to put into the mouth and gobble
(Dial. of FK.)
I
mu:rde
to .... -.-er (Dial. of FK. ?nd Tuk.)
I
nagge
: cow (Dial of FK. and Tuk.)
113.kkude
to stick (Dial. of FK.)
I
nanude
to hear,
learn by rumour
(Dial. of FP)
nattude
to die,perish (Dial. of Tuk.)
I na:tude
-
: to enter (Dial. of Tuk.)
I nallude
to decline.
dp.scen~ as the sun (Dial. of FK.)
: to be spoiled as food,
meat etc.
(Dial. of FK.)
I f:appude
to bite, cram into the mouth
(Dial. of FK.)
I
I
••

---

I
I
-
413 -
I
..
natde
:to bite
(Dial. of FK. and Tuk.)
I
flunufmnu
murmuring
(Dial. of FK.)
okkude
to give, offer (Dial. of FK.)
I
o:la:de
to shout, cry out (Dial. of FK.)
I
patapata
to rattle
(Dial. of FK.)
pati
old woman
(Dial. of PF.)
I
pa:nu
water pot
(Dial. of FK.)
pete
lump,
rocks, mountain
(Dial. of FK.)
I
pi:ro
fight,
quarrel
(Dial. of PF.)
I
potupotu
: to fall noisely (Dial. of FK.)
pura: 1'1
bird,
a kind of pigeon
(Dial. of FK.)
I
remude
to cultivate, pull out grass from the field
(Dial. of FK.)
I
safi
tasty
(Dial. of FK.)
I
sarti
time,
time fi.,.<:ed (Dial. of F"..... )
sa:re
village, place
(Dial. of FK.)
I
sa;Yde
to cancel, abandon,
disappear
(Dial. of FK.)
somde
to get tired (Dial. of FK.)
sunninde
to circumcise (Dial. of PF.)
su:du
room, house
(Dial. of FK.)
su:na
a kind of millet (Dial.
of FK.)
tadcfude
to leap,
jump (Dial. of FK.)
taggude
to roll,
draw back (Dial.
of FK.)
takka:de
to touch, come in contact (Dial. of FK.)
tappude
to beat,
strike
(Di al. of FK.)

---

I
I
-
414 -
.~
I .
tama
a kind of small drum (Dial. of FK.)
I tata
a kind of fort,
a wall to resist
(Dial. of FK.)
tikkude
I
to get anrJ
(Dial. of Tuk.)
tippere
heap
(Dial. of FK.)
tongude
I
to ~etain, hang as animals (Dial of TK.)
tongal
prevention of going, hanging
(Dial. of FK.)
I tokkude
to tie,
form a knot (Dial. of FK.)
tu:pe
I
spittle
(Dial. of Tuk.)
ukkude
to put inside (Dial. of PF.)
unde
I
to ~ind (Dial.) of FK.)
u:be
big rains
(Dial. of FK.)
I u:rde
to smell
(Dial. of FK.)
we:t(de)
I
to dawn, breaks as day
(Di~l. of FK.)
wiccude
to throw (as the arms in walking)
(dial. of FK.)
wi :rde
I
t':: fly
(Dial of PF.)
wonta:de
to be alone,
solitary
(Dial. of FK.)
I wow
barking (Dial. of FK.)
wullude
I
to cry
(Dial. of FK.)
wuro
village, place
(Dial. of Tuk.)
wutte
I
dress
(Dial. of FK.)
wu:rde
to live, be, exist (Dial. of FK. and Tuk.)
I birochm
milk
(Dial. of FK.)
mba:la
I
: fishing net (Dial. of Tuk.)
mbitta
a kind of pigeon
(Dial. of FK.)
I
I
I

---

1----
I
- 415-
I
nda
take
(Dial. of Tuk.)
I
ngu:nu
: hen coop (Dial. of TUk.)
I IV.4.2. 11. DRAVIDIAN VOCABULARY
I IV.4.2.1. Tamil
attam
motion DED 289
••
I a:
interjection expressing wonder,
admiration,
pity DED 281
I
turtle
a:ppu
tie, bardage DED 4227
I cavi
taste DED 1981
cavu
emaciated DED 1977
I
ca:vi
key
I ceyya
to be red DED 1607
cittu
anything small DED 2073
I
coli
to strip off, peel off DED 2336
I cunni
male organ
• •
cu:
sound uttered in setting on dogs DED 2241
I cu:mpu
to suck 2154 b
(Emeneau,
1970)
cu:ttu
anus
DED 2249
I
iri
to drop down DED 426
•
I kakku (kakki) : whooping cough DED 909
.
kappu
to cram into the mouth
I kati
to bite DED 945
•
kita
dwell DED 1277
I
•
ko:li
:
tree DED 1867
,
I
IL
~

---

I-
I
oJi..
- 416 -
I
..
I
kucukucu
to whisper DED 1365
kumi
to gather DED 1449
I
kuntai
shortness DEDS 1390
kunukunu
to murmur DED 1405
I
kutu
small DED 1390
•
I
kUl-ku:
young dog DED 1390
0
ku:-ku:
outcry DED 1551
I
ku:ndu
hen coop DED, p~, 1563
head,
skull 3831, Emeneau, 1970)
I
mantai
ma:ngay
mango DED 3919
I
marru
to hide DED 3961
ma: ju
to disappear DED 3940
I
ma:y
to die DED 3946
to roam DED 4179
I
me:y
nakku
t~ 1:8k (2945, Emeneau: 19,0)
I
natu
to perish, die DED 2964
na:nku
four
- na:l
to decline, descend as the sun DED 2372
oli
to roar DED 837
onti
one who is alone,
that which is single DED 834
• •
ottu
running DED 877
••
patapata
to rattle DED 3178
•
•
pay an
boy, male child
pa:tti
: old female DED 3608
••

---

1--------
I
.~
- 417 -
I
pi :ram
: mother's milk DEDS 3465
I potupotu
to fall noisely as fruit one after another
DED 3674
I pu.;:a:
pigeon DED 3555
somay
fatigue DED 2352
I
takku
to live in a place DED 2443
I
tappu
to beat gently (A descriptive grammar of
Irula,
Dialect P 523 Ph.D dissertation,
Annamalainagar, 1976).
I
tari
to stop
DED 2522
I
ta:kku
to come in contact
DED 2570
ta:maray
lotus
cf: A Tamil Phonetic Reader p.12.
I
tokku
to assemble,
form as a whole
DED 2861
tofJ.ku
to hang
DED 2863
I
toflkal
hanging
DED 1863
I
uri
to sI,uff up
DED 2235
uru
to be
DED 608
I
utai
clothes
DED 502
u:r
village, place, town
DED 642
I
u:ru
to ooze
DED 648
I
varu
to come DED 4311
veti
to dawn DED 4504
I
•
vicuru
swing (as the arms in walking)
DED 4479
I
virtu
valour
(lahovary, 1963
: 194-95)
vi:ccu
: throw
DED 4479
I
I
l

---

I
I
- 418 -
'''<..
I ~
Hindu Nadar Dialect of Tamil:
, tappu
to strike, beat
cf: A descriptive study of
the Hindu Nadar Dialect of
tatt
to leap
Tamil p. 42.
I
IV.4.2.2. Malayalam
I
alla
no (K.M. George, 1971
:
21)
I
ate
yes
(K.M. George, 1971
: 1)
bandhu
relative
(K.M. George,
1971
11)
I
ci:val
thinness of cloth DED 2167
kallu
stone
(K.M. George,
1971 :
25)
I
kuntan
cripple
DED 1408
I
kuti
hut
DED 1379
•
I
manta
skull
(3831, Emeneau
1970)
• •
mur
to cover
DED 802
I
pa:na
water pot DED 3394
-it
I
tata
resistance; what impedes DED 2460
•
vala
net (K.M. George,
1971 : 129)
I
vili
to cry DED 4460
I
virutan
hero, warrior (Lahovary, 1963
194 - 95).
I
IV.4.2.3. Kannada
aduppu
: to squeeze, to be depressed
I
ayyo
interj. expr. com9assion, astonishment
a:n
one who is mine
I
I
Itz---------...-----------·

---

1---.
,
I
- 419 -
- ''I,.
I
open space, field (Cheikh T. Ndiaye,
1977: 74
bayal
Ph.D thesis)
I
warrior, valiant (Lahovary, 1963": 194 -
95
bira
I
flesh
(Lahovary,
1963 : 194 -
95)
ba:du
1
calla
augher
DED 1962
I
smallness
DED 2073
·.
cittu
I
waistband
DED 2455
·.
datti
sexual union
DED 430
dengu
I
huge belly
DED 501
dollu
• •
I
fear DED 1308
gili
to thunder
DED 1382
gudu
I
gunugunu
· .
: murmuring
DED 1405
guttu:
a secret DED 1393
I
·.
rain
DED 648
?ubbe
I
a cow that has calved
DED 1187
kandi
kata
interj. expr. distress
DED 21
I
to drop
DED 1277
kede
•
I
union,
friend
DED 1678
kele
•
to heap up
DED 1440
kuppu
I
the bleating of sheep DED 4174
me:
to put any dry grain and gobble
DED 4011
mukku
sleeping mat
DED 3363
pa:sak
1 ump
DED 3606
pette
• •
that has taste, savoury
DED 1981
savi

---

1 - - - - - -
I
.....
- 420 -
I
.,.
soflku
tocatchj attack
DED 2346
I
tikku
to treat harshly
DED 2525
I tippe
heap
DED 2641
udu
to put a dress round the waist and fasten there
•
by tucking
I ulu
to cry out
DED 647
•
I uro
to be,
exist
DED 608
vav
barking
I
IV.4.2.4. Telugu
I
birudu
strong, capable pers'Jr~ (T...J-=lrll""1""'iry: 1963: 194-95)
I cakka
handsomp.
(Cheikh T. Ndiaye,
1977: 56 Ph.D thesis)
cennu
beauty, grace
DED 1999
I ge:ri
street, passage
DED 1669
gu:h-
to swallow
D:DS
1539
I karra
wuod,
stick
DED 1169
• •
I ka:ni
bad
DED 282
natu
to enter
DED 2958
•
I
na:nudi
rumour,
repo rt
DEDS 3137
I oggu
to offer,tb give
DED 606
pitta
bird
DEDS 3418
• •
I
remmu
to pull out
DED 4243
I so:ma
fatigue
DED 2352
taggu
: to draw back,
reduce
DED 2597
I tama tama
a drum
•
•
I
I
I

---

I
I
- 421 -
I
I ande
vessel
DED 110
• •
andi
a germ of mangoves etc.
DED 106
I
..
birdu
a strong person
•
I
gavi
hole
DED 1119
I gumpu
secret
DED 1389
ke:ry
street, lane
DED 1669
I kule
ghost,
apparition
DEDS 1598
kunte
dwarf,
short man
DED 1390
I
na:ku
female calf
DED 3010
I
noli
anything glutinous
DED 2397
Sarti
time
DED 2033
I
tippe
heap, pile
DED 2641
tolle
fat,
stout
L~D 501
I
IV.4.2.6. Kota
I
ar
have sexual intercourse
I
.
guntal
short
DED 1390
in-
to say
I
Jeri
squirrel
DED 1607
kolk
hoof
DED 1519
I
•
kun
small
DED 1371
I
kut
clitoris DED 1704
•
I
I
IL-
..-
..

---

I
I
- 422 -
mokka
maize
I
..
na:g
female buffalo calf
DED 3010
I
pandi
antiquityl years past
DED 3296
• •
u.c.
to pour away
DED 480
I
u:n
to fix into the ground
DED 650
I
vav
barking
IV.4.2.7. KUI
I
a:
yes
(Lahovary, 1963 : 125)
I
hu:bbu:
coiffure (female)
DEDS 1755
ko:nja
black-faced monkey
DED 1819
I
ku:r
to assemble
DEDS 1160
I
IV .4.2.8.
Halto
aba
father (Lahovary, 1963 : 2u4)
I
cende
to remove in small quantities
I
gutye
to give a blow with the fist
DED 1536
kada
edge, side DEDS 929
I
take
to touch DED 2434
tube
to spit
DED 2725
I
ite
to divide
(As a share)
I
IV.4.2.9. Kurux
•
I
cirra:
squirrel
DED 2077
• •
ittna:
to portion out
DED 391
I
konko
shaped like a hook
DED 1689
I
I
It.
~.._..
~__~D

---

I
I
- 423 -
I
..
IV.4.2.10. Naiki
I
konki
curved hoe
DED 1689
kucce
cooked vegetables
DED 1467
I
pitta
..
bird
DEDS 3418
I
sa:y-
to leave, abandon
DED 2028
I
IV.4.2.11. Brahui
hummah
mother
(Labovary,
1963
201)
I
khuli
to fear
DED 1501
lel
to lie down (Cheikh T. Ndiaye, 1977
I
Ph. D. thesis)
patti
..
female
DED 3608
I
sa'r
village (Andronov, 1977 : 66)
I
ura
town, place (Labovarj.
1963 : 217)
I
IV.4.~.12. Pengo
kappa
to bite
DED 1025
I
IV. 4.2.13. Toda
I
pir
quarrel,
fight
DED 3708
em
we' (excL)
DED 4231
I
IV.4.2.14. Kolami
I
sonna
great millet
DED 2359
sa:y-
to leave, let go,
release DED 2028
I
I
I
I
•
..,
I
F

---

I
I
-
424 -
.J.fr...
I
IV.4.2.15.
Gondi
(Ph)
khudda:
a blow
DED 1536
I
IV.4.2.16. Konda
I
ku:r-
to join, come together, meet
DEDS 1160
I
IV. 4.2.17. Parji
I
ir-
to put down
DED 426
I
IV.4.3.
I l l .
COMMON
VOCABULARY
I
Mal to.
aba
·father
Ta.
appa:
: id.
I
Te.
ba:ba
id.
Pula:r
ba:ba
father
I
Ka.
aduppu
to ~queeze, compr~~s, to be depressed
I
Pula:r
duppude
to be breathless, to squeeze
Ma.
alIa
no
I
Pula: r
alIa:
no,
that has not
I
Tu.
ande
vessel for putting toddy
Pula:r
anda
vessel
for putting incense
I
andi
germ of mangoes etc.
••
I
Pula:r
andere
:~rm of millet, maize etc.
Ko.
ar
to have sexual intercourse
I
•
Pula:r
ara:de
I
I
I

---

I
I
1
I
425 -
. ...
~
I
Ma.
ate
yes
I
Pula:r
atte
yes, true
I
Ta.
attam
motion
I
Pula:r
attam
first rain indicating the beginning
of the rainy season.
Ka.
ayyo:
interj. expr.
astonishment, compassion:
I
,also Ta.
ayyo : interj expr. wonder,
admiration astonishment.
I
Pula:r
'ayyo:
interj. expr. admiration,
compassion
Ta.
a:
interj. expr. wonder,
admiration, pity
I
pula:r
interj. expr. admiration or pity.
I
Ta.
a:mai
turtle
Pula:r
amre
turtle
I
Ka.
a:n
one who is mine
Pula:::
am
mir: .?
I
Ta.
a:ppu
tie, bandagG
I
Pula:r
habbude
to tie
Ma.
bandhu
relative
I
Pula:r
banda
11
Ka.
bayal
open space; also Ta. vayal : field
I
pula:r
bayal
open space,
uncultivated field
I
Ka.
ba:du
flesh
...
Pula:r
banndu
: body
I
Ka.
bira
: warrior, valiant: also Te. birudu:
strong,
capable person
I
'Pula:r
mbiru
: wrestler, ~liant person
Te.
cakka
: handsome
I
I

---

I
I
-
426 -
"'=i..
.1
Pula :r
sanni
that which fits beautifully
I
Ka.
calla
laugher
Pula:r
jal (de)
to laugh
I
Ta.
cavi
taste
\\t
Pula:r
safi
tasty
I
Ta.
(Dial.)
caytta:n
devil
I
Pula:r
seytta:n
devil
Ta.
ca:vi
key
I
Pula:r
ca:bi
:key
Halto
cende
to remove in small quantities
I
Pula:r
I
sendude
to share,
remove in quantities
I
Te.
cennu
beauty, grace,
elegance
Pula:r
senna :de
to be gracefull, elegant, clean,
elegance conscious.
I
Ta.
ceyya
I
Pula:r
coyy
adv. denoting complete redness
I
Kur.
cirra
squirrel
Pula:r
ji: re
squirrel
I
Ta.
cittu
anything small: also Ka. cittu
smallness
I
Pula:r
cetti
: anything small, a very little bit.
I
Ma.
ci:val
:thinness of cloth
Pula:r
cewal
thinness
I
Ta.
coli
to strip off, peel off
11
11
Pula:r
solde
I
I
I
Im----------------==_rd

---

I
I
- 427 -
I
Ta.
cunni
..
male organ
I
Pula:r
sunninde
to circumcise
Ta.
cu:
sound uttered in setting on dogs
I
Pula:r
su:
sound uttered in setting; su:na:de:
to utter sound in setting on dogs
I
Ta.
cu:mpu
to suck
Pula:r
sumba:de
I
to suck (as tobacco powder)
Ta.
cu:ttu
annus
I
Pula:r
sutte
anus
Ka.
datti
waistband
I~
Pula:r
dadol
waistband
.:.. I
..... _..
Ka.
dengu
sexual union
Pula :r
dingude
to erect, have sexual desire
I
Ka.
dollu
hug'
belly
..
I
Pula:r
do:le
force,
strenght,
fatness
I
Tu.
gavi
hole
Pula:r
ga:wol
:big hole
I
Te.
ge:ri
street, passage
Pula:r
ke:rol
small passage which serves as a
I
boundary between two parts.
Ka.
gili
fear
I
Pula :r
hulde
to fear; kulol.
fear; huli
that
which fears
I
Ka.
gudu
to thUJ."'1der
I
I
l~s.-$__2__&__..2
_ _

---

1 -
I
-
428 -
I.
pula:r·
gudugudu
thunder,
roar
I
Tu.
gwnpu
secret
I \\ Pula:r
kumpa
curiosity,
that which is kept
secret
I
Ko.
guntal
short
Pula:r
kuntal
a short piece
I
Ka.
gunugunu
murmuring
Pula:r
nunuhunu
murmuring
I
Ka.
gu,ttu:
secret
I
Pula: r
gu:tu
a secret anger
Malto
gutye
to give a blow with the fist
I
Pula:r
gutte
blows with the fist
Te.
gu:h-
to swalloVl
I
Pula :r
gu:ha: de
to put into the mouth and gobble
I
Kui
hu:bbu:
Pula:r
hubbude
to make a female coiffure
Br.
hummah
~ther
Pula: r
yumma
mother
Ko.
in-
to say,
tell
Pula: r
innude
to tell,
say
Ta.
iri
to drop down;
al so P a.
ir: --to-
put down.
•
Pula:r
irde
to put down
Malto
ite
to divide
Pula:r
ittande
to share, portion out
I
Kur.
ittna:
to portion out
I, ,
0-
I

---

- - - - - - ' - --,.-
1 - - - - ·
I
- 429 -
.,~
I
Pula:r
ittude
:to remove
(as share)
"
;>
I
,.'
Ko.
Jeri
squirrel
pula:r
j i: re
squirrel.
I
Malto
kada
edge, side
Pula: r
gacfa
side,
edge I
I
Ta.
kakku
.
whooping cough
I
ka:ki
cough,
cold
Ma.
kallu
stone:
also Ta. Kallu : stone
I
Pula:r
kallu
road (generally made of stones)
Ka.
kandi
a cow that has calved
I
Pula:r
ka:ndi
milk of a cow that has calved
I - Pe.
Kapp9.
to bite;
also Ta. kappu : to
cram into the mouth
Pula:r
flappude
to bite, <re: "I into the mouth
I
Te.-
Karra
wood
I
Pula :r
kara
dry sticks for making fire
Ka.
kata
interj.
expr.
distress
I
Pula:r
kata:
misfortune
I
Ta.
kati
to bite
11
Pula :r
flatde
I
Te.
ka:ni
bad
Pula:r
Ka:ni
bad, ugly
I
Ka.
kede
to drop
I
Pula: r
kedd:.. e
that which remains,
is left,
dropped
I
Ka.
kele
union,
friend
I
!
l

---

I
I
.'...
- 430 -
I
I
Pula:r
Kele
:boy or girl friend
Tu.
ke:ry
street, lane
I
Pula:r
ke:rol
small passage used as boundary
between fields.
I
Ta.
kita
swell
Pula:r
ngid~
a dwell dug into the earth
I
(for animals)
Ko.
Kolk
hoof
•
I l Pula:r
kolce
hoofs
Ta.
I
ko:li
tree
Pula:r
kO:li
a kind of tree
I
Kur.
konko
shaped like a hook;
also NK •.
Konki: curved hoe
I
Pula:r
konko
a small cULv2d hoe
Kui
ko:nja
black -- faved monkey
I
Pula:r
~'c: f_~·u.
a kind of monkey
I Go.
khudda:
Pula :r
kudude
to give a blow with the fist
I Br.
khuli
fear
Pula:r
kulol
fear
I NK.
kucce
cooked vegetables
I Pula:r
ko:se
over cooked food sticking at
the bottom of the cooking vessel.
Ta.
kucukuce
I
to whisper
Pula: r
kusukusu
undistinguished noise
I Tu.
kule'
ghost,
appartion
I
I
•

---

I
I
- 431 -
I
Pula:r
kulli:
apparition
I
Ta.
kumi
together
PUla:r
kumol
knot,
joining by a knot
I
Ko.
kun
small
Pula: r
I
kun
I
adv.
denoting smallness
..
Ta.
kuntai
shortness: also Tu. kunte : dward,
I
shortman : ma. kuntan a cripple
..
Pula:r
kunte
short pieces. (as of wood etc.)
I
Ta.
kunukunu
to murmur
Pula:r
flunur'lunu
to rr.urmur
I
Ta.
ku:ndu
hen-:-·:oop
I Pula:r
ngu:nu
hen coop
Kui
ku:r
to asseMble: also konda ku:r
to
I
come togeth~r, join • •
Pula:r
I
h1.1 ~ r~ ~ de
to assemble around, to come
together around,
to surround
Br.
lel
I
to lie down
Pula:r
lela: de
to lie down
I Ma.
manta
skull;
21so Ta. mantai : head,
skull
Pula:r
manna
anything
I
that covers the head
It
(for males)
I
f
Ta.
marru
to hide
I
It Pula:r
~
marude
I
to hide
t
I ~ Ta.
ma:ju
to di sappear
Pula:r
I
majjude
to disappear, get lost
I
I
•

---

'.
t~
i··

---

.....
I
,
-
433 -
I ..
I
Pula:r
nancde
to hear,
learn by rumour
. ,
I i Ta.
na:l
I
to decline as the sun
I
Pula:r
nallude
to decline as the sun
I
Tu.
noli
anything glutinous
Pula;r
[{oIde
to be rotten
I
Te.
oggu
to give, offer
I
Pula: r
okkude
to give, offer
Ta.
011
to roar
I
Pula:r
o:la:de
to roar
Ta.
onti
I
..
that which is alone, SOlitary
Pula:r
wonti:
that which is alone, solitary
I Ta.
ottu
..
running
I Pula:r
dOddu
running
Ko.
pandi
..
antiquity, years past
I PUla: r
fanti
outdated,
old
I Ta.
patapata
to rattle
Pula:r
patapata
to rattle
I Br.
patti
••
female; also Ta. pa:tti: old woman
I Ta.
payan
male child
PUla:r
paykufl
: a child
I Ma.
pa:na
a large round water pot
Pula:r
pa:nu
I
a large rOund water pot
Ka.
pa:sak
sleeping mat
I
I
•

---

.J=.
- 434 -
..
Pula:r
basal
sleeping mat
f
l
Ka.
pette
lump
..
~it
I
To.
pir
quarrel,
fight
Pula:r
pi :ro
quarrel,
fight
~I~
I
t.
Te.
pitta
bird; also NK. pitta
bird
~
• •
I
Pula:r
mbitta
a kind of pigeon
Ta.
pi :ram
mother's milk
I
Pula :r
birodam
milk
I
Ta.
potupotu
to fall noisely
,Ii
Pula:r
potupotu
to fall Doisely
~.
I
Ta.
pura:
pigeon
I
Pula:r
pura: lu
a kind of pi.geon
\\
I
l
Te.
rernmu
to pull out
!-
1
(as
in
field)
I Pula:r
remde
to putt out
grass
a
iI
I
Tu.
sarti
time
I
I Pula: r
sart~
time fixed
I'
t-
i .
Ka.
savi
that has taste, s~voury
r .
I Pula:r
safi
tasty
I-.,I-
Br.
sa'r
village
I
!
r.
Pula:r
sa:re
village
:,
I Kole
sa:y
to leave,
abandon:
also NK.
r
sa:y-:
to abandon, nelease
l:,;
--~-
I Pula:r
sa:yde
to cancel, abandon
'"~~:.
...'........
Te.
somay
fatigue;
also Te.
so:ma: fatigue
I
I
I

---

I
I
- 435 -
'<..
..
I Pula:r
somde
to be tired;
comal :
tirness,
fatigue.
I
Kol.
sonna
great millet
Pula: r
su:na
a kind of millet
taggu
to draw back, reduce
I
Te.
Pula:r
taggude
to draw back, reduce
takku
I
Ta.
to live in a place
Pula:r
da :ka: de
to live in a place,
stay
I Te.
tamatama
drum
tama
i
a small drum
I Pula:r
lI c.
t
.
t .'
Ta.
tappu
to beat,
strike
I Pula:r
tappude
to beat
tari
to stop
I Ta.
I\\
Pula:r
dara: de
to stop
tatt
to leap
I Ta.
Pula: r
tacfdude
to leC'p
I Ma.
tata
resistance, what impedes
•
tata
fortification
(for resistance)
I Pula: r
Ta.
ta:kku
to come in contact
I ~ Pula:r
takka:de
:to touch,
come in contact
ta:maray
lotus
I Ta.
.~
Pula:r
tammere
lotus
tikku
to treat harshly
I Ka.
Pula:r
tikkude
to get angry
I Ka.
tippe
heap, pile; also Tu. tippe : to
heap up.
I
I
I

---

-..
.....
_~
-
436 -
(
Pula:r
tippere
heap, pile; also Tu. tippe : to
heap up
Tu.
tOlle'
stout,
fat
l ~ Pula:r
do:le
force,
strenght
,.;.
Ta.
tokku
to assemble, form as a whole
,
l
,
Pula: r
tokkude
to tie,
form as a whole by tying
Ta.
,tongal
hanging; tongu : to hang
I
Pula:r
tongude
to prevent to gOi
to hang,
tie,
tongal
retain
I
prevention of going, hanging,
retaining.
Ka.
udu
put a dress round the waist and
I
fasten there.
Pula:r
hadda:de
put a dress round the waist and
I
fasten there
Ka.
ulu
to cry out
I
Pula :r
vlUllude
to cry
I Br.
ura
town, place
Pula: r
wuro
town, place
I
Ta.
uri
to snuff up
I Pula:r
u:rde
to snuff up,
smell.
Ta.
uru
to bei also ka. uru: to be
I
Pula:r
wu:rde
to be, exist,
live
I Ta.
u:r
village, place, town
•
I Pula:r
wuro
village, place, town
Ko.
u:n
to fix into the ground
Ipula':r
unde
to grind,
let fall on the
ground by pressure
I
I-

---

I
1
.':(..
I
-
437 -
I
. ,
,.
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I

---

- ---
---- -- -- -
- -_._-----~-
!
-
438 -
I
I
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I
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i
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Greenberg
(J.)
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.'.....
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a
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~.
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---

'...
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I
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---

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IIIi·..
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..
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I
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....
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....
..
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11
Descriptive grammar of Kurumba, Ph"!
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I
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f
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i~.
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i
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r -
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I
I
I
I•

---

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.~
Perialwar (R.)
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t
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Document Outline

• CS_00314v1
• CS_00314v2

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